CAPTAIN LANCASTER DISTINGUISHES HIMSELF
On the 20th of February the two ships were ready for sea. “We went
all aboord our ships, shot off our ordnance, and set sayle to the sea
toward England, with thankes to God, and glad hearts, for his blessings
towards us.” On the 13th of March they crossed the Tropic of Capricorn,
steering south-west “with a stiff gale of wind at south-east,” and this
was sending them over the Indian Ocean towards the African coast in
fine style. But “the eight and twentieth day we had a very great and
a furious storme, so that we were forced to take in all our sayles.
This storme continued a day and a night, with an exceeding great and
raging sea, so that in the reason of man no shippe was able to live in
them: but God (in his mercie) ceased the violence thereof, and gave us
time to breath: and to repaire all the distresses and harmes we had
received, but our ships were so shaken, that they were leakie all the
voyage after.”
This was, in fact, to be a return full of excitement and those serious
incidents which bring out all the seamanship and resource of the real
sons of the sea. If it be true that a man’s real character is exhibited
only in big crises, then we see Lancaster standing out magnificently
as a cool, resourceful, self-sacrificing leader of men, for whom we
cannot help having the highest admiration. These Elizabethans were very
far from perfect. They were guilty of some abominable and atrocious
acts of sacrilege on occasions: their hatred of the Portuguese and
Spaniards knew few bounds. They imagined that might on the sea was
right, and honesty was deemed not always the best policy. But among
their virtues they were the very opposite of cowards. They knew how
to bear all kinds of pain with a courage and resignation that are to
be extolled. And if things went against them they knew how to die as
bravely as they had fought and striven. There was no panic, no kicking
against the inevitable: they did their best, and according to their own
rough morality left the rest to God.
Another “very sore storme” overcame them on the 3rd of May, “and the
seas did so beate upon the ships quarter, that it shooke all the iron
worke of her rother [_i.e._ rudder]: and the next day in the morning,
our rother brake cleane from the sterne of our shippe [_i.e._ the
_Red Dragon_], and presently sunke into the sea.” Here was a terrible
predicament, for of all the casualties which can befall a ship at
sea not one is more awkward than this. And to-day only the steamship
with more than one propeller can continue on her way without worrying
much about such an occurrence. If, however, the vessel is a sailing
ship, or has only one propeller, the only recourse is to tow a spar or
sea-anchor (cone foremost) with a rope from each quarter. Then, if an
equal strain is kept on both ropes, the spar will be thus in line with
the ship’s keel, but as soon as one rope is slacked up and another
tightened, the vessel’s quarter will be pulled to one side and her head
pay off to the opposite.
Let us now see what they attempted in the _Dragon_. You will of course
understand that the rudder was attached to the stern-post by means of
irons on either side of the former, these working on their respective
pins attached to the stern-post. Consequently, if these irons carried
away, either through rust or the violence of the waves, there was
nothing to hold the rudder in place and the ship was not under command.
This is exactly what had happened in the present instance, and the
means of steering was vanished. Naturally, therefore, the _Dragon_
“drave up and downe in the sea like a wracke,” but all the while
the _Hector_ stood by, though unable to do anything. At length the
commander of the _Dragon_ decided to do exactly what the master of a
modern sailing vessel would set about. Her mizen-mast was unstepped,
and they then “put it forth at the sterne port to prove if wee could
steere our shippe into some place where we might make another rother to
hang it, to serve our turnes home.” The spar was placed over the side
and lashed to the stern, but it was found to put such a heavy strain on
the latter that the mast had to be brought on board again.
Lancaster then ordered the ship’s carpenter to make the mast into a
rudder, for in those days the shape of the latter was very long and
narrow: but when they wanted to fix it in position it was noticed
that the rudder irons “wherewith to fasten the rother” had also
gone. However they were not to be dismayed by this very inconvenient
discovery, and were determined to do what they could. One of the crew
accordingly went overboard to make an examination, and found that two
of the rudder irons were still remaining and that there was one other
broken. This was a slice of luck, so, when the weather eased down a
little later, the new rudder was able to be fixed into position and
once more the _Dragon_ got on to her course. However, this good fortune
was but short-lived, and after three or four hours “the sea tooke it
off againe, and wee had much adoe to save it. Wee lost another of our
irons, so that now we had but two to hang it by.”
Matters began to look pretty desperate by now, the men wanted to
abandon the ship and be picked up by the _Hector_, and the position
of Lancaster was no easy one. On the one hand, he knew that they
could not continue like this, making no headway and with provisions
running out and a dissatisfied crew against him. On the other hand, he
was responsible to the East India Company for the safety of the ship
and all that valuable cargo that was in her hold. It was sheer hard
luck that for the second time in his life he should be returning from
the Orient well laden with riches, only to be brought up short by an
unexpected event that boded ill. Still, he was not the type of man to
give way in such a critical time, and he for his part was going to
stand by his ship, whatever else might happen. He appreciated quite
fully the seriousness of the case, and yet for all that he was prepared
to go through with it. There must be no sort of flinching.
He went below into the privacy of his cabin, and unknown to the crew
sat down and wrote the following letter, having resolved to give it
to the captain of the _Hector_, sending her home at once, and on her
arriving back to have this letter handed over to the directors of the
Company. This epistle read thus:
“RIGHT WORSHIPFULL,—What hath passed in this voyage, and what
trades I have settled for this companie, and what other events have
befallen us, you shall understand by the bearers hereof, to whom
(as occasion hath fallen) I must referre you. I will strive with
all diligence to save my ship, and her goods, as you may perceive
by the course I take in venturing mine own life, and those that are
with mee. I cannot tell where you should looke for mee, if you send
out any pinnace to seeke mee: because I live at the devotion of the
wind and seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God to send us a
merrie meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.
“The passage to the East India lieth in 62½ degrees, by the North
West on the America side. Your very loving friend,
“JAMES LANCASTER.”
Such was the brief, matter-of-fact, intensely practical letter which
he indited—the very letter which we should have expected from a leader
of this type. He succeeded presently in getting it put aboard the
_Hector_, with the order to her captain to proceed. Night came on and
when the morning broke Lancaster little expected to find his “chummy
ship” still by his side. But he had forgotten that the _Hector’s_
commander was a man like himself, and being a real good fellow he
declined to leave a friend in distress, even though it was disobeying
the orders of his admiral. So with excellent seamanship the _Hector_
was kept at a reasonable distance from the _Dragon_, determined to
stand by. Meanwhile the _Dragon’s_ carpenter had got to work again and
the rudder had been repaired. As if to encourage them, the weather
after two or three days began to get better, and the sea to go down.
The admiral therefore made a signal ordering the _Hector_ to come
nearer. This she did, and then her master, Sander Cole by name, was
able to come aboard the flagship, bringing with him the best swimmer
in the ship, and the best divers. These men were of the greatest
assistance, and did their work round the stern of the ship to such good
effect that the rudder was eventually hung again on the two remaining
hooks. It was a triumph of patience, persistence and pluck, that the
_Dragon_ was able once again to go ahead and let her sheets draw.
But all this time things on board had been very trying. The ship had
been buffeted about ceaselessly by many storms for week after week. Men
had fallen sick and the ship could not be worked as she ought. However,
the Cape of Good Hope was rounded, and then there had to be endured the
weary, agonising experience of being becalmed. Still they knew “by the
height wee were in to the Northward” that they had long since passed
the dreaded Cape of storms. Just one more casualty convinced them that
they were not yet out of danger, and this occurred when the main-yard
fell down and knocked a man into the sea, drowning him.
But on the 5th of June they passed the Tropic of Capricorn, and on
the sixteenth of that month sighted St Helena, where they let go in
twelve fathoms. Here they took on board fresh water, shot some wild
goats and hogs, refitted the ships and inspected the _Dragon’s_ rudder,
“which wee hoped would last us home.” During the sojourn here all the
sick recovered their health, and on the 5th of July they set out again
to the north-west. Five days more they were becalmed, but before that
they had succeeded in passing Ascension, on 11th July, and then fell in
with a favourable south-east wind. Thus they proceeded until the 7th
of September, when they imagined themselves near to home. “Wee tooke
sounding, judging the Lands end of England to be fortie leagues from
us. The eleventh day we came to the Downes, well and safe to an anchor:
for the which, thanked be almightie God, who hath delivered us from the
infinite perils and dangers, in this long and tedious Navigation.” Thus
the voyage which had been begun on 13th February 1601 was now brought
to a finish on 11th September 1603. It had been a most successful
voyage, and 1,030,000 lb. of pepper had been brought to England by
these four ships. But, important as that was to the merchants, still
more admirable was the achievement of Lancaster in getting his ship
home at all. However, he was not to go without his reward. He had had
the responsibility of bringing this first voyage of the English East
India Company to a conclusion that was as happy as financially it was
successful, and he was granted a knighthood by James I. Those who
had invested their money in this concern could scarcely regret their
decision, for they eventually received 95 per cent. on their capital,
and it was now established beyond doubt that henceforth the East Indian
trade was the thing for enterprising London merchants. For a hundred
years the Portuguese had kept the secret to themselves and succeeded
in preventing other countries from coming as interlopers. But that was
now all past and done with. The future rested not with the Portuguese,
whose Indian colonial system proved to be an utter failure, but with
the English or the Dutch, between whom the contest would soon become
keen. For already the latter had formed so many associations for trade
that by the year 1602 they were amalgamated by the States-General into
one corporation entitled the Dutch East India Company.
As this first voyage had been so fortunate, it was not long before a
second was inaugurated by the English East India Company. During that
winter preparations went ahead, and on the following Lady Day 1604
another expedition left Gravesend, this time under the leadership
of Henry Middleton, a kinsman of the Middleton who had died during
Lancaster’s voyage. This project consisted of the same ships as before,
and these duly arrived at Bantam on the 20th of December. From here
two of the ships were sent home—namely, the _Hector_ and the _Susan_,
eight months ahead of the other couple, which proceeded first to the
Moluccas before leaving Bantam finally for England. Middleton found
that trading was not quite as easy as it might be, for the Dutch gave
him a great deal of opposition in the East. However, you will realise
that this second voyage was far from being a failure when it is stated
that the profits were just under 100 per cent. to those who had raised
the capital. And this in spite of the fact that the _Susan_ was lost
on her way home. It is a singular coincidence that when this ship had
been purchased, as already noted in the preceding chapter, from a
London alderman at the price of £1600, the condition was that he should
buy her back from the Company at the end of the voyage, for half the
purchase price. Middleton had reached the Downs on 6th May 1606, and
it was not long before preparations began to be made for next year’s
voyage. The second expedition had necessitated a capital of £60,000,
of which only £1142 had been spent in goods, so you will understand to
what extent privateering was responsible for swelling the profits.
On 12th March 1607 an expedition was off again, for the third voyage.
This time the sum of £53,000 had been subscribed, £7280 being expended
in merchandise to take out. There were only three ships on the present
occasion, consisting of those two veterans, _Red Dragon_ and _Hector_,
and a vessel named the _Consent_, of 105 tons. The “Generall” in this
case was Captain Keeling. The latter left England on 12th March, alone,
and reached the Moluccas. Although he was unable to obtain a cargo from
there, yet he purchased from a Java junk a cargo of cloves for £2948,
15s., which on their arrival in England fetched the considerable sum
of £36,287. The reason why spices of the East were so readily bought
up by the West is explained at once by the fact that a great demand
existed throughout civilised Europe at that time for their employment
in cookery and in certain expensive drinks.
The _Dragon_ and _Hector_ had left the Downs on the 1st of April,
and, like those previous voyages which we have noted, they again went
round the Cape of Good Hope and then as far north-east as Socotra,
where the two ships separated, the _Dragon_ proceeding to Sumatra and
Bantam, while the _Hector_ went on to Surat, just north of Bombay.
Thus, at last and for the first time, one of the Company’s ships had
brought up in a port of the Indian continent, as distinct from those
East Indian islands which had been previously visited. The captain of
the _Hector_ was Hawkins, whilst the _Dragon_ was under the command of
Captain Keeling. Some historians assert that Captain Keeling himself
went to Surat, where he landed a Mr Finch to form a factory, and then
sent Captain Hawkins to persuade the Great Mogul at Agra to order his
officers to deal justly with the English: but at any rate Hawkins
remained ashore, as there was a fine opportunity for inaugurating a big
business, and sent the _Hector_ on to Bantam to join Captain Keeling.
Hawkins had come out from England with a letter from King James I.
to the Great Mogul, and the latter promised to grant the Company all
the privileges asked for. This Indian potentate further suggested
that Hawkins should remain at his Court as English representative at
a commencing salary of £3200 a year. This offer Hawkins accepted, but
not unnaturally the appointment aroused a good deal of jealousy both
among the Portuguese and the officials of the Court. In a little time
the Great Mogul had regretted his decisions both as to Hawkins and the
East India Company. The Englishman therefore was compelled to leave
Agra (minus his promised salary), and then went down to the coast again
at Surat. As to the privileges which had been promised to the Company,
these also vanished. Trouble was obviously brewing. But this third
voyage, yielding a profit of 234 per cent., had not by any means been a
failure, but a great financial success. The _Dragon_ had been sent home
with a good cargo, and then Captain Keeling (this time in the _Hector_)
had visited the Moluccas and Bantam, where the factory had been more
firmly established, subsequently reaching England on 9th May 1610.
It will be remembered that the original charter granted to the Company
by Elizabeth was for a period of fifteen years. But in the year 1609
the Company were compelled to petition James I. for a renewal, or
rather for much greater powers, notwithstanding that the original
charter had still six years to run. The reason for this application is
not hard to appreciate. The Portuguese now began to realise that the
Englishmen were very serious rivals, and they must be met by force.
The East India Company, on the other hand, were equally determined
that they would not give up such a valuable trade that had paid them
so handsomely during these few years. Therefore opposition must be
met by other force: in other words, a greater number of ships would
be required. King James also recognised this, so the application was
granted, the number of merchant-adventurers was increased from 218 to
276, the Crown to have the power of repealing the Company’s charter
after three years’ notice.
So three new ships were fitted out for the sixth voyage. (There had
in the meanwhile been two “separate” voyages, about which we shall
speak presently.) The cost of these three new ships, together with
the merchandise which they carried out, was £82,000, this large sum
being rendered possible only by the increased members of the Company.
The leader of this voyage was that same Henry Middleton whom we saw
taking out the second voyage: but since that time he had received a
knighthood. This time his flagship was to be the _Trade’s Increase_.
And as this was one of the most famous of all the seventeenth-century
ships, and certainly the largest East Indiaman built up till then, we
must say something about her.
At the time of her launch she was the biggest merchantman of any kind
that had been built in England. She created, in fact, to the Jacobeans
something of the sensation which the launch of the _Mauretania_ in our
own time created. James I. attended the ceremony, together with other
members of the royal family, and attended by his nobles. This was on
the 13th of December 1609, her first voyage being due to commence on
the following 1st of April. In consequence of the high position which
the East India Company had now begun to occupy, and not less owing
to the phenomenal size of this ship, the incident was made the most
of. After the ship was afloat in the water, the King and his retinue
were entertained on board with a magnificent dinner provided at the
Company’s expense and served on some of those dishes and plates of
China ware which had been brought home from the East by the Company’s
ships and were then looked upon as something rare and wonderful,
nothing of the kind having yet been seen in the country. But the
_Trade’s Increase_, with her 1100 tons, was a clumsy, unwieldy ship and
somewhat top-heavy. She was anything but a lucky craft, and we shall
see presently that her end was to be tragic. For English shipbuilding
was in a transition stage, which lasted about another two hundred
years or more. It was trying hard to get away from the unscientific,
rule-of-thumb method which had come down from the Middle Ages and had
not yet come under the influence of science and the principles of true
naval architecture.