significant coloring to the history of missions in Mexico, since from
the day of her apparition the native worship, it is said, steadily
declined. It is briefly thus: In 1531 a native who had received a
baptismal name of Juan Diego, passing a hill neighboring to the city of
Mexico, was confronted by a radiant being who announced herself as the
Virgin Mary, and who said that she wished a church to be built on the
spot. The native’s story, as he told it to the Bishop, was discredited,
until some persons sent to follow the Indian saw him disappear
unaccountably from sight.
It was now thought that witchcraft more than a heavenly interposition
was the cause, until, again confronting the apparition, Diego was
bidden to take some roses which the Lady had handled and carry them in
his mantle to the Bishop, who would recognize them as a sign. When the
garment was unrolled, the figure of the Virgin was found painted in its
folds, and the sign was accepted. A shrine was soon erected, as the
Lady had wished; and here the holy effigy was sacredly guarded, until
it found a resting-place in what is thought to be the richest church
in Mexico, erected between 1695 and 1709; and there it still is. It
has been at times subjected to some ecclesiastical scrutiny, and there
have been some sceptics and cavillers. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii.
407, and authorities there cited. Lorenzana in his _Cartas pastorales_
(1770) has given a minute account of the painting (Carter-Brown, vol.
iii. no. 1,749; Sabin, vol, xii. no. 56,199; and the _Coleccion de
obras pertenecientes a la milagrosa aparicion de Nuestra Señora de
Guadalupe_).
[1100] Carter-Brown, i. 496; Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 723. There is a
copy in Harvard College Library. There were later editions at Brussels
in 1625 (Carter-Brown, ii. 300; Stevens, _Historical Collection_, i.
177), and again at Valladolid in 1634 as _Varia historia de la Nueva
España y Florida, segunda impresion_ (Carter-Brown, ii. 412).
[1101] We read in the 1596 edition (p. 670) that one Juan Pablos was
the first printer in Mexico, who printed, as early as 1535, a religious
manual of Saint John Climachus. The book, however, is not now known
(Sabin, vi. 229), and there is no indisputable evidence of its former
existence; though a similar story is told by Alonzo Fernandez in his
_Historia eclesiástica_ (Toledo, 1611), and by Gil Gonzales Davila in
his _Teatro eclesiástico_ (Madrid, 1649),—who gives, however, the date
as 1532. The _Teatro_ is of further interest for the map of the diocese
of Michoacan and for the arms of the different dioceses. It is in two
volumes, and is worth from thirty to forty dollars.
The subject of early printing in Mexico has been investigated by
Icazbalceta in the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia_,
v. 961 (published in Mexico in 1854), where he gives a list of Mexican
imprints prior to 1600 (Carter-Brown, i. 129, 130). A similar list is
given in connection with an examination of the subject by Harrisse
in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232. Mr. John Russell Bartlett gives
another list (1540 to 1600) in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 131,
and offers other essays on the subject in the _Historical Magazine_,
November, 1858, and February, 1865, and again in the new edition of
Thomas’s _History of Printing_ (Worcester, 1875), i. 365, appendix.
The earliest remaining example of the first Mexican press which we have
is a fragmentary copy of the _Manual de adultos_ of Cristóbal Cabrera,
which was originally discovered in the Library of Toledo, whence it
disappeared, to be again discovered by Gayangos on a London bookstall
in 1870. It is supposed to have consisted of thirty-eight leaves,
and the printed date of Dec. 13, 1540, is given on one of the leaves
which remain (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232; _Additions_, no. 123, with
fac-similes, of which a part is given in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_,
i. 131). Harrisse, perhaps, is in error, as Quaritch affirms (_Ramirez
Collection_, 1880, no. 339), in assigning the same date, 1540, to
an edition of the _Doctrina Christiana_ found by him at Toledo; and
there seem to have been one or two other books issued by Cromberger
(_Catalogue Andrade_, nos. 2,366, 2,367, 2,369, 2,477) before we come
to an acknowledged edition of the _Doctrina Cristiana_—which for a
long time was held to be the earliest Mexican imprint—with the date
of 1544. It is a small volume of sixty pages, “impressa en México,
en casa de Juan Cromberger” (Rich, 1832, no. 14; Sabin, vol. iv, no.
16,777; Carter-Brown, i. 134, with fac-similes of title; _Bookworm_,
1867, p. 114; Quaritch, no. 321, _sub_ 12,551). Of the same date is
Dionisio Richel’s _Compendio breve que tracta a’ la manera de como se
hā de hazer las processiones_, also printed, as the earlier one was, by
command of Bishop Zumarraga, this time with a distinct date,—“Año de M.
D. _xliiij_.” A copy which belonged to the Emperor Maximilian was sold
in the Andrade sale (no. 2,667), and again in the Brinley sale (no.
5,317). Quaritch priced Ramirez’ copy in 1880 at £52.
The lists above referred to show eight separate issues of the Mexican
press before 1545. Icazbalceta puts, under 1548, the _Doctrina en
Mexicano_ as the earliest instance known of a book printed in the
native tongue. Up to 1563, with the exception of a few vocabularies
and grammars of the languages of the country, of the less than forty
books which are known to us, nearly all are of a theological or
devotional character. In that year (1663) Vasco de Puga’s Collection of
Laws—_Provisiones, cédulas, instrucciones de su Majestad_—was printed
(Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_, 1880, no. 236, £30). Falkenstein in
his _Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst_ (Leipsic, 1840) has alleged,
following Pinelo and others, that a Collection of Laws—_Ordinationes
legumque collectiones_—was printed in 1649; but the existence of such
a book is denied. Cf. Thomas, _History of Printing_, i. 372; Harrisse,
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 288.
[1102] Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_ (1880), no. 28, £15; Sabin, vol.
1. no. 3,349; Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Rich, _Bibl. Nova Amer._ (1835),
p. 95; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 126; Leclerc, no. 50,—400
francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 79.
[1103] Navarrete first printed it in his _Coleccion_, i. 421; it was
included also in Vedia’s _Historiadores primitivos de Indias_ (Madrid,
1852); and Gayangos, in his _Cartas de Hernan Cortés_ (Paris, 1866)
does not hesitate to let it stand for the first letter, while he also
annotates it. It is likewise printed in the _Biblioteca de autores
Españoles_, vol. xxii., and by Alaman in his _Disertaciones sobre la
historia de la República Mejicana_, vol. i., appendix, with a sketch
of the expedition. Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 360, iii. 428; H. H.
Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 169.
[1104] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 170. It is supposed that still a third
letter went at the same time, which is now known to us. Three letters
of this time were found in 1866 among some old account-books in a
library sold in Austria. Two of them proved to be written in Spain upon
the news of Cortés’ discoveries, while one was written by a companion
of Cortés shortly after the landing on the Mexican coast, but is not
seemingly an original, for it is written in German, and the heading
runs: _Newzeit wie unnsers aller-gnadigistn hern des Romischn und
hyspaenischn Koningsleut Ain Costliche Newe Lanndschafft habn gefundn_,
and bears date June 28, 1519. There are some contradictions in it to
the received accounts; but these are less important than the mistake
of a modern French translator, who was not aware of the application
of the name of Yucatan, at that time, to a long extent of coast,
and who supposed the letters referred to Grijalva’s expedition. The
original text, with a modern German and French version, appears in a
small edition (thirty copies) which Frederic Muller, of Amsterdam,
printed from the original manuscript (cf. his _Books on America_,
1872, no. 1,144; 1877, no. 2,296, priced at 120 florins) under the
title of _Trois lettres sur la découverte de Yucatan_, Amsterdam, 1871
(Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 66; Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no.
2,296; C. H. Berendt in _American Bibliopolist_, July and August, 1872;
Murphy, no. 2,795).
One of the news-sheets of the time, circulated in Europe, is preserved
in the Royal Library at Berlin. A photo-lithographic fac-simile was
published (one hundred copies) at Berlin in 1873. It is called:
_Newe Zeittung. von dem lande. das die Sponier funden haben ym 1521.
iare genant Iucatan_. It is a small quarto in gothic type, of four
unnumbered leaves, with a woodcut. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 70, with
fac-simile of title; Carter-Brown, i. 69; Muller (1877), no. 3,593;
Sobolewski, no. 4,153.
[1105] Prescott used a copy taken from Muñoz’ transcript.
[1106] Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 262; Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 72.
[1107] Cf. Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), p. 103; _Historical
Collections_, i. 342; and the section on “Early Descriptions of
America” in the present work.
[1108] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 179.
[1109] Sabin, vi. 126; Carter-Brown, i. 63.
[1110] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 105.
[1111] _Mexico_, i. 547.
[1112] Cf. Harrisse _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 118; Carter-Brown, i. 71;
Brunet, ii. 310; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,933; Folsom, introduction to
his edition. The Lenox and Barlow libraries have most, if not all, of
the various early editions of the Cortés letters.
[1113] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,934; Carter-Brown, i. 73; Brunet, ii.
311; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 84; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 120;
Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 27.
[1114] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 81; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 118, 125;
Brunet, ii. 312; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Huth, i. 353;
C. Fiske Harris, _Catalogue_, no. 896; _Cooke Catalogue_, vol. iii.
no. 623; Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 3,479; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,947;
Panzer, vii. 466; Menzel, _Bibl. Hist._, part i. p. 269; Ternaux, p.
32; Heber, vol. vi. no. 2,415 and ix. 910; Murphy Catalogue, no. 676;
Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85. The book, when it contains
the large folding plan of Mexico and the map of the Gulf of Mexico, is
worth about $100. The plan and map are missing from the copy in the
Boston Public Library. [D. 3101., 56, no. 1].
[1115] Cf. Brunet, ii. 312, and _Supplément_, col. 320; Carter-Brown,
i. 82, which shows a map with inscriptions in Italian; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 129; Pinart, no. 262; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,951; Panzer,
vol. viii. no. 1,248; Court, nos. 90, 91; Heber, vol. vi. no. 1,002,
and x. 848; Walckenaer, no. 4,187. There are copies with another
colophon (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 130), connecting two printers with
it,—Lexona and Sabio. F. S. Ellis, London, 1884 (no. 60), priced a copy
at £52 10_s_., and Dufossé (no. 14,184) at 200 francs.
[1116] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,950, and xiii. 56,052; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 119; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166.
[1117] It is very rare, but Tross, of Paris, had a copy in his hands in
1866.
[1118] Annexed herewith in fac-simile.
[1119] Cf. Arana, _Bibliografía de obras anónimas_ (1882) no. 244.
[1120] Cf. the notice of Cortés in R. C. Sands’s _Writings_, vol. i.
[1121] The original edition of Lorenzana is usually priced at $10 to
$20. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,938, 16,939, and vol. x. p. 462; H.
H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 378 (with a sketch of Lorenzana); Brunet,
_Supplément_, i. 321; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,750; Leclerc, no.
155; Sobolewski, no. 3,767; F. S. Ellis (1884), £2 2_s._
[1122] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,942. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 549),
speaking of Gayangos’ edition, says: “Although a few of Lorenzana’s
blunders find correction, others are committed; and the notes of
the archbishop are adopted without credit and without the necessary
amendment of date, etc.,—which often makes them absurd.”
[1123] The book is variously priced from $20 to $60. Cf. _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, no. 168; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 100; _Biblioteca
Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Leclerc, no. 152; Sunderland, no. 3,480; Pinart,
no. 261; O’Callaghan, no. 683; Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,947-16,949.
There were also Latin versions in the _Novus orbis_ of Grynæus, 1555
and 1616.
[1124] The only copy known is noted in Tross’s _Catalogue_, 1866, no.
2,881. It is in Roman letter, sixteen leaves.
[1125] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,953.
[1126] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 297; Ternaux, p. 57; Trömel, p. 14;
Brunet, ii. 312; Stevens, _Nuggets_, i. 188; O’Callaghan, no. 989;
Sobolewski, no. 3,766; J. J. Cooke, iii. 624 (copy now in Harvard
College Library). It is usually priced at £2 or £3. Dufossé (1884, no.
14,185) held a copy at 100 francs.
[1127] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,958.
[1128] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,959.
[1129] Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 113.
[1130] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,962.
[1131] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,964.
[1132] Cf. on the second letter, Prescott, _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., ii.
425.
[1133] Cf. Rich, (1832) no. 5,—£10 10_s._; Stevens, _American
Bibliographer_, p. 84; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Panzer, vii.
122; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 26; Brunet, ii. 311;
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 121; Carter-Brown, i. 74; Sabin, vol. iv. no.
16,935.
[1134] Priced by F. S. Ellis (1884) at £18 18_s._
[1135] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 83; Ternaux, no. 33; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
no. 126; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Brunet, ii. 312; Sabin,
vol. iv. no. 16,948; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 87. There is
a copy of the 1524 edition in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101. 56,
no. 2].
[1136] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,936; Carter-Brown, i. 85; Brunet, ii.
311; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 135; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166.
[1137] The only copy known is that in the Carter-Brown Library
(_Catalogue_, no. 88). Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,937; _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 138; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85; Brunet,
ii. 312; Panzer, x. 28; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; _Bibliotheca
Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Ternaux, no. 34.
[1138] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,940.
[1139] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,941; Carter-Brown, i. 84; Court, no.
89; Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 248.
[1140] A letter about the Olid rebellion is lost; Helps, iii. 37.
[1141] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,943.
[1142] Cf. H. Vattemare in _Revue contemporaine_, 1870, vii. 532.
[1143] Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 266. Cf. references on this expedition
to Honduras in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 537, 567, 582;
ii. 144; and his _Native Races_, iv. 79. This Honduras expedition is
also the subject of one of Ixtlilxochitl’s _Relaciones_, printed in
Kingsborough’s ninth volume.
[1144] _Cartas al Emperador_ (Sept. 11, 1526, Oct. 10, 1530), in
_Documentos inéditos_ (_España_), i. 14, 31, and in Kingsborough’s
_Mexico_, vol. viii.; _Memorial al Emperador_ (1539) in _Documentos
inéditos_, iv. 201. Cf. also Purchas, v. 858, and Ramusio, iii. 187.
His _Última y sentidisima carta_, Feb. 3, 1544, is given in _Documentos
inéditos_, i. 41, and in Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 460.
Other letters of Cortés are in the Pacheco _Coleccion_ and in that of
Icazbalceta. The twelfth volume of the _Biblioteca histórica de la
Iberia_ (Mexico, 1871), with the special title of _Escritos sueltos de
Cortés_, gives nearly fifty documents. Icazbalceta, in the introduction
of vol. i. p. xxxvii. of his _Coleccion_, gives a list of the _escritos
sueltos_ of Cortés in connection with a full bibliography of the series
of _Cartas_, with corrections, derived largely from Harrisse, in vol.
ii. p. lxiii.
[1145] _Mexico_, i. 549, 696. “Ever ready with a lie when it suited his
purpose; but he was far too wise a man needlessly to waste so useful an
agent.”—_Early American Chroniclers_, p. 16.
[1146] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) gives numerous references on
Cortés. It is somewhat singular that there is no mention of him in the
_Novus orbis_ of 1532, and none in De Bry. Mr. Brevoort prepared the
article on Cortés in Sabin’s _Dictionary_.
[1147] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 30; Prescott’s _Mexico_, i.
474, and _Peru_, ii. 304, 457; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i.
314, his _Mexico_, and his _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 21.
[1148] There are curious stories about this book, in which there
is not entire accord with one another. The fact seems to be that
Bustamante got hold of the manuscript, and supposed it an original work
of Chimalpain, and announced it for publication in a Spanish dress,
as translated from the Nahuatl, under the title of _Historia de las
conquistas de Hernando Cortés_, under which name it appeared in two
volumes in Mexico in 1826 (_Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 207). Bandelier
and others referring to it have supposed it to be what the title
represented (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, new series, i. 84; cf. _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, p. 204); but it is printed in Spanish nevertheless, and is
nothing more than a translation of Gomara. Bustamante in his preface
does not satisfy the reader’s curiosity, and this Mexican editor’s
conduct in the matter has been the subject of apology and suspicion.
Cf. Quaritch’s _Catalogues_, nos. 11,807, 12,043, 17,632; H. H.
Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 315; Sabin, vii. no. 27,753. Quaritch
adds that Bustamante’s text seems rather like a modern improvement of
Gomara than a retranslation, and that a manuscript apparently different
and called Chimalpain’s history was sold in the Abbé Fischer’s sale in
1869.
[1149] It is a small folio, and has become extremely rare, owing,
perhaps, in part to the attempted suppression of it. Quaritch in 1883
priced a copy at £75. It should have two maps, one of the Indies, the
other of the Old World (Ternaux, no. 61; Carter-Brown, nos. 177, 178;
Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; _Library of an Elizabethan Admiral_,
1883, no. 338; Leclerc, no. 2,779; Rich (1832), no. 23, £10 10_s._;
Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,724; Murphy, no. 1,062).
[1150] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 179, 180; Sabin, vol. vii. no.
27,725; Leclerc, 800 francs. Mr. J. C. Brevoort has a copy. Sabin (no.
27,726) notes a _Conquista de México_ (Madrid, 1553) which he has not
seen, but describes it at second hand as having the royal arms where
the Medina edition has the arms of Cortés, and intimates that this last
may have been the cause of the alleged suppression.
[1151] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 187, 188, with a fac-simile of the
title of the former; and on p. 169 is noted another Saragossa edition
of 1555. Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,727, 27,728.
[1152] _Historia de México_, Juan Steelsio, and again Juan Bellero
(with his map); _La historia general de las Indias_, Steelsio. These
are in Harvard College Library. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,729-27,732)
notes of these Antwerp editions,—_Historia general_, Nucio, Steelsio,
and Bellero; _Historia de México_, Bellero, Lacio, Steelsio; and
_Conquista de México_, Nucio. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (nos.
189-193) shows the _Historia de México_ with the Steelsio and Bellero
imprints, and copies of the _Historia general_ with the imprints of
Bellero and Martin Nucio. Quaritch prices the Bellero _México_ at £5
5_s._ Rich priced it in 1832 at £3 3_s._ There is a Steelsio México in
the Boston Public Library. Cf. _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 605; Murphy, nos.
1,057-1,059; Court, nos. 146, etc. Of the later Spanish texts, that in
Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ (1748-1749) is mutilated; the best
is that in the _Biblioteca de autores Españoles_, published at Madrid
in 1852.
[1153] Such, at least, is the condition of the copy in Harvard College
Library; while the two titles are attached to different copies in the
_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. nos. 199, 210. The _México_ is also
in the Boston Athenæum. Cf. _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 989. Sabin
(vol. vii. nos. 27,734-27,735) says the 1555 title is a cancelled one.
Mr. Brevoort possesses a _Historia generale delle Indie occidentali_
(Rome, 1556), which he calls a translation of part i. Cf. Sabin, vol.
vii. no. 27,736; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 200. F. S. Ellis (1884, no.
111) prices a copy at £2 2_s._ Sabin (no. 27,737) also notes a Gomara,
as published in 1557 at Venice, as the second part of a history, of
which Cieza de Leon’s was the first part.
[1154] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 232, 233, 250, 306, 541; Sabin,
vol. vii. nos. 27,739-27,745. The _Historia general_ was published in
Venice in 1565 as the second part of a _Historie dell’Indie_, of which
Cieza de Leon’s _Historie del Peru_ was the first part, and Gomara’s
_Conquista di Messico_ (1566) was the third. This Italian translation
was made by Lucio Mauro. The three parts are in Harvard College Library
and in the Boston Public Library (Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,738).
[1155] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 273, 274, 314, 324, 334, 357, 371,
375; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,746-27,750; Murphy, nos. 1,059, 1,061;
O’Callaghan, no. 990. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 108) prices the 1569
edition at £10 10_s._ The 1578 and 1558 editions are in Harvard College
Library,—the latter is called _Voyages et conquestes du Capitaine
Ferdinand Courtois_. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,955. Harrisse says that
Oviedo, as well as Gomara, was used in this production. There were
later French texts in 1604, 1605, and 1606. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii.
nos. 34, 46; Rich (1832), no. 104; Sabin (vol. vii. no. 27,749) also
says of the 1606 edition that pp. 67-198 are additional to the 1578
edition.
[1156] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 323; Menzies, no. 814; Crowninshield,
no. 285; Rich (1832), no. 58; Brinley, no. 5,309; Murphy, no. 1,060.
There are copies of this and of the 1596 reprint in Harvard College
Library; and of the 1578 edition in the Massachusetts Historical
Society’s Library and in Mr. Deane’s Collection; cf. Vol. III. pp. 27,
204. An abridgment of Gomara had already been given in 1555 by Eden in
his _Decades_, and in 1577 in Eden’s _History of Travayle_; and his
account was later followed by Hakluyt.
[1157] The bibliography of Gomara in Sabin (vol. vii. p. 395) was
compiled by Mr. Brevoort. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 169)
gives a list of editions; cf. Leclerc, no. 243, etc.
[1158] Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 339) gives references for tracing the
Conquerors and their descendants.
[1159] _Mexico_, ii. 146; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Early Chroniclers_, p.
14.
[1160] Ibid., ii. 459.
[1161] Ibid., i. 473.
[1162] Bancroft speaks of the account’s “exceeding completeness, its
many new facts, and varied version” (_Mexico_, i. 697).
[1163] Scherzer (in his edition of Ximenes’ _Las historias del origen
de los Indios de esta provincia de Guatemala_, 1857) says that the text
as published is very incorrect, and adds that the original manuscript
is in the city library at Guatemala. Brasseur says he has seen it
there. It is said to have a memorandum to show that it was finished
in 1605 at Guatemala. We have no certain knowledge of Diaz’ death to
confirm the impression that he could have lived to the improbable
age which this implies. (Cf. _Magazine of American History_, i. 129,
328-329.) There are two editions of it, in different type, which
have the seal of authenticity. One was dated in 1632; the other,
known as the second edition, is without date, and has an additional
chapter (numbered wrongly ccxxii.) concerning the portents among the
Mexicans which preceded the coming of the Spaniards. It is explained
that this was omitted in the first edition as not falling within the
personal observation of Diaz. (Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,978, 19,979;
Carter-Brown, ii. 387; Murphy, no. 790; Court, nos. 106, 107; Leclerc,
no. 1,115. Rich priced it in his day at $10; it now usually brings
about $30.) There are later editions of the Spanish text,—one issued at
Mexico in 1794-1795, in four small volumes (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,980;
Leclerc, no. 1,117, 40 francs); a second, Paris, 1837 (Sabin, vol. vi.
no. 19,981); and another, published in 1854, in two quarto volumes,
with annotations from the Cortés letters, etc. It is also contained in
Vedia’s edition of the _Historiadores primitivos_, vol. ii. There are
three German editions, one published at Hamburg in 1848, with a preface
by Karl Ritter, and others bearing date at Bonn, 1838 and 1843 (Sabin,
vi. no. 19,986-19,987). There are two English versions,—one by Maurice
Keating, published at London in 1800 (with a large map of the Lake of
Mexico), which was reprinted at Salem, Mass., in 1803 (Sabin, vol. vi.
nos. 19,984-19,985). Mr. Deane points out how Keating, without any
explanation, transfers from chap. xviii. and other parts of the text
sundry passages to a preface. A second English translation,—_Memoirs
of Diaz_,—by John Ingram Lockhart, was published in London in 1844
(Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,983), and is also included in Kerr’s _Voyages_,
vols. iii. and iv. Munsell issued an abridged English translation by
Arthur Prynne at Albany in 1839 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,982). The best
annotated of the modern issues is a French translation by D. Jourdanet,
_Histoire véridique de la conquête de la Nouvelle Espagne_, Paris,
1876. In the following year a second edition was issued, accompanied
by a study on the human sacrifices of the Aztecs, and enriched with
notes, a bibliography, and a chapter from Sahagun on the vices of
the Mexicans. It also contained a modern map of Mexico, showing the
marches of Cortés; the map of the valley, indicating the contraction
of the lake (the same as used by Jourdanet in other works), and a
reproduction of a map of the lake illustrating the operations of
Cortés, which follows a map given in the Mexican edition of Clavigero.
A list of the _Conquistadores_ gives three hundred and seventy-seven
names, which are distinguished apart as constituting the followers of
Cortés, Camargo, Salcedo, Garay, Narvaez, and Ponçe de Leon. This list
is borrowed from the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia,
... especialmente sobre la república Mexicana_, 1853-1856. (Cf.
_Norton’s Literary Gazette_, Jan. 15, 1835, and _Revue des questions
historiques_, xxiii. 249.) This _Diccionario_ was published at Mexico,
in 1853-1856, in ten volumes, based on a similar work printed in Spain,
but augmented in respect to Mexican matters by various creditable
collaborators, while vols. viii., ix., and x. are entirely given to
Mexico, and more particularly edited by Manuel Orozco y Berra. The
work is worth about 400 francs. The _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877)
contained a few unpublished letters of Bernal Diaz.
[1164] Sahagun’s study of the Aztec tongue was a productive
one. Biondelli published at Milan in 1858, from a manuscript by
Sahagun, an _Evangelarium epistolarium et lectionarium Aztecum sive
Mexicanum, ex antiquo codice Mexicano nuper reperto_; and Quaritch
in 1880 (_Catalogue_, p. 46, no. 261, etc.) advertised various
other manuscripts of his _Sermones in Mexicano_, etc. Jourdanet in
his edition (p. x.) translates the opinion of Sahagun given by his
contemporary and fellow-Franciscan, Fray Geronimo Mendieta, in his
_Historia eclesiastica Indiana_ (Mexico, 1860) p. 633. There is a
likeness of Sahagun in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_,
published at Mexico in 1846, vol. iii.
[1165] A part of the original manuscript of Sahagun was exhibited, says
Brinton (_Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 27), at the Congrès des
Américanistes at Madrid in 1881.
[1166] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,348. Stevens (_Historical
Collections_, vol. i., no. 1,573) mentions a copy of this edition,
which has notes and collations with the original manuscript made by Don
J. F. Ramirez. Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 316.
[1167] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 208.
[1168] The book was called: _La aparicion de N^{tra}. Señora de
Guadalupe de México, comprobada con la refutation del argumento
negativo que presenta Muñoz, fundandose en el testimonio del P. Fr.
Bernardino Sahagun; ó sea: Historia original de este escritor, que
altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado concepto de ser la unica y
original de dicho autor. Publícala, precediendo una disertacion sobre
la aparicion guadalupana, y con notas sobre la conquista de México_.
Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 46.
[1169] _Spanish Conquest_, ii. 346.
[1170] _Magazine of American History_ (November, 1881) p. 378. Cf.
other estimates in H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 493, 696; _Native
Races_, iii. 231-236; _Early Chroniclers_, pp. 19, 20. Bernal Diaz and
Sahagun are contrasted by Jourdanet in the introduction to his edition
of the latter. Cf. also Jourdanet’s edition of Bernal Diaz and the
article on Sahagun by Ferdinand Denis in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_.
[1171] Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed. ii. 38.
[1172] Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 214.
[1173] Mr. Brevoort reviewed this edition in the _Magazine of American
History_.
[1174] Vols. x. and xvi. In one of these is the _Chronica
Compendiosissima_ of Amandus (Antwerp, 1534), which contains the
letters of Peter of Ghent, or De Mura,—_Recueil des pièces relatives à
la Conquête du Mexique_, pp. 193-203. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 994.
[1175] Vol. xi. Zurita is also given in Spanish in the _Coleccion de
documentos inéditos_, vol. ii. (1865), but less perfectly than in
Ternaux. The document was written about 1560.
[1176] Vols. viii., xii., xiii.
[1177] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1540-1541.
[1178] Ibid., no. 767.
[1179] Ibid., no. 766; Sabin, vol. ix. p. 168. Cf. Brinton, _Aboriginal
American Authors_, p. 15.
[1180] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 163, 174, 206, 207; vol. iii. p.
105; and H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 339, 697; vol. ii. p.
24; Kingsborough, vol. ix.
[1181] Brinton, _Aboriginal American Literature_, p. 24.
[1182] Icazbalceta, in his _Apuntes para un Catálogo de Escritores en
lenguas indigenas de America_ (Mexico, 1866), gives a summary of the
native literature preserved to us. Cf. Brinton’s _Aboriginal American
Authors_, p. 14, etc., on natives who acquired reputation as writers of
Spanish.
[1183] Vol. i. p. lxxiv; and on p. lxxviii he gives accounts of various
manuscripts, chiefly copies, owned by himself. He also traces the rise
of his interest in American studies, while official position in later
years gave him unusual facilities for research. His conclusions and
arguments are often questioned by careful students. Cf. Bandelier, in
_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880, p. 93.
[1184] In the introduction to this volume Brasseur reviews the native
writers on the Conquest. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i. p. 493, vol. ii.
p. 488) thinks he hardly does Cortés justice, and is prone to accept
without discrimination the native accounts, to the discredit of those
of the conquerors. Brasseur gives abundant references; and since the
publication of the _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, we have a compact
enumeration of his own library.
[1185] He enumerates a few of the treasures, vol. i. p. lxxvi.
[1186] The list is not found in all copies. _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 300.
F. S. Ellis (London, 1884) prices a copy at £2 2_s._
[1187] Born at Puebla 1710; died 1780.
[1188] Published in three volumes in Mexico in 1836. Edited by C. F.
Ortega. Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, book i. chap. i. Veytia also edited
from Boturini’s collection, and published with notes at Mexico in
1826, _Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos de sus antiguos reyes_ (_Murphy
Catalogue_, no. 428).
[1189] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26, where are notices of other
manuscripts on Tlaxcalan history.
[1190] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (1845), vol. ii. p. 129, etc.
[1191] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 286; Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i.
p. 200.
[1192] _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 237.
[1193] Brinton’s _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26. Mr. A. F.
Bandelier is said to be preparing an edition of it.
[1194] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1844-1849. Ternaux’s
translation is much questioned. Cf. also Kingsborough, vol. ix., and
the _Biblioteca Mexicana_ of Vigel, with notes by Orozco y Berra.
[1195] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 28.
[1196] Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. p. 686. Bandelier has given
a partial list of the authorities on the conquest of Guatemala in
the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880; and Bancroft (_Central
America_, vol. i. p. 703, vol. ii. p. 736) characterizes the principal
sources. Helps (end of book xv. of his _Spanish Conquest_) complained
of the difficulty in getting information of the Guatemala affairs; but
Bancroft makes use of all the varied published collections of documents
on Spanish-American history, which contain so much on Guatemala; and
to his hands, fortunately, came also all the papers of the late E. G.
Squier. A _Coleccion de Documentos Antiguos de Guatemala_, published in
1857, has been mentioned elsewhere, as well as the _Proceso_ against
Alvarado, so rich in helpful material. The general historians must all
be put under requisition in studying this theme,—Oviedo, Gomara, Diaz,
Las Casas, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera, not to name others. Antonio
de Remesal’s is the oldest of the special works, and was written on
the spot. His _Historia de Chyapa_ is a Dominican’s view; and being
a partisan, he needs more or less to be confirmed. A Franciscan
friar, Francisco Vasquez, published a _Chronica de la Provincia del
Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guatemala_ in 1714, a promised second
volume never appearing. He magnified the petty doings of his brother
friars; but enough of historical interest crept into his book, together
with citations from records no longer existing, to make it valuable.
He tilts against Remesal, while he constantly uses his book; and the
antagonism of the Franciscans and Dominicans misguides him sometimes,
when borrowing from his rival. He lauds the conquerors, and he suffers
the charges of cruelty to be made out but in a few cases (Bancroft,
_Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 736). The _Historia de Guatemala_
of Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is quoted by Bancroft from
a manuscript copy (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 736), but it has
since been printed in Madrid in 1882-1883, in two volumes, with
annotations by Justo Zaragoza, as one of the series _Biblioteca de los
Americanistes_. Bancroft thinks he has many errors and that he is far
from trustworthy, wherever his partiality for the conquerors is brought
into play. The chief modern historian of Guatemala is Domingo Juarros,
who was born in that city in 1752, and died in 1820. His _Compendio de
la historia de la Ciudad de Guatemala_ was published there, the first
volume in 1808 and the second in 1818; and both were republished in
1857. It was published in English in London in 1823, with omissions
and inaccuracies,—according to Bancroft. The story of the Conquest is
told in the second volume. Except so far as he followed Fuentes, in his
partiality for the conquerors, Juarros’ treatment of his subject is
fair; and his industry and facilities make him learned in its details.
Bancroft (_Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 737) remarks on his
omission to mention the letters of Alvarado, and doubts, accordingly,
if Juarros could have known of them.
Of the despatches which Alvarado sent to Cortés, we know only two.
Bandelier (_American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October,
1880) says that Squier had copies of them all; but Bancroft (_Central
America_, vol. i. p. 666), who says he has all of Squier’s papers,
makes no mention of any beyond the two,—of April 11 and July 28,
1524,—which are in print in connection with Cortés’ fourth letter, in
Ramusio’s version, except such as are of late date (1534-1541), of
which he has copies, as his list shows (Cf. also Ternaux, vol. x.,
and Barcia, vol. i. p. 157). Ternaux is said to have translated from
Ramusio. Oviedo uses them largely, word for word. Herrera is supposed
to have used a manuscript History of the Conquest of Guatemala by
Gonzalo de Alvarado.
[1197] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 165.
[1198] A copy is in the Force Collection, Library of Congress, and
another in Mr. Bancroft’s, from whose _Mexico_, vol. i. p. 461, we
gather some of these statements.
[1199] Cf. Backer, _Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de
Jésus_; Markham’s introduction to his edition of Acosta in the Hakluyt
Society’s publications.
[1200] The original edition of the _De natura_ is scarce. Rich priced
it at £1 1_s._ fifty years ago; Leclerc, no. 2,639, at 150 francs
(cf. also Carter-Brown, i. 379; Sabin, i. 111,—for a full account
of successive editions; Sunderland, i. 23). It was reprinted at
Salamanca in 1595, and at Cologne in 1596. The latter edition can
usually be bought for $3 or $4. Cf. Field, no. 9; Stevens, _Bibliotheca
Historica_, no. 9; Murphy, no. 11, etc.
[1201] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._; ordinary copies are now
worth about £2 or £3, but fine copies in superior binding have reached
£12 12_s._ (Cf. Leclerc, no. 5—200 francs; Sunderland, i. 24; J. A.
Allen, _Bibliography of Cetacea_, p. 24,—where this and other early
books on America are recorded with the utmost care.) Other Spanish
editions are Helmstadt, 1590 (Bartlett); Seville, 1591 (Brunet,
Backer); Barcelona, 1591 (Carter-Brown, i. 478; Leclerc, no. 7);
Madrid, 1608 (Carter-Brown, ii, 61; Leclerc, no. 8) and 1610 (Sabin);
Lyons, 1670; and Madrid, 1792, called the best edition, with a notice
of Acosta.
The French editions followed rapidly: Paris, by R. Regnault, 1597
(Brunet, Markham); 1598 (Leclerc, no. 10—100 francs; Dufossé, 125
francs, 140 francs, 160 francs); 1600 (Leclerc, no. 11; Bishop Huet’s
copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris has notes which are printed
by Camus in his book on De Bry); 1606 (Leclerc, nos. 12, 13); 1616
(Carter-Brown, ii. 177; Leclerc, no. 2,639—50 francs); 1617 (Leclerc,
no. 14); 1619 (Sabin); 1621 (Rich). An Italian version, made by
Gallucci, was printed at Venice in 1596 (Leclerc, no. 15).
There were more liberties taken with it in German. It was called
_Geographische und historische Beschreibung der America_, when printed
at Cologne in 1598, with thirty maps, as detailed in the _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_, i. 520. Antonio (_Biblioteca Hispana Nova_) gives the date
1599. At Cologne again in 1600 it is called _New Welt_ (Carter-Brown,
i. 548), and at Wesel, in 1605, _America oder West India_, which is
partly the same as the preceding (Carter-Brown, ii. 31). Antonio gives
an edition in 1617.
The Dutch translation, following the 1591 Seville edition, was made
by Linschoten, and printed at Haarlem in 1598 (Leclerc, no. 16); and
again, with woodcuts, in 1624 (Carter-Brown, ii. 287; Murphy, no. 9).
It is also in Vander Aa’s collection, 1727. It was from the Dutch
version that it was turned (by Gothard Arthus for De Bry in his _Great
Voyages_, part ix.) into German, in 1601; and into Latin, in 1602 and
1603.
The first English translation did not appear till 1604, at London,
as _The naturall and morall historie of the East und West Indies.
Intreating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the Elements,
Mettalls, Plants, and Beasts which are proper to that Country; Together
with the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Governements, and Warres of the
Indians. Written in Spanish by Ioseph Acosta, and translated into
English by E[dward] G[rimston]._ Rich priced it fifty years ago at
£1 16s.; it is usually priced now at from four to eight guineas (cf.
Carter-Brown, ii. 21; Field, no. 8; Menzies, no. 4; Murphy, no. 8). It
was reprinted, with corrections of the version, and edited by C. R.
Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1880.
[1202] This is extremely rare. Quaritch, who said in 1879 that only
three copies had turned up in London in thirty years, prices an
imperfect copy at £5. (_Catalogue_, no. 326 _sub._ no. 17,635.)
It is worth while to note how events in the New World, during the early
part of the sixteenth century, were considered in their relation to
European history. Cf. for instance, Ulloa’s _Vita dell’imperator Carlo
V._ (Rome, 1562), and such chronicles as the _Anales de Aragon_, first
and second parts. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ and _Additions_), and
the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i.) will lead the student to this
examination, in their enumeration of books only incidentally connected
with America. To take but a few as representative:
Maffeius, _Commentariorum urbanorum libri_, Basle, 1530, with its
chapter on “loca nuper reperta.” (Harrisse, _Additions_, no. 93;
edition of 1544, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ no. 257, and _Additions_, no. 146.
Fabricius cites an edition as early as 1526.)
Laurentius Frisius, _Der Cartha Marina_, Strasburg, 1530. (Harrisse,
_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 151; _Addition_s, no. 90.)
Gemma Phrysius, _De Principiis Astronomiæ et Cosmographicæ_, with its
cap. xxix., “De insulis nuper inventis.” (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, no. 92.) There are later editions in 1544 (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 252), 1548; also Paris, in French, 1557, etc.
Sebastian Franck, _Weltbuch_, Tübingen, 1533-1534, in which popular
book of its day a separate chapter is given to America. The book in
this first edition is rare, and is sometimes dated 1533, and again
1534. (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 174, 197; Sabin, vi.
570; Carter-Brown, i. 111; Muller, 1877, no. 1,151; H. H. Bancroft,
_Mexico_, i. 250.) There was another edition in 1542 (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 238; Stevens, _Bbliotheca Historica_, no. 738), and later in
Dutch and German, in 1558, 1567, 1595, etc. (Leclerc, nos. 212, 217,
etc.).
George Rithaymer, _De orbis terrarum_, Nuremberg, 1538, with its “De
terris et insulis nuper repertis” (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no.
119).
Achilles P. Gassarum, _Historiarum et chronicarum mundi epitomes
libellus_, Venice, 1538, with its “insulæ in oceano antiquioribus
ignotæ.”
Ocampo, _Chronica general de España_, 1543, who, in mentioning the
discovery of the New World, forgets to name Columbus (_Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 242; Sabin, vol. xiii.).
Guillaume Postel, _De orbis terræ concordia_, Basle, about 1544 (_Bibl.
Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 145).
John Dryander, _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 1544 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
Additions_, no. 147).
Biondo, _De ventis et navigatione_, Venice, 1546, with cap. xxv. on the
New World (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 274).
Professor J. R. Seeley, in his _Expansion of England_ (p. 78), has
pointed out how events in the New World did not begin to react upon
European politics, till the attacks of Drake and the English upon the
Spanish West Indies instigated the Spanish Armada, and made territorial
aggrandizement in the New World as much a force in the conduct of
politics in Europe as the Reformation had been. The power of the
great religious revolution gradually declined before the increasing
commercial interests arising out of trade with the New World.
[1203] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 667. He died in 1604.
[1204] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,812. Icazbalceta showed Torquemada’s
debt to Mendieta by collations. (Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 668.) No
author later than Torquemada cites it. Barcia was not able to find
it, and it was considered as hopelessly lost. In 1860 its editor was
informed that the manuscript had been found among the papers left by D.
Bartolomé José Gallardo. Later it was purchased by D. José M. Andrade,
and given to Icazbalceta, at whose expense it has been published
(_Boston Public Library Catalogue_).
[1205] Carter-Brown, ii. 176; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,536. Some
of the bibliographies give the date 1613, and the place Seville. Cf.
further on Torquemada, Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 786; _Early American
Chroniclers_, p. 23; Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53.
[1206] Carter-Brown, iii. 339; Leclerc, no. 370; Field, no. 1,557;
Court, no. 354. It is in three volumes. Kingsborough in his eighth
volume gives some extracts from Torquemada.
[1207] Baptista published various devotional treatises in both Spanish
and Mexican, some of which, like his _Compassionario_ of 1599, are
extremely rare. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,306; Quaritch, _The Ramirez
Collection_, 1880, nos. 25, 26.
[1208] Again in four volumes, Mexico, 1870-1871. Cf. Bancroft,
_Mexico_, iii. 507.
[1209] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300.
[1210] _Mexico_, i. 187.
[1211] _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. no. 196.
[1212] Cf., for accounts and estimates, Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_,
vol. iii. no. 196; Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. iii. p. 208; Bancroft,
_Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 186, 697; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 22. Editions of
Solis became, in time, numerous in various languages. Most of them may
be found noted in the following list:—
_In Spanish._ Barcelona, 1691, accompanied by a Life of Solis, by Don
Juan de Goyeneche, Madrid, 1704, a good edition; Brussels, 1704, with
numerous plates; Madrid, 1732, two columns, without plates; Brussels,
1741, with Goyeneche’s Life; Madrid, 1748, said to have been corrected
by the author’s manuscript; Barcelona, 1756; Madrid, 1758; Madrid,
1763; Barcelona, 1771; Madrid, 1776; Madrid, 1780; Madrid, 1783-1784,—a
beautiful edition, called by Stirling “the triumph of the press of
Sancha” (cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 335; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
1,300); Barcelona, 1789; Madrid, 1791, 1798, 1819, 1822; Paris, 1827;
Madrid, 1828, 1829, 1838; Barcelona, 1840; Paris, 1858, with notes.
Sabin (vol. iv. nos. 16,944-16,945) gives abridged editions,—Barcelona,
1846, and Mexico, 1853. An edition, London, 1809, is “Corregida por
Augustin Luis Josse,” and is included in the _Biblioteca de autores
españoles_, in 1853.
_In French._ The earliest translation was made by Bon André de Citri
et de la Guette, and appeared with two different imprints in Paris
in 1691 in quarto (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. 1427-1428). Other editions
followed,—La Haye, 1692, in 12mo; Paris, 1704, with folding map and
engravings reduced from the Spanish editions; Paris, 1714, with plates;
Paris, 1730, 1759, 1774, 1777, 1844, etc.; and a new version by
Philippe de Toulza, with annotations, published in Paris in 1868.
_In Italian._ The early version was published at Florence in 1699, with
portraits of Solis, Cortés, and Montezuma (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
1,577). An edition at Venice in 1704 is without plates; but another, in
1715, is embellished. There was another at Venice in 1733.
_In Danish._ Copenhagen, 1747 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 859).
_In English._ Thomas Townsend’s English version was published in London
in 1724, and was reissued, revised by R. Hooke in 1753, both having
a portrait of Cortés, by Vertue, copied “after a head by Titian,”
with other folding plates based on those of the Spanish editions
(Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 350, 588; Field, _Indian Bibliography_,
nos. 1,464, 1,465). There were later editions in 1753.
It was when he was twenty-eight years old, that Prescott took his first
lesson in Spanish history in reading Solis, at Ticknor’s recommendation.
[1213] The story as the English had had it up to this time—except so
far as they learned it in translations of Solis—may be found in Burke’s
_European Settlements in America_, 1765, part i. pp. 1-166.
[1214] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,518. It was written in Spanish, but
translated into Italian for publication. A Spanish version, _Historia
Antigua de Mégico_, made by Joaquin de Mora, was printed in London in
1826, and reprinted in Mexico in 1844 (Leclerc, nos. 1,103, 1,104,
2,712). A German translation, _Geschichte von Mexico_, was issued at
Leipsic in 1789-1790, with notes. This version is not made from the
original Italian, but from an English translation printed in London
in 1787 as _The History of Mexico_, translated by Charles Cullen. It
was reprinted in London in 1807, and in Philadelphia in 1817 (Field,
_Indian Bibliography_, p. 326).
[1215] _Early American Chronicles_, p. 24.
[1216] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 697; also Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53.
[1217] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 700; Leclerc, no. 846.
[1218] _Bibliotheca Historica_, no. 377.
[1219] There is a portrait of Clavigero in Cumplido’s edition of
Prescott’s _Mexico_ (1846), vol. iii.
[1220] _Voyageurs_, iii. 422.
[1221] Mr. H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i, p. 7, _note_), however,
charges his predecessor with parading his acquisition of this then
unprinted material, and with neglecting the more trustworthy and
more accessible chroniclers. He also speaks (_Mexico_, i. 701) of an
amiable weakness in Prescott which sacrificed truth to effect, and to
a style which he calls “magnificent,” and to a “philosophic flow of
thought,”—the latter trait in Prescott being one of his weakest; nor is
his style what rhetoricians would call “magnificent.”
[1222] Mr. R. A. Wilson makes more of it than is warranted, in
affirming that “Prescott’s inability to make a personal research”
deprives us of the advantage of his integrity and personal character
(_New Conquest of Mexico_, p. 312).
[1223] Ticknor’s _Prescott_, quarto edition, pp. 167-172.
[1224] It was soon afterward reprinted in London and in Paris.
[1225] Cf. the collation of criticisms on the _Mexico_, given by
Allibone in his _Dictionary of Authors_, and by Poole in his _Index
to Periodical Literature_. Archbishop Spalding, in his _Miscellanea_,
chapters xiii. and xiv., gives the Catholic view of his labors; and
Ticknor, in his _Life of Prescott_, prints various letters from Hallam,
Sismondi, and others, giving their prompt expressions regarding the
book. In chapters xiii., xiv., and xv. of this book the reader may
trace Prescott through the progress of the work, not so satisfactorily
as one might wish however, for in his diaries and letters the historian
failed often to give the engaging qualities of his own character. It
is said that Carlyle, when applied to for letters of Prescott which
might be used by Ticknor in his Life of the historian, somewhat
rudely replied that he had never received any from Prescott worth
preserving. Prescott’s library is, unfortunately, scattered. He gave
some part of it to Harvard College, including such manuscripts as he
had used in his _Ferdinand and Isabella_; and some years after his
death a large part of it was sold at public auction. It was then found
that, with a freedom which caused some observation, the marks of his
ownership had been removed from his books. Many of his manuscripts
and his noctograph were then sold, perhaps through inadvertence, for
the family subsequently reclaimed what they could. The noctograph and
some of the manuscripts are now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts
Historical Society (cf. _Proceedings_, vol. xiii. p. 66), and other
manuscripts are in the Boston Public Library (_Bulletin of Boston
Public Library_, iv. 122). A long letter to Dr. George E. Ellis,
written in 1857, and describing his use of the noctograph, is in the
same volume (Proceedings, vol. xiii. p. 246). The estimate in which
Prescott was held by his associates of that Society may be seen in the
records of the meeting at which his death was commemorated, in 1859
(_Proceedings_, iv. 167, 266). There is a eulogy of Prescott by George
Bancroft in the _Historical Magazine_, iii. 69. Cf. references in
Poole’s _Index_, p. 1047.
[1226] Philadelphia and London, 1859.
[1227] This correspondence was civil, to say the least. Bancroft
(_Mexico_, i. 205), with a rudeness of his own, calls Wilson “a fool
and a knave.”
[1228] _American Ethnological Society Transactions_, vol. i.
[1229] Also in _Boston Daily Courier_, May 3, 1859. Cf. _Mass. Hist.
Soc. Proc._ v. 101; _Atlantic Monthly_, April and May, 1859, by John
Foster Kirk; Allibone’s _Dictionary_, vol. ii. p. 1669. L. A. Wilmer,
in his _Life of De Soto_ (1859) is another who accuses Prescott of
accepting exaggerated statements. Cf. J. D. Washburn on the failure of
Wilson’s arguments to convince, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October
21, 1879, p. 18.
[1230] Edition of 1874, ii. 110.
[1231] Page 147.
[1232] Born about 1817, and knighted in 1872.
[1233] _Indian Bibliography_, no. 682.
[1234] Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 488.
[1235] Cf. _Revue des deux mondes_, 1845, vol. xi. p. 197. The book
was later translated into English. He also published in 1863 and in
1864 _Le Mexique ancien et moderne_, which was also given in an English
translation in London in 1864. Cf. _British Quarterly Review_, xl. 360.
[1236] Ruge, in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, tells
the story with the latest knowledge.
[1237] Both books command good prices, ranging from $25 to $50 each.
[1238] _Mexico_, i. 697; ii. 788,—where he speaks of N. de Zamacois’
_Historia de Méjico_, Barcelona, 1877-1880, in eleven volumes, as
“blundering;” and Mora’s _Méjico y sus Revoluciones_, Paris, 1836, in
three volumes, as “hasty.” Bancroft’s conclusion regarding what Mexico
itself has contributed to the history of the Conquest is “that no
complete account of real value has been written.” Andrés Cavo’s _Tres
siglos de México_ (Mexico, 1836-1838, in three volumes) is but scant
on the period of the Conquest (Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 508). It was
reprinted in 1852, with notes and additions by Bustamante, and as part
of the _Biblioteca Nacional y Extranjera_, and again at Jalapa in 1860.
[1239] Vol. ii. chaps. xxi. and xxx., p. 648.
[1240] _Mexico_, ii. 455-456.
[1241] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,350.
[1242] Rich, 1832, no. 422; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 650. It was
reprinted at Mérida in 1842, and again in 1867.
[1243] Leclerc, nos. 1,172, 2,289. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October,
1880, p. 85, where will be found Bandelier’s partial bibliography of
Yucatan.
[1244] Cf. Field. 1605; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880,
p. 89. The book is not so rare as it is sometimes claimed; Quaritch
usually prices copies at from £2 to £5.
[1245] Field, p. 522.
[1246] The _Registro Yucateco_, a periodical devoted to local
historical study, and published in Mérida, only lived for two years,
1845-1846.
[1247] Cf. Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,834, and references. There is a copy
of Boturini Benaduci in Harvard College Library. A portrait of him is
given in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.
[1248] It is rare. Quaritch in 1880 priced Ramirez’ copy at £12. It was
printed, “Mexici in Ædibus Authoris.”
[1249] Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xiii.
[1250] It contained nearly fourteen hundred entries about Mexico, or
its press. Another collection, gathered by a gentleman attached to
Maximilian’s court, was sold in Paris in 1868; and still another,
partly the accumulation of Père Augustin Fischer, the confessor of
Maximilian, was dispersed in London in 1869 as a _Biblioteca Mejicana_.
Cf. Jackson’s _Bibliographies Géographiques_, p. 223.
[1251] Many of these afterwards appeared in B. Quaritch’s _Rough List_,
no. 46, 1880. The principal part of a sale which included the libraries
of Pinart and Brasseur de Bourbourg (January and February, 1884) also
pertained to Mexico and the Spanish possessions.
[1252] Cf. for instance his _Native Races_, iv. 565; _Central America_,
i. 195; _Mexico_, i. 694, ii. 487, 784; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 19,
etc. It is understood that his habit has been to employ readers to
excerpt and abstract from books, and make references. These slips are
put in paper bags according to topic. Such of these memoranda as are
not worked into the notes of the pertinent chapter are usually massed
in a concluding note.
[1253] The general bibliographies of American history are examined in
a separate section of the present work and elsewhere in the present
chapter something has been said of the bibliographical side of various
other phases of the Mexican theme. Mr. A. F. Bandelier has given a
partial bibliography of Yucatan and Central America, touching Mexico,
however, only incidentally, in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October,
1880. Harrisse, in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 212, has given a partial
list of the poems and plays founded upon the Conquest. Others will
be found in the _Chronological List of Historical Fiction_ published
by the Boston Public Library. Among the poems are Gabriel Lasso de
la Vega’s _Cortés Valeroso_, 1588, republished as _Mexicana_ in 1594
(Maisonneuve, no. 2,825—200 francs); Saavedra Guzman’s _El Peregrino
indiano_, Madrid, 1599 (Rich, 1832, no. 86, £4 4_s._); Balbuena’s _El
Bernardo_, a conglomerate heroic poem (Madrid, 1624), which gives one
book to the Conquest by Cortés (Leclerc, no. 48—100 francs); Boesnier’s
_Le Mexique Conquis_, Paris, 1752; Escoiquiz, _México Conquistada_,
1798; Roux de Rochelle, _Ferdinand Cortez_; P. du Roure, _La Conquête
du Mexique_.
Among the plays,—Dryden’s _Indian Emperor_ (Cortés and Montezuma);
Lope de Vega’s _Marquez del Valle_; Fernand de Zarate’s _Conquista de
México_; Canizares, _El Pleyto de Fernan Cortes_; F. del Rey, _Hernand
Cortez en Tabasco_; Piron, _Cortes_; Malcolm MacDonald, _Guatemozin_
(Philadelphia, 1878), etc.
[1254] Dr. Kohl’s studies on the course of geographical discovery
along the Pacific coast were never published. He printed an abstract
in the _United States Coast Survey Report_, 1855, pp. 374, 375. A
manuscript memoir by him on the subject is in the library of the
American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_, 23 Apr. 1872, pp. 7,
26) at Worcester. So great advances in this field have since been
made that it probably never will be printed. There is a chronological
statement of explorations up the Pacific coast in Duflot de Mofras’
_Exploration du territoire de l’Orégon_ (Paris, 1844), vol. i. chap.
iv.; but H. H. Bancroft’s _Pacific States_, particularly his _Northwest
Coast_, vol. i., embodies the fullest information on this subject. In
the enumeration of maps in the present paper, many omissions are made
purposely, and some doubtless from want of knowledge. It is intended
only to give a sufficient number to mark the varying progress of
geographical ideas.
[1255] See _ante_, pp. 106, 115.
[1256] Cf. maps _ante_, on pp. 108, 112, 114, 127.
[1257] This map is preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and is
portrayed in Kunstmann’s _Atlas_, pl. iv., and in Stevens’s _Notes_,
pl. v. Cf. Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_ (for a part), no. 10; and
Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 167.
[1258] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 131.
[1259] A sketch of the map is given by Lelewel, pl. xlvi.
[1260] The _Novus Orbis_ (Paris) has sometimes another map; but
Harrisse says the Finæus one is the proper one. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
nos. 172, 173.
[1261] Vol. III. p. 11. This reduction, there made from Stevens’s
_Notes_, pl. iv., is copied on a reduced scale in Bancroft’s _Central
America_, vol. i. p. 149. Stevens also gives a fac-simile of the
original, and a greatly reduced reproduction is given in Daly’s _Early
Cartography_. Its names, as Harrisse has pointed out (_Cabots_, p.
182), are similar to the two Weimar charts of 1527 and 1529. The
bibliography of this Paris Grynæus is examined elsewhere.
[1262] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 127.
[1263] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Maps_, 1844, p. 22.
[1264] Vol. for 1877, p. 359. Cf. the present History, Vol. I. p. 214;
IV. 81.
[1265] See Vol. III. p. 18.
[1266] _Epilogue_, p. 219.
[1267] This edition was in small octavo, with sixty maps, engraved on
metal, of which there are seven of interest to students of American
cartography. They are of South America (no. 54), New Spain (no. 55),
“Terra nova Bacalaos” or Florida to Labrador (no. 56), Cuba (no. 57),
and Hispaniola (no. 58). The copies in America which have fallen under
the Editor’s observation are those in the Library of Congress, in
the Astor and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the collections of Mr.
Barlow and Mr. Kalbfleisch in New York, and of Prof. Jules Marcou in
Cambridge. There was one in the Murphy Collection, no. 2,067. It is
worth from $15 to $25. Cf. on Gastaldi’s maps, Zurla’s _Marco Polo_
ii. 368; the _Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi_, Torino, 1881; Castellani’s
_Catalogo delle più rare opere geografiche_, Rome, 1876, and other
references in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1548; and
Vol. IV. p. 40 of the present History.
[1268] This edition is in small quarto and contains six American maps:
no. 1, “Orbis Descriptio;” no. 2, “Carta Marina;” no. 3, a reproduction
of the Zeni map; no. 4, “Schonlandia” (Greenland region, etc.); no.
5, South America; no. 6, New Spain; no. 7, “Tierra nueva,” or eastern
coast of North America; no. 8, Brazil; no. 9, Cuba; no. 10, Hispaniola.
These maps were repeated in the 1562, 1564, and 1574 editions of
Ptolemy. The copies in America of these editions known to the
Editor are in the following libraries: Library of Congress, 1561,
1562, 1574; Boston Public Library, 1561; Harvard College Library,
1562; Carter-Brown Library, 1561, 1562, 1564, 1574; Philadelphia
Library, 1574; Astor Library, 1574; S. L. M. Barlow’s, 1562, 1564;
James Carson Brevoort’s, 1562; J. Hammond Trumbull’s, 1561; Trinity
College (Hartford), 1574; C. C. Baldwin’s (Cleveland) 1561; Murphy
Catalogue, 1561, 1562, 1574,—the last two bought by President A. D.
White of Cornell University. These editions of Ptolemy’s _Geographica_
are described, and their American maps compared with the works of
other contemporary cartographers, in Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s
Geography_ (1884).
[1269] _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870, pages
62; plates vi., vii., ix.
[1270] These and other maps of the Palazzo are noted in _Studi
biografici e bibliografici della società geografica italiana_, Rome,
1882, ii. 169, 172.
[1271] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 209; Leclerc, _Bibliotheca
Americana_, no. 240; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,047. The map is very
rare. Henry Stevens published a fac-simile made by Harris. This and a
fac-simile of the title of the book are annexed. Cf. Orozco y Berra,
_Cartografia Mexicana_, 37.
[1272] Sabin, _Dictionary of books relating to America_, vii. 27,504;
Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 2,413 (books sold in London,
July, 1881). The Harvard College copy lacks the map. Mr. Brevoort’s
copy has the map, and that gentleman thinks it belongs to this edition
as well as to the other.
[1273] The Catalogue of the British Museum puts under 1562 a map by
Furlani called _Univerales Descrittione di tutta la Terra cognosciuta
da Paulo di Forlani_. A “carta nautica” of the same cartographer,
now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, is figured in Santarem’s
_Atlas_. (Cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1839; and
_Studi biografici e bibliografici_, ii. p. 142). Thomassy in his
_Papes géographes_, p. 118, mentions a Furlani (engraved) map of
1565, published at Venice, and says it closely resembles the Gastaldi
type. Another, of 1570, is contained in Lafreri’s _Tavole moderne di
geografia_, Rome and Venice, 1554-1572 (cf. Manno and Promis, _Notizie
di Gastaldi_, 1881, p. 19; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 237). Furlani, in
1574, as we shall see, had dissevered America and Asia. As to Diego
Hermano, cf. Willes’ _History of Trauvayle_ (London, 1577) fol. 232,
_verso_.
[1274] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the
Carter-Brown Library. Dufossé recently priced it at 25 francs.
[1275] Morton’s _New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 126.
[1276] See _ante_, p. 104.
[1277] Magellan and his companions seem to have given the latter name,
according to Pigafetta, and Galvano and others soon adopted the name.
(Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 135, 136, 373; and the
present volume, _ante_, p. 196).
[1278] Brevoort (_Verrazano_, p. 80) suspects that the Vopellio map
of 1556 represents the geographical views of Cortés at this time.
Mr. Brevoort has a copy of this rare map. See _ante_, p. 436, for
fac-simile.
[1279] Cf. collation of references in Bancroft, _No. Mexican States_,
i. 18; _Northwest Coast_, i. 13.
[1280] Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxiii. 366.
[1281] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258.
[1282] These are given in Navarrete, v. 442. Cf. other references in
Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258, where his statements are at variance with
those in his _Central America_, i. 143.
[1283] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 65, where a report describes this
preliminary expedition.
[1284] In 1524 Francisco Cortés in his expedition to the Jalisco coast
heard from the natives of a wooden house stranded there many years
earlier, which may possibly refer to an early Portuguese voyage. H. H.
Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 15.
[1285] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_, ii. 180, and references.
[1286] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. iii., on
this voyage, with full references.
[1287] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. ii., with
references; p. 29, on Guzman’s expedition, and a map of it, p. 31.
[1288] The Rev. Edward E. Hale procured a copy of this when in Spain
in 1883, and from his copy the annexed woodcut is made. Cf. Gomara,
folio 117; Herrera, Decade viii. lib. viii. cap. ix. and x. Bancroft
(_Central America_, i. 150) writes without knowledge of this map.
[1289] The Spanish is printed in Navarrete, iv. 190.
[1290] This expedition of Cortés is not without difficulties in
reconciling authorities and tracing the fate of the colonists which
he sought to plant at Santa Cruz. Bancroft has examined the various
accounts (_North Mexican States_, i. 52, etc.).
[1291] Cortés had called California an island as early as 1524, in a
report to the Emperor, deducing his belief from native reports. De Laet
in 1633 mentions having seen early Spanish maps showing it of insular
shape.
[1292] Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 322; Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 425;
_Central America_, i. 152, and _North Mexican States_, i. 79, with
references. The accounts are not wholly reconcilable. It would seem
probable that Ulloa’s own ship was never heard from. Ramusio gives a
full account (vol. iii. p. 340) by one of the companions of Ulloa, on
another ship.
[1293] At least so says Herrera (Stevens’s edition, vi. 305). Castañeda
defers the naming till Alarcon’s expedition. Cabrillo in 1542 used the
name as of well-known application. The origin of the name has been a
cause of dispute. Professor Jules Marcou is in error in stating that
the name was first applied by Bernal Diaz to a bay on the coast, and
so was made to include the whole region. He claims that it was simply
a designation used by Cortés to distinguish a land which we now know
to be the hottest in the two Americas,—Tierra California, derived from
“calida fornax,” fiery furnace. (Cf. _Annual Report of the Survey west
of the hundredth Parallel_, by George M. Wheeler, 1876, p. 386; and
_Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers_, U.S.A., 1878, appendix, also
printed separately as _Notes upon the First Discoveries of California
and the Origin of its Name_, by Jules Marcou, Washington, 1878.)
Bancroft (_California_, i. 65, 66) points out a variety of equivalent
derivations which have been suggested. The name was first traced in
1862, by Edward E. Hale, to a romance published, it is supposed, in
1510,—_Las Sergas de Esplandian_, by Garcia Ordoñez de Montalvo, which
might easily enough have been a popular book with the Spanish followers
of Cortés. There were later editions in 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526. In
this romance Esplandian, emperor of the Greeks, the imaginary son of
the imaginary Amadis, defends Constantinople against the infidels of
the East. A pagan queen of Amazons brings an army of Amazons to the
succor of the infidels. This imaginary queen is named Calafia, and her
kingdom is called “California,”—a name possibly derived from “Calif,”
which, to the readers of such a book, would be associated with the
East. California in the romance is represented as an island rich with
gold and diamonds and pearls. The language of the writer is this:—
“Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is an island called
California, very close to the side of the Terrestrial Paradise; and it
was peopled by black women, without any man among them, for they lived
in the fashion of Amazons. They were of strong and hardy bodies, of
ardent courage and great force. Their island was the strongest in all
the world, with its steep cliffs and rocky shores. Their arms were all
of gold, and so was the harness of the wild beasts which they tamed to
ride; for in the whole island there was no metal but gold. They lived
in caves wrought out of the rock with much labor. They had many ships,
with which they sailed out to other countries to obtain booty.”
That this name, as an omen of wealth, struck the fancy of Cortés is
the theory of Dr. Hale, who adds “that as a western pioneer now gives
the name of ‘Eden’ to his new home, so Cortés called his new discovery
‘California.’” (Cf. Hale in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April 30, 1862;
in _Historical Magazine_, vi. 312, Oct. 1862; in _His Level Best_, p.
234; and in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 265; J. Archibald in _Overland
Monthly_, ii. 437, Prof. J. D. Whitney in article “California” in
_Encyclopædia Britannica_.) Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i.
p. 82; and _California_, vol. i. p. 64) points out how the earliest use
of the name known to us was in Preciado’s narrative (Ramusio, vol. iii.
p. 343) of Ulloa’s voyage; and that there is no evidence of its use by
Cortés himself. It was applied then to the bay or its neighborhood,
which had been called Santa Cruz or La Paz.
[1294] Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 58.
[1295] Cf. _post_, chap. vii.
[1296] _Notes_, etc., p. 4.
[1297] We have Alarcon’s narrative in Ramusio, iii. 363; Herrera,
Dec. vi. p. 208; Hakluyt, iii. 425, 505; Ternaux-Compans’ _Voyages_,
etc., ix. 299. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 93) gives
various references. An intended second expedition under Alarcon, with a
co-operating fleet to follow the outer coast of the peninsula, failed
of execution. The instructions given in 1541 to Alarcon for his voyage
on the California coast, by order of Mendoza, are given in B. Smith’s
_Coleccion_, p. 1.
[1298] These are the ship’s figures; but it is thought their reckoning
was one or two degrees too high.
[1299] Attempts have been made. Cf. Bancroft, _California_, i. 70;
_Northwest Coast_, i. 38.
[1300] The source of our information for this voyage is a _Relacion_
(June 27, 1542, to April 14, 1543) printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion
de documentos inéditos_, xiv. 165; and very little is added from
other sources, given in Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 133.
Buckingham Smith gave the _Relacion_ earlier in his _Coleccion de
varios Documentos para la historia de la Florida y Tierras adyacentes_
(Madrid, 1857, vol. i. p. 173). A translation is contained in Wheeler’s
_United States Geological Survey_, vol. vii., with notes, and an
earlier English version by Alexander S. Taylor was published in San
Francisco in 1853, as _The First Voyage to the Coast of California_.
Cf. also Bancroft’s _California_, i. 69; _Northwest Coast_, i. 137.
It is thought that Juan Paez was the author of the original, which is
preserved among the Simancas papers at Seville. Herrera seems to have
used it, omitting much and adding somewhat, thus making the narrative
which, till the original was printed, supplied the staple source to
most writers on the subject. In 1802 Navarrete summarized the story
from this _Relacion_ in vol. xv. of his _Documentos inéditos_. Bancroft
(vol. i. p. 81) cites numerous unimportant references.
[1301] _Nouvelle Espagne_ (i. 330), where, as well as in other of the
later writers, it is said the name “Anian” came from one of Cortereal’s
companions. But see H. H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 36,
55, 56, where he conjectures that the name is a confused reminiscence
at a later day of the name of _Anus_ Cortereal, mentioned by Hakluyt in
1582.
[1302] There was at one time a current belief in the story of a Dutch
vessel being driven through such a strait to the Pacific, passing the
great city of Quivira, which had been founded by the Aztecs after they
had been driven from Mexico by the Spaniards. Then there are similar
stories told by Menendez (1554) and associated with Urdaneta’s name
(cf. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 51); and at a later day
other like stories often prevailed. The early maps place the “Regnum
Anian” and “Quivira” on our northwestern coast. Bancroft (_Northwest
Coast_, vol. i. pp. 45, 49) thinks Gomara responsible for transferring
Quivira from the plains to the coast. See Editorial Note at the end of
chap. vii.
It is sometimes said (see Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 55)
that the belief in the Straits of Anian sprang from a misinterpretation
of a passage in Marco Polo; but Bancroft (p. 53) cannot trace the name
back of 1574, as he finds it in one of the French (Antwerp) editions
of Ortelius of that year. Ortelius had used the name, however, in his
edition of 1570, but only as a copier, in this as in other respects,
of Mercator, in his great map of 1569, as Bancroft seems to suspect.
Porcacchi (1572), Furlani or Forlani (1574), and others put the name on
the Asian side of the strait, where it is probable that it originally
appeared. Bancroft (p. 81) is in error in saying that the name “Anian”
was “for the first time” applied to the north and south passage between
America and Asia, as distinct from the east and west passage across the
continent, in the “Mercator Atlas of 1595;” for such an application is
apparent in the map of Zalterius (1566), Mercator (1569), Porcacchi
(1572), Forlani (1574), Best’s Frobisher (1578),—not to name others.
[1303] Sketched in this History, Vol. IV. p. 46.
[1304] Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 193) places it about 1542.
[1305] It is described by Malte Brun in the _Bulletin de la Société
de Géographie_, 1876, p. 625; and an edition of a hundred copies of a
photographic reproduction, edited by Frédéric Spitzer, was issued in
Paris in 1875. There is a copy of the last in Harvard College Library.
A similar peninsula is shown in plate xiv. of the same atlas.
[1306] Repeated in 1545.
[1307] See Vol. IV. p. 41.
[1308] See _ante_, p. 177.
[1309] This edition, issued at Basle, had twenty modern maps designed
by Münster, two of which have American interest:—
_a._ _Typus universalis_,—an elliptical map, showing America on the
left, but with a part of Mexico (Temistitan) carried to the right of
the map, with a strait—“per hoc fretū iter patet ad molucas”—separating
America from India superior on the northwest.
_b._ _Novæ insulæ_,—the map reproduced in Vol. IV. p. 41.
There are copies of this 1540 edition of Ptolemy in the Astor Library,
in the collections of Mr. Barlow, Mr. Deane, and President White of
Cornell, while one is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,058, which
is now in the library of the American Geographical Society. This
edition was issued the next year with the date changed to 1541. Cf.
Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_. The same maps were also used in the
Basle edition of 1542, with borders surrounding them, some of which
were designs, perhaps, of Holbein. There are copies of this edition in
the Astor Library, and in the collections of Brevoort, Barlow, and J.
H. Trumbull, of Hartford. The _Murphy Catalogue_ shows another, no.
2,066.
[1310] The “Typus universalis” of this edition, much the same as in the
edition of 1540, was re-engraved for the Basle edition of 1552, with a
few changes of names: “Islandia,” for instance, which is on the isthmus
connecting “Bacalhos” with Norway, is left out, and so is “Thyle” on
Iceland, which is now called “Island.” This last engraving was repeated
in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ in 1554.
There are copies of the Ptolemy of 1545 in the libraries of Congress
and of Harvard College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. One is also
owned by J. R. Webster, of East Milton, Mass., and another is shown in
the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,078.
Copies of the 1552 edition are in the libraries of Congress, of
New York State, and of Cornell University. The Sobolewski copy is
now in the collection of Prof. J. D. Whitney, Cambridge, Mass. Dr.
O’Callaghan’s copy was sold in New York, in December, 1882; the Murphy
copy is no. 2,065 of the _Murphy Catalogue_.
The maps were again reproduced in the Ptolemy of 1555.
[1311] _Ante_, p. 435.
[1312] Plates vi., vii., ix., as shown in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für
Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870.
[1313] Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 137.
[1314] See _ante_, p. 436.
[1315] See _ante_, p. 228.
[1316] This map of Homem is given on another page. His delineation of
the gulf seems to be like Castillo’s, and is carried two degrees too
far north as in that draft; but Castillo’s names are wanting in Homem,
who lays down the peninsula better, following, as Kohl conjectures,
Ulloa’s charts. He marks the coast above 33° as unknown, showing that
he had no intelligence of Cabrillo’s voyage.
[1317] See _ante_, p. 438.
[1318] See _post_, p. 451.
[1319] See Vol. IV. p. 92. The 1568 map is a part of an _Atlante
maritimo_, of which a full-size colored fac-simile of the part
showing the Moluccas is given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters
der Entdeckungen_. It is a parchment collection of twenty-seven maps
showing the Portuguese possessions in the two Indies. Cf. _Katalog der
Handschriften der Kais. Off. Bibl. zu Dresden_, 1882, vol. i. p. 369.
[1320] See Vol. IV. p. 369; and the note, _post_, p. 470.
[1321] See p. 452.
[1322] There is a full-size fac-simile in Jomard’s _Monuments de la
Géographie_, pl. xxi., but it omits the legends given in the tablets;
in Lelewel, vol. i. pl. v.; also cf. vol. i. p. xcviii, and vol.
ii. pp. 181, 225; and, much reduced from Jomard, in Daly’s _Early
Cartography_, p. 38.
[1323] Cf. Vol III. p. 34; Vol. IV. p. 372; and the note, _post_, p.
471.
[1324] See the map, _post_, p. 453.
[1325] There are copies of this first edition in the Harvard College,
Boston Public, Astor, and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Brevoort
Collection. It should have thirty small copperplate maps, inserted
in the text. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 292; Stevens,
_Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 648; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no.
1,866 (now Harvard College copy); Court, no. 284; Rich, _Catalogue_
(1832), nos. 51, 55, etc.
Two of its maps show America, but only one gives the western coast,
while both have the exaggerated continental Tierra del Fuego. The map
sketched in the text is given in fac-simile in Stevens’s _Notes_.
Both maps were repeated in the 1576 edition (Venice, with 1575 in the
colophon). This edition shows forty-seven maps; and pp. 157-184 (third
book) treat of America. Besides a map of the world it has a “carta da
navigar” (p. 198), maps of Cuba and other islands, and a plan of Mexico
and its lake. There are copies in the Boston Public and Harvard College
libraries, Mr. Deane’s Collection, etc. Cf. Stevens, _Historical
Collections_, vol. i. no. 82; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 309; Muller
(1872), no. 1,255.
Another edition was issued at Venice in 1590. Cf. _Boston Public
Library Catalogue_, no. 6271.14, Carter-Brown, i. 393; Murphy, no.
2,010. Later editions were issued at Venice in 1604 (forty-eight maps);
in 1605 (Carter-Brown, ii. 40); and in 1620 (Carter-Brown, ii. 241;
Cooke, no. 2,858, now in Harvard College Library), which was published
at Padua, and had maps of North America (p. 161), Spagnolla (p. 165),
Cuba (p. 172), Jamaica (p. 175), Moluccas (p. 189), and a mappemonde
(p. 193). The last edition we have noted was issued at Venice in 1686,
with the maps on separate leaves, and not in the text as previously.
[1326] Plate vi. He describes it in vol. i. p. ci, and ii. p. 114. He
says it was taken from Spain to Warsaw, and has disappeared.
[1327] It has two maps, varying somewhat, “Typus orbis terrarum” and
“Americæ sive novi orbis nuova descriptio,”—the work of Hugo Favolius.
Cf. Leclerc, no. 206; Muller (1877), no. 1,198. The text is in verse.
[1328] See p. 454.
[1329] Cf. the map, as given in Vol. III. p. 203. Bancroft (_Northwest
Coast_, vol. i. p. 58) epitomizes Gilbert’s arguments for a passage.
Willes gives reasons in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 24.
[1330] See fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 102.
[1331] Cf. the sketch of the California coast from this last in Vol.
III. p. 80.
The question of the harbor in which Drake refitted his ship for his
return voyage by Cape of Good Hope has been examined in another place
(Vol. III. pp. 74, 80). Since that volume was printed, H. H. Bancroft
has published vol. i. of his _History of California_; and after giving
a variety of references on Drake’s voyage (p. 82) he proceeds to
examine the question anew, expressing his own opinion decidedly against
San Francisco, and believing it can never be settled whether Bodega or
the harbor under Point Reyes (Drake’s Bay of the modern maps) was the
harbor; though on another page (p. 158) he thinks the spot was Drake’s
Bay, and in a volume previously issued (_Central America_, vol. ii. p.
419) he had given a decided opinion in favor of it. In his discussion
of the question, he claims that Dr. Hale and most other investigators
have not been aware that the harbor behind Point Reyes was discovered
in 1595 by Cermeñon (p. 96), and then named San Francisco; and that
it is this old San Francisco, visited by Viscaino in 1603, and sought
by Portolá in 1769, when this latter navigator stumbled on the
Golden Gate, which is the San Francisco of the old geographers and
cartographers, and not the magnificent harbor now known by that name
(p. 157). He adds that the tradition among the Spaniards of the coast
has been more in favor of Bodega than of Drake’s Bay; while the modern
San Francisco has never been thought of by them. Beyond emphasizing the
distinction between the old and new San Francisco, Mr. Bancroft has
brought no new influence upon the solution of the question. He makes a
point of a Pacific sea-manual of Admiral Cabrera Bueno, published at
Manilla in 1734 as _Navegacion Especulation_, being used to set this
point clear for the first time in English, when one of his assistants
wrote a paper in the _Overland Monthly_ in 1874. The book is not very
scarce; Quaritch advertised a copy in 1879 for £4. Bancroft (p. 106)
seems to use an edition of 1792, though he puts the 1734 edition in
his list of authorities. Various documents from the Spanish Archives
relating to Drake’s exploits in the Pacific have been published (since
Vol. III. was printed) in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en
el siglo XVI_, Madrid, 1883, p. 569, etc.
[1332] See the sketch in Vol. IV. p. 98.
[1333] Cf. Sabin, vol. x. p. 75; Court, 185, 186; Carter-Brown, vol. i.
p. 292; Huth, iv. 1,169; Stevens’s _Historical Collections_, vol. i.
no. 135, and Vol. III. of the present History, p. 37, for other mention
of Popellinière’s _Les Trois Mondes_. The third world is the great
Antarctic continent so common in maps of this time.
[1334] Lok’s map from Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_ is given in fac-simile
in Vol. III. p. 40 and Vol. IV. p. 44. There is a sketch of it in
Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 151, and in his _Northwest
Coast_, vol. i. p. 65.
[1335] The question of Fusang, which Kohl believes to be Japan, is
discussed in Vol. I.
[1336] Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, pp. 322, 395; J. C.
Brevoort in _Magazine of American History_, vol. i. p. 250; Burney,
_Voyages_, vol. i., and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p.
139, where there are references and collections of authorities.
[1337] Gali’s letter is in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526, copied from
Linschoten. Cf. inscription on the Molineaux map of 1600 in this
History, Vol. III. p. 80, and Bancroft, _California_, vol. i. p. 94.
The map which Gali is thought to have made is not now known (Kohl,
_Maps in Hakluyt_, 61). Bancroft says that Gali’s mention of Cape
Mendocino is the earliest, but it is not definitely known by whom that
prominent point was first named.
[1338] This map is sketched in Vol. III. p. 42.
[1339] It is claimed that Maldonado presented his memoir in 1609 to the
Council of the Indies, and asked for a reward for the discovery; and
there are two manuscripts purporting to be the original memoir. One,
of which trace is found in 1672, 1738, 1775, 1781 (copied by Muñoz),
and printed in 1788, was still existing, it is claimed, in 1789, and
was reviewed in 1790 by the French geographer Buache, who endeavored
to establish its authenticity; and it is translated, with maps, in
Barrow’s _Chronological History of Voyages_, etc. Another manuscript
was found in the Ambrosian library in 1811, and was published at Milan
as _Viaggio dal mare Atlantico al Pacifico_, translated from a Spanish
manuscript (Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,746), and again
in French at Plaisance in 1812. The editor was Charles Amoretti,
who added a discourse, expressing his belief in it, together with a
circumpolar map marking Maldonado’s track. (Harvard College Library,
no. 4331.2.) This book was reviewed by Barrow in the _Quarterly
Review_, October, 1816. Cf. Burney’s _Voyages_, vol. v. p.167. A
memoir by the Chevalier Lapie, with another map of the “Mer polaire,”
is printed in the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, vol. xi. (1821).
Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 98) reproduces Lapie’s map. Navarrete
searched the Spanish Archives for confirmation of this memoir,—a search
not in vain, inasmuch as it led to the discovery of the documents
with which he illustrated the history of Columbus; and he also gave
his view of the question in vol. xv. of his _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos_ in the volume specially called _Examen historico-critico
de los Viages y Descubrimientos apócrifos del capitan Lorenzo Ferrer
Maldonado, de Juan de Fuca y del almirante Bartolomé de Fonte: memoria
comenzada por D. M. F. de Navarrete, y arreglada y concluida por D.
Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete_. Bancroft calls it an elaboration
of the voyage of the _Sutil y Méxicana_. (Cf. Arcana, _Bibliographia
de obras anonimas_, 1882, no. 408.) Goldson in his _Memoir on the
Straits of Anian_ places confidence in the Maldonado memoir. Cf.
Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 92), who recapitulates the
story and cites the examiners of it, _pro_ and _con_, and gives (p. 96)
Maldonado’s map of the strait.
[1340] Vol. iii. p. 849.
[1341] On Cavendish’s Pacific Explorations. See Vol. III., chap. ii.
[1342] Greenhow in his _Oregon_ contends for a certain basis of truth
in De Fuca’s story. Cf. Navarrete in the _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos_, vol. xv., and Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p.
146, and _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 71-80), who pronounces it pure
fiction, and in a long note gives the writers _pro_ and _con_.
[1343] In his _Speculum Orbis Terræ_. Cf. Muller, (1872), no. 1,437,
and Vol. IV. p. 97 of this History. This map of 1593 gives to the lake
which empties into the Arctic Ocean the name “Conibas,”—an application
of the name that Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 84) finds no
earlier instance of than that in Wytfliet in 1597.
[1344] _Mapoteca Colombiana_ of Uricoechea, nos. 16, 17, and 18.
[1345] Copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. _Mapoteca Colombiana_, no.
19.
[1346] The map of Plancius was first drafted—according to
Blundeville—in 1592, and is dated 1594 in the Dutch Linschoten of
1596, where it was republished. It was re-engraved, but not credited
to Plancius, in the Latin Linschoten of 1599. The English Linschoten
of 1598 has a map, re-engraved from Ortelius, which is given in the
Hakluyt of 1589.
[1347] _Mapoteca Colombiana_, nos. 20 and 21. Cf. this History, Vol.
IV. p. 99[internal link-vol 4].
[1348] Cf. nos. 2, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35. This 1597 edition of Ptolemy was
issued at Cologne, under the editing of Jean Antonio Magini, a Paduan,
born in 1556. (Cf. Lelewel, _Epilogue_, 219.) The maps showing America
are,—
No. 2. A folding map of the two spheres, drawn by Hieronymus Porro from
the map which Rumoldus Mercator based on his father’s work.
Nos. 28 and 32. Asia, showing the opposite American shores.
Nos. 34-35. America, of the Mercator type, but less accurate than
Ortelius. There are copies of this edition in the library of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, and in Mr. Brevoort’s collection.
(Walckenaer, no. 2,257; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,259; Graesse, vol. v.
p. 502.)
This same edition is sometimes found with the imprint of Arnheim, and
copies of this are in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown
Collection. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 514; Graesse, v. 502.)
An edition in Italian, 1598 (with 1597 in the colophon), embodying
the works of Magini and Porro, was published at Venice; and there are
copies of this in the Library of Congress and in the Philadelphia
Library; also in the collections of J. Carson Brevoort, President White
of Cornell University, and C. C. Baldwin, of Cleveland.
The text of Ruscelli, edited by Rosaccio, was printed at Venice in
1599, giving three maps of the world and nine special American maps.
There is a copy of this edition in the Carter-Brown Library, and one
was sold in the Murphy sale (no. 2,077). The Magini text was again
printed at Cologne in 1608, and of this there are copies in the Harvard
College and Carter-Brown libraries.
[1349] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 369.[internal link-vol 4]
[1350] This and the other maps were repeated in the six Dutch editions,
in the second and third French, and in the original Latin edition. The
third Dutch edition, in three parts, is the rarest of the editions in
that language; the first part being without date, while the second and
third are dated respectively 1604 and 1605. The fourth Dutch edition is
dated 1614, the fifth 1623 (a reprint of the 1614), the sixth 1644 (a
reprint of the 1623). Cf. Tiele, _Bibliographie sur les journaux des
navigateurs_, nos. 80, 82, 86, 88, 90; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 503,
vol. ii. no. 547; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 1,148; Muller,
_Books on America_, 1872, nos. 2,185, 2,188, 2,190; and 1877, nos.
1,880, 1,882, 1,883, 1,884.
The English translation by Wolfe (1598) is mentioned in Vol. III. p.
206. It was so rare in 1832 that Rich priced it at £8 8_s._; and yet
Crowninshield bought his copy in 1844 at a Boston auction for $10.50.
The Roxburgh copy had brought £10 15_s._, and the Jadis copy the same.
Smith, the London dealer, in 1874 advertised one for £7 15_s._ 6_d._
The Menzies copy (no. 1,254) brought $104. There was a copy sold in the
Beckford sale, 1883, no. 1,813, and another in the Murphy sale, no.
1,498.
The first Latin edition, _Navigatio ac Itinerarium_, was printed in
1599, its first part being translated, with some omissions, from the
Dutch, and the description of America being omitted from the second
part. It was reissued with a new title in 1614,—an edition very rare;
but there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf.
Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 542, vol. ii. no. 167; Leclerc, no. 360—150
francs; Murphy, no. 1,499; Tiele, no. 81; Muller, 1872, no. 2,196;
1877, nos. 1,890, 1,891; and Rosenthal (Munich, 1883)—100 marks.
The earliest French edition, _Histoire de la Navigation_, etc., bears
two different imprints of Amsterdam, 1610, though it is thought to
have been printed by De Bry at Frankfort. A second is dated Amsterdam,
1619 (part i. being after the French edition of 1610, and parts ii.
and iii. being translated from the Dutch). It has usually appended to
it a _Description de l’Amérique_ (Amsterdam, 1619), pp. 88 and map.
America is also described in the _Beschryvinge van verscheyde landen_
(Amsterdam, 1619), included in the Saegman Collection (Carter-Brown,
vol. ii. no. 1,024). A third French edition, “augmentée,” but a reprint
of the 1619 edition, appeared at Amsterdam in 1638. Cf. Carter-Brown,
vol. ii. nos. 104, 105, 214, 454; Leclerc, 362 (1610 edition)—130
francs; Trömel, no. 58; Tiele, nos. 83, 87, 89; Muller (1872), no.
2,193 (1877), nos. 1,887, 1,888, 1,889; Field, _Indian Bibliography_,
no. 941; Leclerc, no. 2,845 (1638 edition)—250 francs; Rich, 1832 (1638
edition), no. 219—£1 10_s._; Murphy, nos. 2,977, 2,978; Quaritch (1638
edition)—£8 10_s._
There are copies of the editions of 1596, 1598, and 1599 in Mr. Deane’s
collection. The Dutch editions are rarely in good condition; this is
said to be on account of the general use made of them as sea-manuals.
The Latin and German texts in De Bry are not much prized. (Camus, p.
189; Tiele, p. 90.) Sabin (_Dictionary_, vol. x. p. 375) gives the
bibliography of Linschoten. His life is portrayed in Van Kampen’s
_Levens van beroemde Nederlanders_, Haarlem, 1838-1840. He was with
Barentz on his first and second Arctic voyages. Cf. _Voyagie ofte
Schipvaert by Noorden_, 1601; again, 1624; Tiele, no. 155; Murphy, no.
1,497; Muller, 1872, no. 2,064, and 1877, no. 1,893. His voyages are
included in _Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien_, Amsterdam, _circa_
1663.
[1351] Sabin, xii. 48,170.
[1352] Vol. III. p. 80.
[1353] This Herrera map was reproduced in the 1622 edition, and so late
as 1723 in Torquemada, with a few changes. The Herrera of 1601 has the
following American maps:—
Page 2. The two Americas.
Page 7. The West India Islands.
Page 21. The Audiencia of New Spain.
Page 33. The Audiencia of Guatemala.
Page 38. South America.
Page 47. Audiencia of Quito.
Page 63. The Chile coast.
Jefferys, in his _Northwest Passage_, gives a fac-simile of the
American hemisphere.
The Quadus map of 1600, showing the California peninsula, is sketched
in Vol. IV. p. 101.
The Japanese map, showing the west coast, which Kaempfer gave to Hans
Sloane, and which figures so much in the controversy of the last
century over the “mer de l’ouest,” is supposed to have been drawn
between 1580 and 1600.
[1354] Biscayer he is sometimes called.
[1355] Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 89; Bancroft doubts
Viscaino’s presence (_North Mexican States_, i. 148).
[1356] Torquemada gives the chief information on this voyage. Bancroft
(_North Mexican States_, i. 151) cites other writers.
[1357] Our knowledge of this expedition comes largely from the account
of a Carmelite priest, Antonio de la Ascension, who accompanied it,
and whose report, presented in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, is
printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion de documentos_, viii. 539. Torquemada
used it, and so did Venegas in his _Noticia de la California_ (Madrid,
1757; English edition, London, 1759; French edition, Paris, 1767;
German, 1769). Cf. on Venegas, Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,172,
1,239, 1,601, 1,710; field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1,599, 1,600;
Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 281. An abridged narrative from
Lorenzana is given in the _Boletin_ of the Mexican Geographical
Society, vol. v., 1857. Navarrete adds some other documents in his
_Coleccion_, xv. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 154-155, and
_California_, i. 98) enumerates other sources; as does J. C. Brevoort
in the _Magazine of American History_, i. 124.
[1358] Bancroft does not believe that he went beyond the Oregon line
(42°), and considers his Cape Blanco to be the modern St. George
(_History of California_, i. 104; _Northwest Coast_, i. 84).
[1359] Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 3; _California_, ii. 97; _North Mexican
States_, i. 153. A sketch of Viscaino’s map from Cape Mendocino south
is given in this History, Vol. III. p. 75. The map was published,
as reduced from the thirty-six original sheets by Navarrete, in the
_Atlas para el viage de las goletas Sutil y Méxicana al reconocimiento
del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca_ (1802). Cf. Navarrete, xv.; Greenhow’s
_Northwest Coast_ (1840), p. 131; Burney’s _South Sea Voyages_ (1806),
vol. ii. (with the map); and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 156;
_California_, i. 97, and _Northwest Coast_, i. 101, 146.
[1360] This is reproduced in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iv. 184, 185.
[1361] There is a draught of it in the Kohl Collection. Cf. _Catalogue
of Manuscript Maps in the British Museum_ (1844), i. 33.
[1362] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 101) refers to the suspicions of
Father Ascension in 1603, of Oñate in 1604, and of Nicolas de Cardona
in or about 1617, that California was an island; but there was on their
part no cartographical expression of the idea.
[1363] In Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, iii. 853, in 1625. This map is sketched
in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, i. 169.
[1364] This Spanish chart here referred to is not identified, though
Delisle credits it—according to Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 103)—to
Jannson’s _Monde Maritime_. If by this is meant Jannson’s _Orbis
Maritimus_, it was not till 1657 that Jannson added this volume to
his edition of the _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_. Carpenter’s _Geography_
(Oxford, 1625) repeats Purchas’s story, and many have followed it
since. In Heylin and Ogilby, the story goes that some people on the
coast in 1620 were carried in by the current, and found themselves in
the gulf. The Spanish chart may have been the source of the map in the
Amsterdam _Herrera_ of 1622.
[1365] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 104) sketches a similar map
which appeared in 1624 at Amsterdam in Inga’s _West Indische Spieghel_.
Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 805; 1877, no. 1,561.
[1366] It was repeated in later editions. Bancroft uses no earlier
edition than that of 1633. The edition of 1625 did not contain the map
of 1630.
[1367] In 1636 a report was made by the Spanish on the probable
inter-oceanic communication by way of the Gulf of California. Cf.
_Documentos inéditos_, xv. 215; Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 107.
[1368] Paris, 1637, five volumes, folio. Bancroft gives his map in his
_Northwest Coast_, i. 107.
[1369] Arthur Dobbs reprinted it in his _Countries adjoining to
Hudson’s Bay_, in 1744,—according to Bancroft.
[1370] He is particular to describe this ship as owned by Major
Gibbons, who was on board, and as commanded by one Shapley. Major
Edward Gibbons was a well-known merchant of Boston at this time,
and the story seems first to have attracted the notice of the local
antiquaries of that city, when Dr. Franklin brought it to the attention
of Thomas Prince; and upon Prince reporting to him evidence favorable
to the existence of such persons at that time, Franklin addressed a
letter to Dr. Pringle, in which he considers the story “an abridgment
and a translation, and bad in both respects;” and he adds, “If a
fiction, it is plainly not an English one; but it has none of the
features of fiction.” (Cf. Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_, February,
1870, p. 65.) Dr. Snow examined it in his _History of Boston_ (p. 89),
and expressed his disbelief in it. Caleb Cushing in the _North American
Review_ (January, 1839) expressed the opinion that the account was
worthy of investigation; which induced Mr. James Savage to examine it
in detail, who in the same periodical (April, 1839, p. 559) set it at
rest by at least negative proof, as well as by establishing an _alibi_
for Gibbons at the date assigned. It may be remarked that among the
English there was no general belief in a practicable western passage at
this time, and the directors of the East India Company had given up the
hope of it after Baffin’s return in 1616.
[1371] It was very easy for the credulous to identify the Archipelago
of St. Lazarus with the Charlotte Islands. The map of Delisle and
Buache, published in Paris in 1752 in _Nouvelles Cartes des Découvertes
de l’Amiral de Fonte_, endeavors to reconcile the voyages of De Fuca
and De Fonte. The map is reproduced in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_,
i. 128. Under 45° there are two straits entering a huge inland “mer de
l’ouest,” the southerly of which is supposed to be the one found by
Aguilar in 1603, and the northerly that of De Fuca in 1592. Under 60°
is the St. Lazarus Archipelago, and thridding the adjacent main are
the bays, straits, lakes, and rivers which connect the Pacific with
Hudson’s Bay. The next year (1753) Vaugondy, in some _Observations
critiques_, opposed Delisle’s theory; and the opposing memoirs were
printed in Spanish, with a refutation of Delisle by Buriel, in Venegas’
_California_, in 1757. Some years later the English geographer Jefferys
attacked the problem in maps appended to Dragg’s _Great Probability of
a Northwest Passage_, which was printed in London in 1768. Jefferys
made the connection with Baffin’s Bay, and bounded an island—in
which he revived the old Chinese legend by calling it Fusang—by De
Fuca’s Straits on the south and De Fonte’s Archipelago on the north.
Foster, in 1786, and Clavigero, in 1798, repudiated the story; but it
appealed sufficiently to Burney to induce him to include it in his
_Chronological History of Voyages to the South Seas_, vol. iii. (1813).
William Goldson, in his _Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific, in
two Memoirs on the Straits of Anian and the Discoveries of De Fonte_
(Portsmouth, England, 1793), supposed that De Fonte got into the Great
Slave Lake! Navarrete has examined the question in his _Documentos
inéditos_, xv., as he had done at less length in his _Sutil y Méxicana_
in 1802, expressing his disbelief; and so does Bancroft in his
_Northwest Coast_, i. 115, who cites additionally (p. 119) La Harpe,
_Abrégé des Voyages_ (1816), vol. xvi., and Lapie, _Nouvelles Annales
des Voyages_ (1821), vol. xi., as believing the story. A “Chart for the
better understanding of De Font’s letter” appeared in _An Account of a
Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage_, by Theodore Swaine
Drage (clerk of the “California”), London, 1749, vol. ii.
[1372] _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1732, vol. iv.; Coxe’s
_Discoveries of the Russians in the North Pacific_, 1803.
[1373] Sanson adopted it, and it is laid down in Van Loon’s _Zee Atlas_
of 1661, where, in the chart “Nova Granada en l’Eylandt California,”
it is marked as the thither shore of the Straits of Anian, and called
“Terra incognita,”—and Van Loon had the best reputation of the
hydrographers of his day. The map published by Thevenot in 1663 also
gives it.
Nicolas Sanson died in 1667, and two years later (1669), his son
Guillaume reissued his father’s map, still with the island and the
interjacent land, which in Blome’s map, published in his _Description_
(1670), and professedly following Sanson, is marked “Conibas.” Later,
in 1691, we have another Sanson map; but though the straits still
bound easterly the “Terre de Jesso,” they are without name, and open
easterly into a limitless “mer glaciale.” Hennepin at a later day put
a special draught of it in the margin of his large map (1697), where
it has something of continental proportions, stretching through forty
degrees of longitude, north of the thirty-eighth parallel; and from
Hennepin Campanius copied it (1702) in his _Nya Swerige_, p. 10, as
shown herewith (p. 464).
[Illustration: TERRE DE IESSO.]
It is also delineated in 1700 in the map of the Dutchman, Lugtenberg.
The idea was not totally given up till Cook’s map of his explorations
in 1777-1778 appeared, which was the first to give to the peninsula of
Alaska and the Aleutian islands a delineation of approximate accuracy;
and this was fifty years after Behring, in 1728, had mapped out the
Asiatic shore of this region.
[1374] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873. and _Memorial History
of Boston_, i. 59. Kohl’s Washington Collection has several draughts
from the charts at Munich. An earlier edition (1630) of the _Arcano del
Mare_ is sometimes mentioned.
[1375] See Vols. III. and IV., index; George Adlard’s _Amye Robsart
and Leicester_, 1870; _Warwickshire Historical Collections_; Dugdale’s
_Warwickshire_, p. 166.
[1376] Vol. i. lib. ii. p. 19. The other maps are numbered xxxi.,
xxxii., and xxxiii. A second edition, “Corretta e accresciuta secondo
l’originale des medesimo Duca, che si conserva nella libreria del
Convento de Firenze della Pace,” appeared at Florence in 1661.
[1377] Sanson put it in his atlas made in 1667; Delisle rejected it in
1714; Bowen adhered to it in 1747.
[1378] It is worth while to note Virginia Farrer’s map of Virginia,
given in Vol. III. p. 465, for the strange belief which with some
people prevailed in England in 1651, that the Pacific coast was at
the foot of the western slope of the Alleghanies,—a belief which was
represented in 1625 by Master Briggs in Purchas (vol. iii. p. 852),
where he speaks of the south sea “on the other side of the mountains
beyond our falls, which openeth a free and fair passage to China.”
[1379] “Autore, N. I. Piscator.”
[1380] Born 1600; died 1667.
[1381] 1669, and later editions. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 115)
is led to believe that Heylin copied this map in 1701 from Hacke’s
_Collection of Voyages_ (1699), thirty years after he had published his
own map in 1669.
[1382] It is copied in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 110.
[1383] It is also an island in Coronelli’s globe of 1683. Cf. Marcou’s
_Notes_, p. 5.
[1384] Marcou’s _Notes_, p. 5.
[1385] _New Voyage round the World._ The map is sketched in Bancroft’s
_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 195; cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol.
i. pp. 112, 119, for other data.
[1386] It was re-engraved in Paris in 1754 by the geographer Buache,
and later in the margin of a map of North America published by Sayer
of London. It is given in fac-simile in Jules Marcou’s paper on the
first discoverers of California, appended to the _Annual Report of the
Chief of Engineers, U. S. A._, 1878, and is also sketched in Bancroft’s
_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 499. Cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol.
i. pp. 113, 115, 120, where it is shown that Kino never convinced all
his companions that the accepted island was in fact a peninsula. One of
his associates, Luis Velarde (_Documentos para la historia de México_,
ser. iv. vol. i. p. 344), opposed his views. The view is advanced by E.
L. Berthoud in the _Kansas City Review_ (June, 1883), that a large area
between the head of the gulf and the ocean, now below the sea level,
was at one time covered with water, and that the island theory was
in some way connected with this condition, which is believed to have
continued as recently as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
[1387] This map is reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i.
p. 114; as well as a map of Vander Aa (1707) on page 115.
[1388] _Recueil des Voyages au Nord_, vol. iii. p. 268.
[1389] Bancroft cites Travers Twiss (_Oregon Question_, 1846) as
quoting a map of Delisle in 1722, making it a peninsula.
[1390] Cf. Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la géographie_ p. 423.
[1391] _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.
[1392] Cf. something of the sort in Dobbs’s map of 1744, given in
Bancroft, _Northw. Coast_, i. 123.
[1393] Shelvocke says he accepted current views, unable to decide
himself.
[1394] Reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.
[1395] It is in the Kohl Collection, and is sketched in Bancroft’s
_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 463; _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp.
125, 126.
[1396] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 126, 129) thinks his
book more complete than any earlier one on the subject. As late as 1755
Hermann Moll, the English cartographer, kept the _island_ in his map.
[1397] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 127, 128) thinks that a
theory, started in 1751 by Captain Salvador, and reasserted in 1774 by
Captain Anza, that the Colorado sent off a branch which found its way
to the sea above the peninsula, was the last flicker of the belief in
the insularity of California.
[1398] Delisle was born in 1688 and died in 1747; Buache lived from
1700 to 1773. Other cartographical solutions of the same data are
found in William Doyle’s _Account of the British Dominions beyond
the Atlantic_ (London, 1770), and in the _Mémoires sur la situation
des pays septentrionaux_, by Samuel Éngel, published at Lausanne in
1765. Engel’s maps were repeated in a German translation of his book
published in 1772, and in his _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans
les parties septentrionales de l’Asie et de l’Amérique_, also published
at Lausanne in 1779.
[1399] Buache’s “Mer de l’ouest” was re-engraved in J. B. Laborde’s
_Mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791), as well as a map of Maldonado’s
explorations. Cf. Samuel Engel’s _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits
dans les parties septentrionales_ (Lausanne, 1765 and 1779), and
Dobbs’s _Northwest Passage_ (1754).
[1400] Jefferys also published at this time (2d ed. in 1764) _Voyages
from Asia to America, for completing the discoveries of the Northwest
Coast, with summary of voyages of the Russians in the Frozen sea, tr.
from the high Dutch of S. Muller_ [should be G. F. Muller], _with
3 maps_: (1) _Part of Japanese map_ [this is sketched in Bancroft,
_Northwest Coast_, i. p. 130]. (2) _Delisle and Buache’s fictitious
map._ (3) _New Discoveries of Russians and French._
Muller’s book was also published in French at Amsterdam in 1766. Cf.
also William Coxe’s _Account of the Russian discoveries between Asia
and America_ (2d ed. rev.), _London_, 1780, and later editions in 1787
and 1803; also, see Robertson’s _America_, note 43.
[1401] Sketched in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, Vol. i. p. 131.
[1402] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 124) gives a Russian
map of 1741, which he says he copied from the original in the Russian
archives.
[1403] There is in the department of State at Washington a volume of
copies from manuscripts in the hydrographic office at Madrid, attested
by Navarrete, and probably procured by Greenhow at the time of the
Oregon question. It is called _Viages de los Españoles a la costa
norveste de la America en los años de 1774-1775-1779, 1788 y 1790_.
My attention was drawn to them by Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., of that
department.
[1404] The details of this and subsequent explorations are given with
references in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 151 _et seq._
Such voyages will be only briefly indicated in the rest of the present
paper.
[1405] Malaspina with a Spanish Commission in 1791, and later Galiano
and Valdés, explored the coast, and their results were published in
1802. Cf. Navarrete, _Sutil y Mexicana_.
[1406] It is sketched by Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 135.
[1407] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 169) reproduces a part
of his map.
[1408] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 133) reproduces his map.
[1409] Bancroft (Ibid., i. 176) reproduces a part of his map.
[1410] Cf. _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. iv. p. 208; _Historical
Magazine_, vol. xviii. p. 155; _Harper’s Magazine_, December, 1882;
Bulfinch, _Oregon and El Dorado_, p. 3. The report on the claims of the
heirs of Kendrick and Gray, for allowance for the rights established by
them for the U. S. Government, is printed in the _Historical Magazine_,
September, 1870. A medal struck on occasion of this voyage is engraved
in Bulfinch. Cf. also _American Journal of Numismatics_, vi. 33, 63;
vii. 7; _Coin-Collectors Journal_, vi. 46; _Magazine of American
History_, v. 140. The fullest account yet given of this expedition is
in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, i. 185 _et seq._ He had the help of a
journal kept on one of the ships.
[1411] Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i., must be consulted for
these later and for subsequent exploring and trading voyages.
[1412] _Relation de Castañeda_, in Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages_, etc.,
ix. i.
[1413] _Segunda relacion de Nuño de Guzman_, in Icazbalceta, _Coll. de
Docs._, ii. 303; _Quarta relacion_, in Ibid., p. 475; _García de Lopez’
Relacion_, in Pacheco’s _Coll. Doc. Inéd._, tom. xiv. pp. 455-460.
[1414] [See _ante_, p. 391.—ED.]
[1415] _Relacion de Cabeça de Vaca_, translated by Buckingham Smith
(chap. xxxi. p. 167).
[1416] [See _ante_, p. 243 in Dr. J. G. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient
Florida.”—ED.]
[1417] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 249.
[1418] _A relation of the Rev. Frier Marco de Nica touching his
discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola_ in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_,
etc., iii. 438 (edition of 1810).
[1419] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 9.
[1420] [See _ante_, p. 431, “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North
America,” for the explorations up that coast by Cortés.—ED.]
[1421] Mr. A. F. Bandelier puts this place “in southern Arizona,
somewhat west from Tucson.” _Historical Introduction to Studies among
the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 8.
[1422] This word was borrowed by the Spaniards from the native
languages, and applied by them to the Bison. [As early as 1542 Rotz
drew pictures of this animal on his maps.—ED.]
[1423] Castañeda, however, relates the circumstances of Stephen’s death
somewhat differently, stating that the negro and his party, on their
arrival at Cibola, were shut up in a house outside the city, while
for three days the chiefs continued to question him about the object
of his coming. When told that he was a messenger from two white men,
who had been sent by a powerful prince to instruct them in heavenly
things, they would not believe that a black man could possibly have
come from a land of white men, and they suspected him of being the spy
of some nation that wished to subjugate them. Moreover, the negro had
the assurance to demand from them their property and their women; upon
which they resolved to put him to death, without, however, harming any
of those with him, all of whom, with the exception of a few boys, were
sent back, to the number of sixty. (_Relation_, p. 12.) This latter
statement, as well as that in relation to the libidinous practices of
the negro, are confirmed by Coronado. _Relation_; Hakluyt’s _Collection
of Voyages (Principall Navigations)_, iii. 454.
[1424] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 283, 290.
[1425] Alarcon set sail on the 9th of May, 1540, and by penetrating to
the upper extremity of the Gulf of California, proved that California
was not an island, as had been supposed. He made two attempts to
ascend the Colorado in boats, and planted a cross at the highest point
he reached, burying at its foot a writing, which, as will be seen,
was subsequently found by Melchior Diaz. His report of this voyage,
containing valuable information in regard to the natives, can be found
in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii. 505 (ed. 1810); translated from Ramusio,
_Navigationi_, iii. 363 (ed. 1565). There is a French translation
in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 299. This information about California is
supplemented by the narrative of the voyage made two years later by
Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo along the Pacific shore of the peninsula,
and up the northwest coast probably as far as the southern border of
Oregon. It was printed in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 173;
and subsequently in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. xiv. p.
165. A translation by Mr. R. S. Evans, with valuable notes by Mr.
H. W. Henshaw, is given in vol. vii. (Archæology) of _United States
Geological Survey west of the one hundredth Meridian_. [See also the
present volume, p. 443.—ED.]
[1426] Extracts from a report sent back by Melchior Diaz while on this
journey are given in a letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V.,
dated April 17, 1540, in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 290.
[1427] Chichiltic-calli, or Red House, is generally supposed to be
the ruined structure, called _Casa Grande_, in southern Arizona, near
Florence, a little south of the river Gila, and not far from the
Southern Pacific Railroad. But Mr. A. F. Bandelier, after a thorough
topographical exploration of the regions, is inclined to place it
considerably to the southeast of this point upon the river Arivaypa, in
the vicinity of Fort Grant. [This question is further examined in Vol.
I. of the present History.—ED.]
[1428] Jaramillo has given a very full itinerary of this march,
describing with great particularity the nature of the country and the
streams crossed (Ternaux-Compans, ix. 365-369). When the results of the
latest explorations of Mr. A. F. Bandelier in this region are published
by the Archæological Institute of America, there is good reason to hope
for an exact identification of most if not all these localities, which
at present is impossible. There can be little doubt, however, that the
Vermejo is the Colorado Chiquito.
[1429] In the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society for
October, 1881, I have given in detail the reasons for identifying
Cibola with the region of the present Zuñi pueblos. Mr. Frank H.
Cushing has made the important discovery that this tribe has preserved
the tradition of the coming of Fray Marcos, and of the killing of the
negro Stephen, whom they call “the black Mexican,” at the ruined pueblo
called Quaquima. They claim also to have a tradition of the visit of
Coronado, and even of Cabeza de Vaca.
[1430] Coronado’s relation as given in English in Hakluyt, _Collection
of Voyages_, etc., iii. 453 (reprint, London, 1810).
[1431] Tusayan can be clearly identified as the site of the present
Moqui villages. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 15.
[1432] It is plain that this river was the Colorado; the description of
the Grand Cañon cannot fail to be recognized. Bandelier, _Historical
Introduction_, p. 15. The name by which it was called was the Tizon,
the Spanish word for “fire-brand,” which the natives dwelling upon its
banks were reported to be in the habit of carrying upon their winter
journeyings. Castañeda, p. 50.
[1433] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, “Middle of October.”
[1434] Davis (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 160) suggests that he should have
written “northwest.” The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco’s _Documentos
Inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he travelled “westward.”
[1435] [See _ante_, p. 443, in the section of “Discoveries on the
Pacific Coast.”—ED.]
[1436] The identity of Acuco with the modern pueblo of Acoma is
perfectly established. See the plates and description in Lieutenant
Abert’s report, _Senate Executive Documents, no. 41, 30th Congress, 1st
Session_, p. 470. Jaramillo is evidently wrong in naming this place
Tutahaco, p. 370. Hernando d’Alvarado in his Report calls it Coco.
[1437] Davis (_The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, p. 185, note)
places Tiguex on the banks of the Rio Puerco; and General Simpson
(_Coronado’s March_, p. 335), on the Rio Grande, below the Puerco. But
Mr. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, pp. 20-22), from documentary
evidence, places it higher up the Rio Grande, in the vicinity of
Bernalillo; corresponding perfectly with the “central point” which
Castañeda declared it to be (p. 182).
[1438] Alvarado’s report of this expedition can be found in Buckingham
Smith’s _Coleccion de documentos_, p. 65; Pacheco’s _Documentos
Inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 511. He says, “Partimos de Granada veinte y
nueve de Agosto de 40, la via de Coco.”
[1439] General J. H. Simpson, _Coronado’s March_, p. 335, has
identified Cicuyé with Old Pecos. Additional arguments in support of
this opinion may be found in Bandelier’s _Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins
in the Valley of Pecos_, p. 113.
[1440] The turquoise mines of Cerillos, in the Sandia Mountains, are
about twenty miles west of Pecos. Bandelier’s _Visit_, pp. 39, 115.
[1441] Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 22) places Tutahaco
in the vicinity of Isleta, on the Rio Grande, in opposition to
Davis’s opinion (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 180) that it was at Laguna.
Coronado subsequently sent an officer southward to explore the
country, who reached a place some eighty leagues distant, where the
river disappeared in the earth, and on his way discovered four other
villages. (Castañeda, p. 140.) These, Bandelier places near Socorro.
(_Ibid._, p. 24.) General Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 323, note)
discusses the question of the disappearance of the river.
[1442] Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 101) says the siege terminated at the
close of 1542; but it is clear, from the course of the narrative, that
it must have been early in 1541.
[1443] All the authorities agree in identifying Chia with the modern
pueblo of Cia, or Silla, and in placing Quirex in the Queres district
of Cochití, Santo Domingo, etc.
[1444] Letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles the Fifth;
Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 356. Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 113) says
it was on May 5.
[1445] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 336) has given the
reasons for regarding this river as the Gallinas, which is a tributary
of the Pecos.
[1446] Jaramillo (_Relation_ p. 374) says that this was “much nearer
New Spain;” but Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 120) makes them to have
passed by this very village.
[1447] In his _Letter to Charles V._ (p. 358), Coronado states that
having marched forty-two days after parting from the main body of
his force, he arrived at Quivira in about sixty-seven days (p. 359).
This gives twenty-five days for accomplishing the distance to the
point of separation, instead of thirty-seven, as stated by Castañeda
(_Relation_, pp. 127, 134), who estimates that they had travelled two
hundred and fifty leagues from Tiguex, marching six or seven leagues a
day, as measured by counting their steps.
[1448] _Letter to Charles V._, p. 360. There is a great difference of
opinion as to the situation of Quivira. The earlier writers, Gallatin,
Squier, Kern, Abert, and even Davis, have fallen into the error of
fixing it at Gran Quivira, about one hundred miles directly south
of Santa Fé, where are to be seen the ruins of a Franciscan Mission
founded subsequently to 1629. See _Diary of an excursion to the ruins
of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico_, 1853, by Major J. H.
Carleton (Smithsonian Report, 1854, p. 296). General Simpson, however,
(_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) argues against this view, and maintains
that Coronado “reached the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is
now the boundary line between the States of Kansas and Nebraska, well
on toward the Missouri River.” Judge Savage believes that he crossed
the plains of Kansas and came out at a point much farther west, upon
the Platte River. _Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society_,
April, 1881, p. 240. Prince (_History of New Mexico_, p. 141) thinks
that “Coronado traversed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas,
and finally stopped on the borders of the Missouri, somewhere between
Kansas City and Council Bluffs.” Judge Prince, who is President of
the Hist. Society of New Mexico, adds that it would be impossible
from what Castañeda tells us, to determine the position of Quivira
with certainty. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 25) is not
satisfied that he reached as far northeast as General Simpson states,
and believes that he moved more in a circle.
[1449] Jaramillo (_Relation_, p. 377) says “it was about the middle of
August;” but according to Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 141), Coronado got
back to Tiguex in August.
[1450] Hemez evidently is the Jemez pueblos; and Yuque-Yunque has been
identified as the Tehua pueblos, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, etc.,
north of Santa Fé. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 23.
[1451] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) has
identified Braba with the celebrated pueblo of Taos, where such a
stubborn resistance was made to the American arms in 1847. Of this,
Gregg, in his _Commerce of the Prairies_, had given a description
corresponding perfectly with that of Castañeda’s _Relation_, p. 139.
[1452] _Carta, April 23, 1584, Documentos inéditos_, tom. xv. p. 180;
Hakluyt, _Voyages_, etc. iii. 462 (edition of 1810).
[1453] _Coronado’s March_, p. 324.
[1454] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]
[1455] [See _ante_, p. 290.—ED.]
[1456] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]
[1457] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vii. The latest volumes read
on the titlepage: _Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al
descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones
españolas de América y Oceanía sacados de los Archivos del reino y muy
especialmente del de Indias. Competentemente autorizada._—ED.]
[1458] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vi.—ED.]
[1459] [For bibliography of this _Relacion_ see _ante_, p. 286.—ED.]
[1460] [See _ante_, p. 287.—ED.]
[1461] Senate Executive Documents, No. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session,
1848.
[1462] Senate Executive Documents, No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st Session,
1850.
[1463] Cf. also _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, vol. v.
p. 194, and _Geographical Magazine_ (1874), vol. i. p. 86.
[1464] This is his _North Mexican States_, vol. i. pp. 27, 71-76,
82-87, which is at present his chief treatment of the subject. He
touches it incidentally in his _Central America_, vol. i. p. 153;
_Mexico_, vol. ii. pp. 293, 465-470; _California_, vol. i. p. 8;
_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 44-46; but he promises more detailed
treatment in his volumes on _New Mexico and Arizona_, which are yet to
be published.
[1465] See _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1857, and October, 1878.
[1466] No attempt is made to establish a theory in another recent
compendium, Shipp’s _De Soto and Florida_ ch. vii.
[1467] [Cf. Markham’s _Royal Commentary of G. de la Vega_, vol. i.
chap. iv. Kohl says that the name “Peru” first occurs in Ribero’s
map (1529), and that his delineations of the coast of Peru were made
probably after Pizarro’s first reports.—ED.]
[1468] Nombre de Dios was abandoned on account of its unhealthy
situation, in the reign of Philip II., and Puerto Bello then became the
chief port on the Atlantic side.
[1469] [Authorities do not agree on the date of his birth, placing it
between the years 1470 and 1478. Prescott, i. 204. Harrisse, _Bibl.
Amer. Vet._, p. 317.—ED.]
[1470] [His followers probably numbered about a hundred. Herrera places
them as low as eighty; Father Naharro, at one hundred and twenty-nine.
Prescott, i. 211.—ED.]
[1471] Helps translates them:—
“My good Lord Governor, Have pity on our woes; For here remains the
butcher, To Panamá the salesman goes.”
Prescott (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 257) has thus rendered them into English:—
“Look out, Señor Governor, For the drover while he’s near; Since he
goes home to get the sheep For the butcher, who stays here.”
[1472] (_a_) Bartolomé Ruiz, of Moguer, the pilot.
(_b_) Pedro de Candia, a Greek, who had charge of Pizarro’s artillery,
consisting of two falconets; an able and experienced officer. After
the death of Pizarro he joined the younger Almagro, who, suspecting
him of treachery, ran him through at the battle of Chupas. He left a
half-caste son, who was at school at Cusco with Garcilasso de la Vega.
(_c_) Cristóval de Peralta, a native of Baeza, in Andalusia. He was one
of the first citizens of Lima when that city was founded,—in 1535.
(_d_) Alonzo Briceño, a native of Benavente. He was at the division of
Atahualpa’s ransom, and received the share of a cavalry captain.
(_e_) Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, was one of the first citizens
of Lima in 1535. He passed through all the stormy period of the civil
wars in Peru. He deserted from Gonzalo Pizarro to the side of the
president, Gasca, and was afterwards captain of the Guard of the Royal
Seal. He is said to have founded the port of San Gallan, the modern
Pisco. Ribera was born at Olvera, in Andalusia, of good family. He
eventually settled near Cusco, and died, leaving children to inherit
his estates.
(_f_) Juan de la Torre, a native of Benavente, in Old Castile. He was a
stanch adherent of Gonzalo Pizarro, and was at the battle of Anaquito,
where he showed ferocious enmity against the ill-fated viceroy, Blasco
Nuñez de Vela. He married a daughter of an Indian chief near Puerto
Viejo, and acquired great wealth. After the battle of Sacsahuana, in
1548, he was hanged by order of the president, Gasca. He was a citizen
of Arequipa, and left descendants there.
(_g_) Francisco de Cuellar, a native of Cuellar; but nothing more is
known of him.
(_h_) Alonzo de Molina, a native of Ubeda. He afterwards landed at
Tumbez, where it was arranged that he should remain until Pizarro’s
return; but he died in the interval.
(_i_) Domingo de Soria Luce, a native of the Basque Provinces, probably
of Guipuzcoa; but nothing more is known of him.
(_j_) Pedro Alcon. He afterwards landed on the coast of Peru, fell in
love with a Peruvian lady, and refused to come on board again. So the
pilot Ruiz was obliged to knock him down with an oar, and he was put in
irons on the lower deck. Nothing more is known of him.
(_k_) Garcia de Jerez (or Jaren). He appears to have made a statement
on the subject of the heroism of Pizarro and his companions, Aug. 3,
1529, at Panamá. _Documentos inéditos, tom._ xxvi. p. 260, quoted by
Helps, vol. iii. p. 446.
(_l_) Anton de Carrion. Nothing further is known of him.
(_m_) Martin de Paz. Nothing further is known of him.
(_n_) Diego de Truxillo (Alonzo, according to Zarate). He was
afterwards personally known to Garcilasso at Cusco. He appears to
have written an account of the discovery of Peru, which is still in
manuscript. _Antonio_, ii. 645; also, _Leon Pinelo_.
(_o_) Alonzo Ribera (or Geronimo) was settled at Lima, where he had
children.
(_p_) Francisco Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte was the first to cross the
line drawn by Pizarro. He was afterwards a citizen of Cusco, having
been present at the siege by the Ynca Manco, and at the battle of
Salinas. Garcilasso knew him, and once rode with him from Cusco to
Quispicanchi, when he recounted many reminiscences of his stirring
life. He was still living at Cusco in 1560, a rich and influential
citizen. [Mr. Markham has given the number as sixteen in his _Reports
on the Discovery of Peru_, p. 8, together with his reasons for it,
which do not commend themselves, however, to Kirk, the editor of
Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, edition of 1879, i. 303).
Helps dismisses the story of the line as the melodramatic effort of a
second-rate imagination. Cf. also Markham’s _Travels of Cieza de Leon_,
p. 419.—ED.]
[1473] See the section on “El Dorado,” _post_.
[1474] [Accounts of the space to be filled differ. Cf. Prescott’s
_Peru_, i. 422; Humboldt’s _Views of Nature_ (Bohn’s ed.), 410,
430.—ED.]
[1475] [Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, i. 453) enters
into an explanation of his conversion of the money of Ferdinand and
Isabella’s time into modern equivalents, and cites an essay on this
point by Clemencin in vol vi. of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of
History at Madrid.—ED.]
[1476] [Atahualpa was hurriedly tried on the charge of assassinating
Huascar and conspiring against the Spaniards. Oviedo speaks of the
“villany” of the transaction. Cf. Prescott, _History of the Conquest of
Peru_, vol. i. p. 467. Pizarro’s secretary, Xeres, palliates the crime
as being committed upon “the greatest butcher that the world ever saw.”
Prescott (_Peru_, ii. 473, 480) prints several of the contemporary
accounts of the seizure and execution of Atahualpa. He says that
Garcilasso de la Vega “has indulged in the romantic strain to an
unpardonable extent in his account of the capture; ... yet his version
has something in it so pleasing to the imagination, that it has ever
found favor with the majority of readers. The English student might
have met with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the sagacious
and sceptical Robertson.” There are the usual stories of a comet at the
time of the death of the Ynca. Cf. Humboldt, _Views of Nature_, pp.
421, 429.—ED.]
[1477] They are as follows:—
(_a_) Hernando de Soto, the explorer of Florida and discoverer of the
Mississippi.
(_b_) Francisco de Chaves, a native of Truxillo. He was murdered at
Lima, in 1541, in attempting to defend the staircase against the
assassins of Pizarro. Zarate says that when he died he was the most
important personage in Peru, next to Pizarro.
(_c_) Diego de Chaves, brother of Francisco, whose wife, Maria de
Escobar, introduced the cultivation of wheat into Peru.
(_d_) Francisco de Fuentes, in the list of those who shared the ransom.
(_e_) Pedro de Ayala. Diego de Mora, afterwards settled at Truxillo on
the coast of Peru. The president, Gasca made him a captain of cavalry,
and he was subsequently corregidor of Lima.
(_g_) Francisco Moscoso.
(_h_) Hernando de Haro, taken prisoner by the Ynca Titu Atauchi, but
treated kindly.
(_i_) Pedro de Mendoza, in the list of those who shared the ransom.
(_j_) Juan de Rada, a stanch follower of Almagro. He accompanied
his chief on his expedition to Chili, and avenged his death by the
assassination of Pizarro.
(_k_) Alonzo de Avila.
(_l_) Blas de Atienza was the second man who ever embarked on the
Pacific, when he served under Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa in 1513. He settled
at Truxillo; and his daughter Inez accompanied Pedro de Ursua in 1560
in his ill-fated expedition to discover El Dorado. His son Blas was a
friar, who published a book called _Relacion de los Religiosos_, at
Lima, in 1617.
[Cf. also note in Markham’s _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_, p.
104.—ED.]
[1478] There is no record, however, that a special designation for the
marquisate was ever granted to Pizarro. It is therefore an error to
call him Marquis of Atabillos, as he is sometimes designated. He signed
himself simply the Marquis Pizarro.
[1479] [A view of the house of Francisco Pizzaro, as it is now or was
recently existing, is shown in Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_, vol,
i. p. 311.—ED.]
[1480] [See chap. v.—ED.]
[1481] For the writings of Cieza de Leon, see the “Critical Essay,”
_post_.
[1482] [See Vol. III. p. 66—ED.]
[1483] [A life of Santa Rosa, by Léonard de Hansen, was printed at
Rome in 1664. A Spanish translation, _La bienaventurada Rosa_, etc.,
by Father Iacinto de Parra, was published at Madrid in 1668. It is
enlarged upon the original from documents gathered to induce the Pope
to canonize her. De Parra, in his _Rosa Laureada_ (Madrid, 1670), gives
an account of the movement to effect her canonization; and an account
of the solemnities on the occasion of its consummation is printed
in the _Mercure de France_ (1671). A Spanish translation of Hansen,
by Antonio de Lorea, was issued at Madrid in 1671; and a Portuguese
version appeared at Lisbon in 1669 and 1674. Another Life, by Acuña,
bishop of Caracas, was printed at Rome in 1665. A metrical _Vida de
Santa Rosa_, by Oviedo y Herrera has the imprint of Madrid, 1711. (Cf.
Leclerc, 1705, 1754-56, 1784, 1812-1813.)—ED.]
[1484] [See Introduction (p. i) and p. 67.—ED.]
[1485] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]
[1486] [The bibliography of Oviedo is traced in a note following the
chapter on Las Casas. Prescott has measured him as an authority in his
_Peru_ (Kirk’s edition, vol. ii. p. 305). Helps speaks of his history
as a “mass of confusion and irrelevancy; but at the same time,” he
adds, “it is a most valuable mine of facts.” A paper, appended to
the combined edition of Peter Martyr and Oviedo published at Venice
in 1534, seems to have been enlarged upon a tract _La Conquista del
Peru_, published at Seville in 1534 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ p. 199), and
is thought to bear some relation to the “Relatione d’un Capitano
Spagnuolo” given in Ramusio, vol. iii. (_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_,
vol. ii. p. 536; Sabin, xvi, no. 61,097).—ED.]
[1487] _Coleccion de viages y descubrimientos_, vol. iii. no. vii. p.
393.
[1488] [_Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrárias Davilla, and of the
Discovery of the South Sea and Coasts of Peru_, etc.—ED.]
[1489] [Oviedo traces Andagoya’s career in vol. iv. p. 126. Cf.
Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. p. 503; Helps, vol. iii. p. 426;
and the notice in Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol.
xxxix. p. 552.—ED.]
[1490] [_Verdadera relacion de la Conquista del Peru._ There is a copy
in the Lenox Library. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 198.—ED.]
[1491] [There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries.
Quaritch in 1873 priced it at £35; Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 277;
Ternaux, no. 54; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 146. It is sometimes bound
with Oviedo’s _Coronica_, and F. S. Ellis (1882, no. 221) prices the
combined edition at £105. The _Huth Catalogue_, vol. v. p. 1628, shows
an edition, _Conquista del Peru_, black-letter, without place or date,
which Harrisse thinks preceded this 1547 edition. The Huth copy is the
only one known.—ED.]
[1492] [This Italian version (Venetian dialect) was made by Domingo de
Gazlelu, and appeared at Venice; and a fac-simile of the title is given
here with showing the arms of the emperor. Rich (no. 11) in 1832 priced
it at £1 4_s._; Quaritch of late years has held it at £5 and £7; F. S.
Ellis (1884) at £12, 12_s._; and Leclerc (no. 2,998) at 750 francs.
There are copies in the Lenox, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown
(_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 116) libraries. It was reprinted at Milan the
same year in an inferior manner, and a copy of this edition is in the
British Museum. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 200, 201; _Bibliotheca
Grenvilliana_, p. 818; Huth, p. 1628; Court, no. 376. What is said to
be a translation of this Italian version into French, _L’histoire de
la terre neuve du Peru_, Paris, 1545, signed I. G. (Jacques Gohory),
purports to be an extract from Oviedo’s _Historia_, Cf. _Bibl. Amer.
Vet._, no. 264; _Court Catalogue_, no. 175.—ED.]
[1493] [Vol. iii. p. 378.—ED.]
[1494] [_Voyages_, etc., vol. iv. This edition is worth about eight
francs. A German edition is recorded as made by Külb at Stuttgard in
1843.—ED.]
[1495] [Prescott says (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 385) “Allowing for the
partialities incident to a chief actor in the scenes he describes, no
authority can rank higher.”—ED.]
[1496] Chap. xv. lib. 43.
[1497] Paris, 1845, p. 180.
[1498] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 109, notes, but
not _de visu_, a plaquette enumerating the treasure sent to Spain by
Pizarro in 1534. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 235) priced at £21 a second
copy of the tract mentioned by Harrisse (no. 108) as known only in a
copy in a private library in New York, entitled _Copey etlicher brieff
so auss Hispania Kummen seindt_, 1535, which purports to be translated
through the French from the Spanish. Ellis pronounces it a version
of Harrisse’s no. 109, the only copy known of which was, as he says,
lost in a binder’s shop. Cf. the _Libro ultimo de le Indie occidentale
intitulato nova Castiglia, e del Conquisto del Peru_, published at
Rome, May, 1535 (Sunderland, vol. i. no. 265). For the effect of
Peruvian gold on prices in Europe, see Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p.
iii.—ED.]
[1499] [It would seem to have been used by Herrera. Navarrete
communicated a copy to Prescott, who characterizes it in his _Conquest
of Peru_, ii. 72.—ED.]
[1500] _Papeles Manuscripts Originales y Ineditos_, G. 127.
[1501] Lima, 1880.
[1502] [The author of the _Varones_ was a grandson of the daughter of
Francisco Pizarro (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 465). H. H. Bancroft, _Central
America_, ii. 273.—ED.]
[1503] [It was published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, and at Paris in
1845.—ED.]
[1504] [Harrisse (_Bibl. Am. Vet._, 132) quotes from Asher’s Catalogue,
1865, a _Lettere di Pietro Arias_, 1525, without place, which he
supposes to refer to the first expedition of Almagro, Pizarro, and
Luque.—ED.]
[1505] [Cf. the notice of Herrera with references, given in the
Introduction.—ED.]
[1506] [Prescott, ii. 494.—ED.]
[1507] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, no.
207). Quaritch priced it in 1879 at £9.—ED.]
[1508] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (no. 316); and
others were sold in the Brinley (no. 5,346) and Murphy (no. 2,808)
sales, as well as in the Sunderland (no. 13,521) and the Old Admiral’s
sales (no. 329) in England. Quaritch priced a copy at £16 10s. in
1883,—a rapid advance on earlier sales, but exceeded in 1884 by F. S.
Ellis (£21). Leclerc (giving the date 1557) priced it in 1878 at 400
francs (no. 1,862).—ED.]
[1509] [Zarate was early translated into other languages. An Italian
version appeared at Venice in 1563, translated by Alfonzo Ulloa
(Carter-Brown, i. 246; Leclerc, 1865—100 francs; Stevens—£3 3_s._).
Muller (_Books on America_ (1872), nos. 1,231, etc.) enumerates five
Dutch editions, the earliest edited by Willem Silvius, Antwerp, 1564
(the Carter-Brown copy is dated 1563, _Catalogue_, no. 245). In 1573 a
new title and preface were put to the sheets of this edition. In 1596,
1598, and 1623 there were editions at Amsterdam. There were French
versions published at Amsterdam in 1700, 1717, 1718, 1719, and at Paris
in 1706, 1716, 1742, 1752-54, 1830. An English translation, made by T.
Nicholas, was published at London in 1581 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. p.
285; Murphy, 2,213). Ellis priced a copy in 1884 at £28.—ED.]
[1510] [For a detailed bibliography of the manuscripts and editions
of Cieza de Leon, with various references, see the Editorial Note
following this chapter.—ED.]
[1511] [In his _Proceso de Pedro de Valdivia i otros documentos
inéditos concernientes a este conquistador, reunidos i anotados por
Diego Barros Arana_, Santiago de Chile (1873), 80 pp. 392.—ED.]
[1512] [The Philadelphia edition, 1879, vol. ii. p. 406.—ED.]
[1513] The historiographer Juan Bautista Muñoz intended to have written
an exhaustive history of America, but he only completed one volume.
He however made copies of documents from the Seville Archives in 1782
and 1783, which form one hundred and fifty volumes. They are now in
various libraries, but the greater part belongs to the Real Academia de
la historia de Madrid. [See the Introduction to the present volume, p.
iii.—ED.]
[1514] Prescott’s copy (in his Appendix, vol. ii. p. 471) unfortunately
contains various inaccuracies.
[1515] _Ubi supra._
[1516] [Helps speaks of these family papers as in the possession of the
Counts of Cancelada, and he used copies which were procured for him by
Gayangos. _Spanish Conquest_, New York edition, iv. 227.—ED.]
[1517] [Rich (no. 48) priced this edition in 1832 at £5 5_s._; Leclerc
(no. 1,733) in 1878 at 800 francs. The Council of the Indies is said to
have tried to check its circulation. A copy is in the Carter-Brown (i.
282) Collection; and another was sold in the Court sale recently (no.
128).—ED.]
[1518] [A view of what is called the house of Garcilasso de la Vega is
given in Squier’s Peru, _Land of the Incas_, p. 449.—ED.]
[1519] [A detailed bibliographical note of Garcilasso de la Vega’s
works on Peru is given in Note B, following the present chapter.—ED.]
[1520] [Prescott, who had copies of both manuscripts, speaks of the
opportunities which Montesinos enjoyed in his official visits to
Peru, of having access to repositories, and of making an inspection
of the country. He adds that a comparison of his narrative with
other contemporary accounts leads one sometimes to distrust him.
“His writings seem to me,” he says, “entitled to little praise,
either for the accuracy of their statements or the sagacity of their
reflections.”—ED.]
[1521] [Cf. Rich, no. 226 £2 10_s._; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,870;
Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 450; Dufossé, no. 11,818,—2,180 francs. A
second part was printed at Lima in 1653 by Cordova y Salinas, the same
who published a Life of Francisco Solano, the apostle of Peru, at Lima
in 1630, which appeared, augmented by Alonzo de Mendieta, at Madrid in
1643 (Leclerc, nos. 1,714. 1,731).—ED.]
[1522] Additional Manuscripts, 17, 585.
[1523] [These are dated 1561 and 1570. The originals are in
the Escurial; copies are at Simancas. A copy, made for Kingsborough,
became Prescott’s, who records his estimate of it (_Peru_, vol. i. p.
181). It is said that Herrera made use of Ondegardo’s manuscript.—ED.]
[1524] Quarto on parchment, B. 135.
[1525] Additional Manuscripts, 5,469.
[1526] [Cf. notes to chap. on Las Casas.—ED.]
[1527] [The first edition, of only fifteen cantos, was printed at
Madrid in 1569. This was enlarged with a second part when issued at
Antwerp in 1575; again at Madrid, in 1578; and at Lisbon, in 1581-88. A
third part was printed at Madrid in 1589, and at Antwerp in 1597; and
the three parts, with a general title, appeared at Madrid in 1590,—the
first complete edition as Ercilla wrote it. Two parts were again issued
at Antwerp in 1586; and other editions appeared at Barcelona in 1592,
and at Perpignan in 1596. A fourth and a fifth part were added by
Osorio after Ercilla’s death, and appeared at Salamanca, 1597, and at
Barcelona, 1598. There were later complete editions at Madrid, 1633,
1776, 1828; at Lyons, 1821; and at Paris, 1824 and 1840. Cf. Sabin,
vol. vi. no. 22,718; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 465; Hallam,
_Literature of Europe_, ii. 284; Sismondi, _Literature of South of
Europe_, ii. 271.—ED.]
[1528] [“A military journal done into rhyme,” as Prescott calls
it,—_History of the Conquest of Peru_, ii. 108.—ED.]
[1529] [Published at Lima, 1596. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii.
469; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,300; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 506.—ED.]
[1530] [This was reissued in 1616. Rich, no. 143—£1 4_s._—ED.]
[1531] [The _Descubrimiento i Conquista de Chile_ of Miguel Luis
Amunátegui, published at Santiago de Chile in 1862, was a work
presented to the University of Chili in 1861.—ED.]
[1532] Cf. Rich, no. 24; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 176; Murphy, no.
462; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,044.
[1533] Cf. Rich, nos. 26, 27—£1 1_s._ and £1 10_s._; Sabin,
13,045-13,046; Cooke, no. 523; Carter-Brown vol. i. nos. 185, 186;
Court, no. 63; Ternaux, no. 66; Brinley, no. 5,345; Leclerc, no.
1,706,—200 francs; Quaritch, £5 and £10; F. S. Ellis (1884) £7 10_s._
The latest Spanish edition, _Crónica del Peru_, constitutes vol. xxvi.
of the _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, published at Madrid in 1852.
[1534] Sabin, no. 13,047; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 198.
[1535] There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown (vol. i. no. 208)
libraries. Cf. Sabin, nos. 13,048-13,049; Leclerc, no. 1,707; Tröwel,
no. 19.
[1536] There are copies in the Boston Public, Lenox, and Carter-Brown
(vol. i. nos. 231, 249, 254) libraries. A set is worth about $20.
(Sabin, nos. 13,050-13,052; Field, 314, 315; Rich, no. 39—10_s._;
Court, no. 64; Leclerc, no. 1,708; Sobolewski, 3,744; Dufossé, no.
8,978.) Some copies are dated 1564, and dates between 1560 and 1564 are
on the second and third volumes (Sabin, no. 13,053). These three parts
were again reprinted at Venice in 1576 (Sabin, no. 13,054; Leclerc, no.
1,709; Cooke, no. 524).
[1537] Cf. Leclerc, nos. 2,503, 2,672; _Coleccion de documentos
inéditos (España)_ vol. lxviii.
[1538] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._, and Leclerc in 1878 (no.
1,740) at 100 francs. There are copies in the Carter-Brown (vol. ii.
no. 96), Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries; and others were
sold in the Murphy (no. 2,589) and O’Callaghan (no. 963) collections.
Cf. Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 5,358; vol. v. no. 12,814; Ticknor,
_Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 146.
[1539] There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and
Carter-Brown (vol. ii. nos. 183, 197) libraries. Rich priced it in 1832
at £1 10_s._; Leclerc (no. 1,741) in 1878 at 100 francs. Cf. Murphy,
no. 2,590; Huth, vol. ii. p. 574.
[1540] Leclerc, no. 1,742; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 327-329; Field,
589.
[1541] Cf. Prescott’s _Peru_, vol. i. p. 294; Field, 592.
[1542] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 405; Leclerc, no. 1,745.
[1543] Ibid., vol. ii. nos. 700, 842; Leclerc, no. 1,744.
[1544] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 82.
[1545] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 205.
[1546] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 561; Field, no. 591.
[1547] Leclerc, no. 1,746; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 768.
[1548] Ibid., no. 1,747.
[1549] Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 188.
[1550] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 102; _Additions_, no. 65.
[1551] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 193; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537;
_Bibliotheca Heberiana_, vol. i. no. 1,961.
[1552] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 195; _Libri Catalogue_ (reserved part),
no. 32. There is a copy in the Lenox Library.
[1553] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 196; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537.
[1554] _Spanish Literature_, ii. 40.
[1555] Cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. no. 54,945.
[1556] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. nos. 111, 113; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos.
191, 206; Leclerc, nos. 2,839, at 1,200 francs.
[1557] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, nos. 124, 153, 157.
[1558] Leclerc, no. 1,689.
[1559] Cf. Rich, no. 44—£1 4s.; Carter-Brown, i. 268; Quaritch, £3 3s.;
Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 9,515; Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,761; Huth, i. 41;
Cohn (1884), no. 113, at 75 marks. The _Catalogue de M. A. Chaumette
des Fossé’s_, Paris, 1842, is mainly of books pertaining to Peru.
[1560] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 67.
[1561] Leclerc, no. 1,808.
[1562] Rich, no. 253—£3 3s.; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,971, 57,972;
Carter-Brown, ii. 592; Quaritch, £6 6_s._; Sunderland (1883), £5;
Rosenthal (1884), 60 marks.
[1563] Leclerc, no. 3,029.
[1564] Leclerc, no. 2,928.
[1565] _Boston Public Library Catalogue._
[1566] _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 1,687.
[1567] Cf. Karl Klüpfel, in the _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins
in Stuttgart_, no. xlvii. (1859); Karl Klunzinger, _Antheil der
Deutschen an der Entdeckung von Südamerika_, Stuttgart, 1857; and K.
von Klöoen’s “Die Welser in Augsburg als besitzer von Venezuela,” in
the _Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, v. 441.
[1568] Cf. Schomburgk’s _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, p. 17.
Raleigh’s enumeration of the various searches for Eldorado in this book
are annotated by Schomburgk.
[1569] An account of an earlier expedition by Federmann in this
region, _Indianische Historia_, recounting experiences in 1529-1531,
was printed in 1557 at Hagenaw. Ternaux, in the first volume of his
_Voyages_, etc. (Paris, 1837), gave a translation of it, with an
introduction. His route, as marked by Klunzinger in the book already
cited, is not agreed to by Dr. Moritz Weinhold, in _Uber Nicolaus
Federmann’s Reise in Venezuela_, 1529-1531, printed in the _Dritter
Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden, 1866, Anhang_, p.
93; also in 1868.
[1570] Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, iii. 213.
[1571] He is sometimes called Uten, Utre, Urra, etc.
[1572] Introduction of his _Search for Eldorado_.
[1573] Manuscript copies of these parts are in the Lenox Library.
[1574] Cf. Markham’s introduction to this volume; H. H. Bancroft’s
_Central America_, ii. 61. _The Expedition of Orsua and the Crime of
Aguirre_, by Robert Southey, was published at London in 1821. This was
written for Southey’s _History of Brazil_, but was omitted as beyond
its scope, and first published in the _Edinburgh Annual Register_, vol.
iii. part 2, and then separately.
[1575] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 471. There are copies in the
Boston Public, Harvard College, and Lenox libraries.
[1576] Printed at Amberes in 1688; Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no.
1,364. There are copies in Harvard College and Lenox libraries. Cf. H.
H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 62. The book is worth £5 to £10.
Only the _Parte primera_ was printed; it comes down to 1563.
[1577] There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard College libraries.
[1578] _Search for Eldorado_, p. xliii.
[1579] Schomburgk, in his _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_ (p. lvi),
enumerates the various references to the Amazon story among the early
writers on South America. Cf. Van Heuvel, _Eldorado_, chaps. vii. and
viii. Acuña’s account in 1641 is translated in Markham’s _Expeditions
into the Valley of the Amazons_, sect. 71; and also p. 123, Note.
[1580] Vol. III. p. 117, etc. One of the latest accounts is contained
in P. G. L. Borde’s _Histoire de l’ile de la Trinidad sous le
gouvernement espagnol_, 1498, etc, (Paris, 1876-1883, vol. i.). Abraham
Kendall, who had been on the coast with Robert Dudley, and is the
maker of one of the portolanos in Dudley’s _Arcano del mare_, was with
Raleigh and of use to him. Kohl (Collection, no. 374) gives us from the
British Museum a map which he supposes to be Raleigh’s.
[1581] _Personal Narrative_, chap. 17.
[1582] _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, published by Hakluyt Society
(1848), p. li.
[1583] Schomburgk says that Levinus Hulsius availed himself of this
map in constructing his _Americæ pars Australis_, which accompanies
the _Vera Historia_ of Schmiedel, published at Nuremberg in 1599. Cf.
Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, p. 90, no. 5.
[1584] He was in the boundary expedition of Solano. Humboldt calls this
map the combination of two traced by Caulin in 1756.
[1585] This enumeration has by no means mentioned all the instances of
similar acceptance of the delusion.
[1586] Cf. his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., p. 159; _Views of Nature_, p. 188.
He asks: “Can the little reed-covered lake of Amuca have given rise
to this myth?... It was besides an ancient custom of dogmatizing
geographers to make all considerable rivers originate in lakes.” Cf.
also Humboldt’s _Personal Narrative_ and Southey’s _History of Brazil_.
[1587] Markham’s _Valley of the Amazons_, p. xlv.
[1588] This book is rare. It was priced by Rich in 1832 (no. 234) at
£8 8_s._ The unsatisfactory French translation by De Gomberville was
printed at Paris in 1682. Dufossé recently priced this edition at 150
francs. The original Spanish is said to have been suppressed by Philip
IV. but such stories are attached too easily to books become rare.
There was a copy in the Cooke sale (1884, no. 10). The _Carter-Brown
Catalogue_ (vol. ii. no. 484) shows a copy.
[1589] It can be found in Stocklein’s _Reise Beschreibungen_, a
collection of Jesuit letters from all parts of the World. Markham’s
_Valley of the Amazons_, p. xxxiii.
[1590] On Faleiro’s contributions to the art of navigation, see
Humboldt’s _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672.
[1591] [It will be remembered that the original Bull of 1493 fixed
the meridian 100 leagues (say 400 miles) west of the Azores or Cape
De Verde Islands, supposing them to lie north and south of each
other; whereas the limit in force after June 7, 1494, was 370 leagues
(say 1,080 miles) west of the Azores, since Portugal, complaining
of the first limit, had negotiated with Spain for a new limit, the
Pope assenting; and this final limit was confirmed by a convention
at Tordesillas at the date above given. Cf. Popellinière, _Les trois
mondes_, Paris, 1582; Baronius, _Annales_ (ed. by Brovius, Rome), vol.
xix.; Solorzano, _Politica Indiana_.—ED.]
[1592] [See note, Vol. II., p. 7.—ED.]
[1593] But the word _hamac_ is Haytian, not Brazilian. The hammock
itself had been noticed by Columbus. Peter Martyr describes it, and
Oviedo figures it in narrating the second voyage. [Cf. Schomburgk’s
_Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, pp. 40, 65.—ED.]
[1594] [See p. 17 of Vol. II., for a contemporary drawing of a
canoe.—ED.]
[1595] Which they called _boi_, according to Pigafetta; but this name
has not been traced since his time. The Brazilian name of house was
_oca_. Of twelve “Brazilian” words given in Pigafetta, five found their
way into European languages. But, oddly enough, three of these were not
Brazilian, but were “ship-language,” and borrowed from the West Indies.
These are _cacich_ for “king,” _hamac_ for “bed,” _maiz_ for “millet;”
perhaps _canot_ is to be added. But _Setebos_, the name of their god or
devil, is Pigafetta’s own. Shakspeare was struck by it, and gives it to
Caliban’s divinity.
[1596] Jatropha manihot.
[1597] Sus dorso cistifero (Linnæus).
[1598] Anas rostro plano ad verticem dilatato (Linnæus).
[1599] O’Brien, the Irish giant, was eight feet four inches high. His
skeleton is in the College of Surgeons in London.
[1600] [Cf. note on the alleged height of the Patagonians in Thevet’s
_La France antarctique_, Gaffarel’s ed., p. 287. Schouten testifies to
finding bones in a grave ten feet and more of stature; and Pernetty’s
_Voyage aux Isles Malonines_ (Paris, 1770) gives the testimony of
an engraving to their large stature (Field, _Indian Bibliography_,
no. 1,200). There is a cut of two enormous Patagonians standing
beside a European in Don Casimiro de Ortega’s _Resumen histórico del
primer viage hecho al rededor del mundo, emprendido por Hernando de
Magallanes_ (Madrid, 1769). Statements of their unusual height have
been insisted upon even in our day by travellers. One of the most
trustworthy of recent explorers (1869-1870) of Patagonia, Lieutenant G.
C. Musters, says that the men average six feet, some reaching six feet
four inches; while the average of the women is five feet four.—ED.]
[1601] Herrera gives the observation in some detail; but M. Charton
says it was not visible there.
[1602] [See the section on “The Historical Chorography of South
America.”—ED.]
[1603] [For Gomez’ subsequent career see Dr. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient
Florida,” in Vol. II., and- chapter i. of Vol. IV.—ED.]
[1604] Juan de Barros.
[1605] Apium dulce.
[1606] See Cook’s _First Voyage_, i. 70, 74.
[1607] Pigafetta has preserved the vocabulary of ninety words which
in this way he made. The words, he says, are to be pronounced in the
throat. A few of the words are these: Ears, _sanc_; eyes, _ather_;
nose, _or_; breast, _othey_; eyelids, _sechechiel_; nostrils,
_oresche_; mouth, _piam_; a chief, _hez_.
[1608] This might have been inferred from Pigafetta’s map of the
strait, in which the western shore of Patagonia and Chili are well laid
in; but that inference seems to have escaped the globe-makers.
[1609] Most observers forget, however, when they look upon a map of
this ocean, that the name of an island or group upon the map may cover
a hundred, not to say a thousand, times as much space on the paper as
the island or group takes up on the surface of the world. Dr. Charles
Darwin calls attention to such forgetfulness, in the _Voyage of the
Beagle_.
[1610] The identification attempted on the map (taken from the Hakluyt
Society’s volume on Magellan) is one of many conjectures.
[1611] He died in 1534. A brother-in-law of Magellan, Duarte Barbosa,
who was killed at the same time with his chief, prepared a manuscript
in 1516, which was printed by Ramusio in Italian as _Sommario di
tutti li regni dell’Indie orientali_. This paper, describing from
such sources as were available the eastern regions, had not a little
influence on Magellan. The original Portuguese was printed by the
Lisbon Academy in their _Noticias Ultramarinhas_, in 1813.
[1612] _Bulletin de in Société de Géographie_, September, 1843.
[1613] Pigafetta himself mentions a manuscript, _Uno libro scripto de
tutti le cose passate de giorno in giorno nel viaggio_, written by his
own hand, and presented by him to Charles the Fifth. Harrisse thinks it
was written in French, and describes the manuscripts, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.
Add._, pp. xxx-xxxiii.
[1614] This petition is given in Stanley’s _Magellan_, and in
Harrisse’s _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, p. xxviii.
[1615] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 134; Carter-Brown, no. 86; Brunet, iv.
650; Des Brosses, _Navigations aux terres Australes_, i. 121; Panzer,
viii. 217; Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, ii. 376.
[1616] On the strength of _Livres Curieux_, p. 29.
[1617] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 192.
[1618] Ramusio included it in his _Viaggi_ in 1554, with annotations.
[1619] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 215; _Bibliotheca Hebernana_, ix. 3,129;
_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, no. 548; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,753;
Libri, 1861, no. 288; Carter-Brown, i. 118; Court, no. 372. There is
also a copy in the Lenox Library. Wiley, of New York, priced a copy in
1883, at $145.
[1620] A French version of this text was issued at Paris in 1801; and
the Italian text was again printed in 1805. Pigafetta’s story is given
in English in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, i. 188; in German in Sprengel’s
_Beyträgen_, and in Kries’s _Beschreibung von Magellan-Reise_, Gotha,
1801. Cf. a bibliography of the manuscript and printed editions of
Pigafetta in the _Studi biografici e bibliografici_, published by the
Società Geografica Italiana (2d ed., 1882), i. 262.
[1621] The date in Navarrete is October 5.
[1622] All three of these editions are in the Lenox Library, and the
first two are in the Carter-Brown. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._,
nos. 122, 123, 124. Leclerc priced the Cologne edition at 500 francs,
and the Rome (1523) at 350. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ nos. 376, 377. Dufossé
(nos. 11,003, 12,348) puts the Cologne edition at 500 francs, and
again (no. 14,892) at 380. The _Court Catalogue_ (Paris, 1884) shows
the Cologne edition (no. 220) and the Rome (1524) edition (no. 221).
Brunet is in error in calling the Roman edition the earliest. A Cologne
copy in the Murphy sale (1884) brought $75; _Catalogue_, no. 2,519.
One in F. S. Ellis’s _Catalogue_ (1884), no. 188, is priced at £42.
Cf. Sabin, xi. 47,038-47,042; Carter-Brown, no. 75; Graesse, iv. 451;
Ternaux, no. 129. It was also inserted in Latin in the _Novus Orbis_ of
1537 (p. 585), and of 1555 (p. 524), and in Johannes Bœmus’s _Omnium
gentium mores_, etc., Antwerp, 1542; in Italian in Ramusio (i. 347);
in Spanish, in Navarrete (iv. 249, dated October 5, and not 24). The
narrative in Hulsius (no. xxvi.) is taken from Ortelius and Chauveton.
Cf. Panzer, vol. vi., no. 375; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 1,868;
_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 454; Ternaux, nos. 29, 30; Graesse, iv.
451, 452; _Bibliotheca Heberiana_, i. 4,451; ii. 3,687; vi. 2,331; vii.
4,123; Leclerc, no. 69; _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, no. 136.
[1623] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229, where other missing accounts are
mentioned.
[1624] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229.
[1625] Cf. J. A. Schmeller’s _Über einige älten handscriftliche
Seekarten_, Munich, 1844, which is an extract from the _Abhandlungen
d. Baier. Akad. d. Wissensch._, iv. 1. It is announced (1884) that
Harrisse is preparing an annotated edition of the letter.
[1626] Cf. Reclus, _Ocean_, bk. i., chap. ix. and Chart.
[1627] Cf. _Bibl. Am. Vet._, nos. 80, 81, 132, 133, 161; Carter-Brown,
i. 212, 283, 336; ii. 221; Sabin, xii. p. 90; _Ticknor, Catalogue_, p.
226.
[1628] Among them may be mentioned, for instance, such books as
Argensola’s _Conquista de las islas Malucas_, Madrid, 1609, which a
hundred years later was made familiar to French and English readers
by editions at Amsterdam in 1707, and by being included in Stevens’s
_Collection of Voyages_ in 1708, while the German version appeared at
Frankfort in 1711 (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 77; iii. 92, 104, 119, 147);
Gotard Arthus’s _India Orientalis_, Cologne, 1608; Farya y Sousa’s
_Asia Portuguesa_, Lisbon, 1666-1675. The final conquest of the
Philippines was not accomplished till 1564, when by order of Philip
II., Miguel Lopez de Legaspi led a fleet from Navidad in New Spain. For
this and the subsequent history of the island see Antonio de Morga’s
_Philippine Islands_ (Mexico, 1609) as translated and annotated for
the Hakluyt Society by H. E. J. Stanley, 1868. Cf. Pedro Chirino’s
_Relacion de las islas Filipinas_, Rome, 1604 (Rich, _Catalogue of
Books_ (1832), no. 99; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 12,836).
[1629] Cf. also a notice by Navarrete in his _Op[usculo]s_, i. 143,
with (p. 203) an appendix of “Pruebas, ilustraciones y documentos.”
[1630] Sabin, iii. 9,208.
[1631] Wieser has also drawn attention in the _Mittheilungen des
Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung_, v. (heft iii.) to
“ein Bericht des Gasparo Contarini über die Heimkehr der Victoria von
der Magalhâes’schen Expedition,” with ample annotation.
* * * * * *
Transcriber’s note:
—Obvious errors were corrected.