[454] _A Discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his Discovery,

etc._ Translated from Ramusio (1550) by Hakluyt for his _Principal

Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1589, and

in later editions.

[455] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—ED.]

[456] For the distinction which possibly Cabot meant to convey between

_terra_ and _insula_, see Biddle’s _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_ (London

1831), p. 54.

[457] Humboldt (_Examen critique_, vol. iv.), supported by the

authority of Professor Von der Hugen, of the University of Berlin,

shows that the Italian name Amerigo is derived from the German Amalrich

or Amelrich, which, under the various forms of Amalric, Amalrih,

Amilrich, Amulrich, was spread through Europe by the Goths and other

Northern invaders.

[458] [See Vol. III. p. 53.—ED.]

[459] On the 20th of May, according to one edition of the letter,—that

published by Hylacomylus at St-Dié.

[460] [After a picture in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s

Gallery (no. 253), which is a copy of the best-known portrait of

Vespucius. It is claimed for it that it was painted from life by

Bronzino, and that it had been preserved in the family of Vespucius

till it was committed, in 1845, to Charles Edwards Lester, United

States consul at Genoa. It is engraved in Lester and Foster’s _Life

and Voyages of Americus Vespucius_ (New York, 1846), and described

on p. 414 of that book. Cf. also Sparks’s statement in _Mass. Hist.

Soc. Proc._, iv. 117. It has been also engraved in Canovai among

the Italian authorities, and was first, I think, in this country,

produced in Philadelphia, in 1815, in Delaplaine’s _Repository of

the Lives and Portraits of distinguished American characters_, and

later in various other places. The likeness of Vespucius in the Royal

Gallery at Naples, painted by Parmigianino, is supposed to be the

one originally in the possession of the Cardinal Alexander Farnese

(_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, iii. 370, by Jomard).

That artist was but eleven years old at the death of Vespucius, and

could not have painted Vespucius from life. A copy in 1853 was placed

in the gallery of the American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_,

April, 1853, p. 15; Paine’s _Portraits and Busts_, etc., no. 28). C.

W. Peale’s copy of the likeness in the gallery of the Grand Duke of

Tuscany is in the collection belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical

Society (_Catalogue_, 1872, no. 148). There is also a portrait in the

gallery of the New York Historical Society (_Catalogue_, no. 131),

but the origin of it is not named. De Bry gives vignette portraits

in parts iv., vi., and xii. of his _Grands Voyages_. See Bandini’s

_Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, chap. vii. for an account of the various

likenesses.—ED.]

[461] “Et quoniam in meis hisce bis geminis navigationibus, tam

varia diversaque, ac tam a nostris rebus, et modis differentia

perspexi, idcirco libellum quempiam, quem Quatuor diætas sive quatuor

navigationes appello, conscribere paravi, conscripsique; in quo maiorem

rerum a me visarum partem distincte satis juxta ingenioi mei tenuitatem

collegi: verumtamen non adhuc publicavi.” From the _Cosmographiæ

introductio_ of Hylacomylus (Martin Waldseemüller). St.-Dié, 1507.

Repeated in essentially the same words in other editions of the letter.

[462] In the original: _En este viage que este dicho testigo hizo trujo

consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, e Morigo Vespuche, e otros pilotos_.

The testimony of other pilots confirmed that of Ojeda. The records

of this trial are preserved among the archives at Seville, and were

examined by Muñoz, and also by Washington Irving in his studies for the

_Life of Columbus_. See also _ante_, p. 88.

[463] The title of this work is _Cosmographiæ introductio cum quibusdam

geometriæ ac astronomiæ principiis ad eam rem necessariis. Insuper

quatuor Americi Vespucii navigationes_. The name of the editor,

Martinus Hylacomylus, is not given in the first edition, but appears in

a later, published at Strasburg in 1509. [See _post_, p. 167.—ED.]

[464] See Major’s _Henry the Navigator_, p. 383. The title of Lud’s

four-leaved book is _Speculi orbis succinctiss. sed neque pœnitenda

neque inelegans declaratio et canon_.

[465] “_Et quarta orbis pars quam quis Americus invenit, Amerigen quasi

Americi terram, sive Americam nuncupare licet._”

[466] “_Nunc vero et hæc partes sunt latius lustratæ, et alia quarta

Pars per Americum Vesputium, ut in sequentibus audietur, inventa est,

quam non video cur quis iure vetet ab America inventore, sagacis

ingenii viro, Amerigen quasi Americi terram sive Americam dicendum, cum

et Europa et Asia a mulieribus sua sortitæ sint nomina._” _Hylacomylus._

[467] [Vespucci himself says that his mission was “per ajutare a

discoprire.” An astronomer was an important officer of all these early

expeditions. Isabella urged Columbus not to go without one on his

second voyage; and in his narrative of his fourth voyage, Columbus

contends that there is but one infallible method of making a ship’s

reckoning, that employed by astronomers. Cf. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng.

tr., ii. 671.—ED.]

[468] Herrera,—of whom Robertson says that “of all Spanish writers he

furnishes the fullest and most authentic information upon American

discoveries”—accuses Vespucci of “falsehoods” in pretending to have

visited the Gulf of Paria before Columbus.

[469] [Varnhagen thinks there is reason to believe, from the letter

of Vianello, that Vespucius made a voyage in 1505 to the northern

coast of South America, when he tracked the shore from the point of

departure on his second voyage as far as Darien; and he is further of

the opinion, from passages in the letters of Francesco Corner, that

Vespucius made still a final voyage with La Cosa to the coast of Darien

(_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p. 56). Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer.

Vet., Additions_, p. xxvii) gives reasons, from letters discovered by

Rawdon Brown at Venice, for believing that Vespucius made a voyage in

1508.—ED.]

[470] Cf. Navarrete, iii. 297, for the instructions of the King.

[471] “Noticias exactas de Americo Vespucio,” in his _Coleccion_,

iii. 315. The narrative in English will be found in Lester’s _Life of

Vespucius_, pp. 112-139.

[472] May 10, 20, 1497, and Oct. 1, 15, 18, 1499.

[473] Cf. _Examen critique_, iv. 150, 151, 273-282; v. 111, 112,

197-202; _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 678.

[474] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 50, 267, 268, 272; Harrisse,

_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 57; Navarrete, iii. 317.

[475] This part is given in English in Lester, p. 175.

[476] It is translated in Lester, pp. 151-173; cf. Canovai, p. 50.

[477] These instances are cited by Santarem. Cf. Ternaux’s

_Collection_, vol. ii.

[478] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 64; Humboldt, _Examen

critique_, v. 209. There were other editions of Albertini in 1519 and

1520, as well as his _De Roma prisca_ of 1523, repeating the credit

of the first discovery in language which Muller says that Harrisse

does not give correctly. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 96, 103, 106;

_Additions_, 56, 74; Muller, _Books on America_ (1872), no. 17.

[479] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 107.

[480] Editions at Venice in 1572 and 1589 (Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,161).

[481] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 96.

[482] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,102.

[483] Carter-Brown, ii. 114. It was reprinted at Florence in 1859, and

at Milan in 1865.

[484] Santarem enumerates various others; cf. Childe’s translation,

p. 34 etc. Bandini (_Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, cap. vii.) also

enumerates the early references.

[485] Though Guicciardini died in 1540, his _Historia d’Italia_

(1494-1532) did not appear at Florence till 1564, and again at Venice

in 1580. Segni, who told the history of Florence from 1527 to 1555, and

died in 1559, was also late in appearing.

[486] Dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 2; lib. vii. c. 5.

[487] Robertson based his disbelief largely upon Herrera (_History of

America_, note xxii.).

[488] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 793; Murphy, no. 142; Leclerc, no.

2,473. There was a German translation in 1748 (Carter-Brown, iii. 866;

Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,150), with annotations, which gave occasion to a

paper by Caleb Cushing in the _North American Review_, xii. 318.

[489] Santarem reviews this literary warfare of 1788-1789 (Childe’s

translation, p. 140).

[490] Sabin (_Dictionary_, iii. 312) gives the following contributions

of Canovai: (1) _Difensa d’Amerigo Vespuccio_, Florence, 1796 (15 pp).

(2) _Dissertazione sopra il primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci alle Indie

occidentali_, Florence, 1809. (3) _Elogio d’Amerigo Vespucci ... con

una dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1788; con illustrazioni ed

aggiunte [Cortona], 1789; no place, 1790, Florence, 1798. (4) _Esame

critico del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence,

1811. Cf. Il Marquis Gino Capponi, _Osservazioni sull’esame critico

del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence, 1811.

Leclerc, no. 400; copy in Harvard College Library. (5) _Lettera allo

Stampat. Sig. P. Allegrini a nome dell’ autore dell’elogio prem. di

Am. Vespucci_, Florence, 1789. (6) _Monumenti relativi al giudizio

pronunziato dall’Accademia Etrusca di Cortona di un Elogio d’Amerigo

Vespucci_, Florence, 1787. (7) _Viaggi d’ Amerigo Vespucci con la vita,

l’elogio e la dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1817; again,

1832. There was an English version of the _Elogio_ printed at New Haven

in 1852. Canovai rejects some documents which Bandini accepted; as, for

instance, the letter in Da Gama, of which there is a version in Lester,

p. 313. Cf. also Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, pp. 67, 69, where it is

reprinted.

[491] Irving got his cue from this, and calls the voyage of 1497 pure

invention. The documents which Navarrete gives are epitomized in

Lester, p. 395, and reprinted in Varnhagen’s _Nouvelles recherches_, p.

26.

[492] Childe’s translation, p. 24.

[493] Childe’s translation, pp. 65, 66.

[494] There is another laying down of his course in a map published

with a volume not seldom quoted in the present work, and which may be

well described here: _Studi biografici e bibliografici sulla storia

della geografia in Italia publicati in occasione del IIIº Congresso

Geografico Internazionale, Edizione seconda_, Rome, 1882. Vol. i.

contains _Biografia dei viaggiatori Italiani, colla bibliografia delle

loro opere per Pietro Amat di San Filippo_. The special title of vol.

ii. is _Mappamondi, carte nautiche, portolani ed altri monumenti

cartografici specialmente Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII, per Gustavo

Uzielli e Pietro Amat di San Filippo_.

[495] He gives his reasons for this landfall in his _Le premier

voyage_, p. 5.

[496] We have no positive notice of Bermuda being seen earlier than the

record of the Peter Martyr map of 1511.

[497] See Vol. III. p. 8, and the present volume, p. 115.

[498] Where (p. 106) he announced his intention to discuss at some

future time the voyages of Vespucius, and to bring forward, “selon

notre habitude,” some new documentary evidence. He has since given

the proposed title: _Americ Vespuce, sa Correspondance_, 1483-1491;

_soixante-huit lettres inédites tirées du porte-feuille des Médicis_,

with annotations.

[499] See p. 108.

[500] This Vianello document was printed by Ferraro in his _Relazione_

in 1875.

[501] His publications on the subject of Vespucius are as follows:

(1) _Vespuce et son premier voyage, ou notice d’une découverte et

exploration du Golfe du Méxique et des côtes des États-Unis en 1497

et 1498, avec le texte de trois notes de la main de Colomb_, Paris,

1858. This had originally appeared from the same type in _Bulletin

de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, January and February, 1858;

and a summary of it in English will be found in the _Historical

Magazine_, iv. 98, together with a letter from Varnhagen to Buckingham

Smith. (2) _Examen de quelques points de l’Histoire géographique du

Brésil,—second voyage de Vespuce_, Paris, 1858. (3) _Amerigo Vespucci,

son caractère, ses écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations_, Lima, 1865.

(4) _Le premier voyage de Amerigo Vespucci définitivement expliqué

dans ses détails_, Vienna, 1869. (5) _Nouvelles recherches sur les

derniers voyages du navigateur florentin, et le reste des documents

et éclaircissements sur lui_, Vienna, 1869. (6) _Postface auxt rois

livraisons sur Amerigo Vespucci_, Vienna, 1870. This is also given as

pages 55-57 of the _Nouvelles recherches_, though it is not included

in its contents table. (7) _Ainda Amerigo Vespucci, novos estudos e

achegas, especialmente em favor da interpretaçāo dada à sua 1ª viagem,

em 1497-1498, ás Costas do Yucatan_, Vienna, 1874, eight pages, with

fac-similes of part of Ruysch’s map. Cf. _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. nac.

do R. de Janeiro_, no. 839. (8) _Cartas de Amerigo Vespucci_, in the

_Rev. do Inst. Hist._, i. 5.

[502] Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 61.

[503] It is reprinted in Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 78. The

manuscript is not in Vespucius’ hand (_Bulletin de la Société de

Géographie de Paris_, April, 1858). Varnhagen is not satisfied of its

genuineness.

[504] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 1, 34; Major, _Prince

Henry_, p. 375; Navarrete, iii. 46, 262; Ramusio, i. 139; Grynæus,

p. 122; Galvano, p. 98. Santarem, in his iconoclastic spirit, will

not allow that Vespucius went on this voyage, or on that with Coelho

in 1503,—holding that the one with Ojeda and La Cosa is the only

indisputable voyage which Vespucius made (Childe’s translation, p.

145), though, as Navarrete also admits, he may have been on these

or other voyages in a subordinate capacity. Santarem cites Lafitau,

Barros, and Osorius as ignoring any such voyage by Vespucius. Vespucius

says he could still see the Great Bear constellation when at 32°

south; but Humboldt points out that it is not visible beyond 26° south

latitude.

[505] This was a cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent; he was born in

1463, and died in 1503. Cf. Ranke’s letter in Humboldt’s _Examen

critique_, and translated in Lester’s _Life and Voyages of Vespucius_,

p. 401. Varnhagen has an “Étude bibliographique” on this 1503 letter in

his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 9.

[506] Varnhagen is confident (_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p.

56) that Vespucius was aware that he had found a new continent, and

thought it no longer Asia, and that the letter of Vespucius, on which

Humboldt based the statement of Vespucius’ dying in the belief that

only Asia had been found, is a forgery.

[507] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 26; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 74;

Carter-Brown, i. 26; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,919; Brunet, vol. v.

col. 1,155; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766.

[508] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 31; Carter-Brown, i. 21; Ternaux, no. 6;

_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,154; Huth,

p. 1525. A copy was sold in the Hamilton sale (1884) for £47, and

subsequently held by Quaritch at £55. The _Court Catalogue_ (no. 369)

shows a duplicate from the Munich Library. Harrassowitz, _Rarissima

Americana_ (91 in 1882), no. 1, priced a copy at 1,250 marks.

[509] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 22.

[510] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 22; _Bibliotheca

Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Court, no. 368; Quaritch (no. 321, title 12,489)

held a copy at £100.

[511] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 24.

[512] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 25; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, ii. 766;

Huth, v. 1525.

[513] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 27.

[514] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 28.

[515] Cf. also Libri (_Catalogue_ of 1859); Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,

155; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 30. “La petite édition de la

lettre de Vespuce à Médicis sur son troisième voyage, imprimée à Paris

chez Gilles de Gourmont, vendue à Londres en 1859 au prix de £32 10s.,

et placée dans la riche collection de M. James Lenox de New York,

n’existe plus dans le volume à la fin duquel elle était reliée à la

Bibliothèque Mazarine.” D’Avezac: _Waltzemüller_, p. 5.

[516] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 29; Huth, v. 1525; Humboldt, _Examen

critique_, v. 7, describing a copy in the Göttingen Library;

_Bibliophile Belge_, v. 302.

[517] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 30; Carter-Brown, i. 23. A copy was (no.

233) in a sale at Sotheby’s, London, Feb. 22, 1883. It seems probable

that no. 14 of Harrisse’s _Additions_, corresponding to copies in the

Lenox, Trivulziana, and Marciana libraries, is identical with this.

[518] Harrisse, _Additions_, p. 12, where its first page is said

to have thirty-three lines; but the _Court Catalogue_ (no. 367),

describing what seems to be the same, says it has forty-two lines, and

suggests that it was printed at Cologne about 1503.

[519] _Additions_, p. 13, describing a copy in the British Museum.

Varnhagen (_Amerigo Vespucci_, Lima, 1865, p. 9) describes another copy

which he had seen.

[520] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 39; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 24;

Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,155; Court, no. 370; Huth, v. 1526; D’Avezac,

_Waltzemüller_; p. 91. Tross, of Paris, in 1872, issued a vellum

fac-simile reprint in ten copies. Murphy, no. 2,615; Court, no. 371.

[521] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. 36.

[522] This title is followed on the same page by a large cut of the

King of Portugal with sceptre and shield. The little plaquette has

six folios, small quarto (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 33). A fac-simile

edition was made by Pilinski at Paris (twenty-five copies), in 1861.

Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 25, with fac-simile of title; Murphy,

no. 2,616; Huth, v. 1525; O’Callaghan, no. 2,328; Cooke, no. 2,519.

There is a copy of this fac-simile, which brings about $5 or $6, in

the Boston Public Library. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen, Suppl._, no. 561

_bis_, and Weller, _Repertorium_, no. 335.

[523] There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, vol.

i. no. 586). It seems to be Harrisse’s no. 37, where a copy in the

British Museum is described.

[524] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) says he describes his no. 38 from

the Carter-Brown and Lenox copies; but the colophon as he gives it does

not correspond with the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, nor with the Dresden

copy as described by Ruge. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen_, vol. i. p. 271,

no. 561; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 6.

[525] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 34.

[526] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 21.

[527] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 20, following Weller’s

_Repertorium_, no. 320.

[528] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 40; there is a copy in the Lenox Library.

[529] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 41; Heber, vol. vi. no. 3,846; Rich, no.

1; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 160.

[530] Vol. v. col. 1156; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 50.

[531] _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d’Anvers_, 1877, p. 349.

[532] There is a copy of this fac-simile in the Boston Public Library

[G. 302, 22]. Cf. _Historical Magazine_, xxi. 111.

[533] _Ricerche istorico-critiche circa alle scoperte d’Amerigo

Vespucci con l’aggiunta di una relazione del medesimo fin ora

inedita_ (Florence, 1789), p. 168. He followed, not an original, but

a copy found in the Biblioteca Strozziana. This text is reprinted in

Varnhagen’s _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 83.

[534] Cf. the _Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A.

Vespucci_, etc., following a manuscript in the Ferrara Library, edited

by Professor Ferraro, and published at Bologna in 1875 as no. 144 of

the series _Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite e rare dal secolo

XIII al XVII_.

[535] Lucas Rem’s _Tagebuch aus den Jahren 1494-1542_. _Beitrag zur

Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg. Mitgetheilt mit Bemerkungen und

einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die

Entdeckung des newen Seeweges nach Amerika und Ost-Indien, von B.

Greiff._ Augsburg, 1861. This privately printed book in a “kurtzer

Bericht aus der neuen Welt, 1501,” is said to contain an account of a

voyage of Vespucius, probably this one (Muller, _Books on America_,

1877, no. 2,727).

[536] _Hist. geral do Brazil_ (1854), p. 427. Cf. Navarrete, iii. 281,

294; Bandini, p. 57; Peschel, _Erdkunde_ (1877), p. 275; Callender’s

_Voyages to Terra Australis_ (1866), vol. i.; Ramusio, i. 130, 141.

[537] That portion of it relating to this voyage is given in English in

Lester, p. 238.

[538] N. F. Gravier in his _Histoire de Saint-Dié_, published at Épinal

in 1836, p. 202, depicts the character of Lud and the influence of his

press. Lud died at St.-Dié in 1527, at the age of seventy-nine.

[539] Cf. his _Notes_, etc., p. 35.

[540] Varnhagen’s _Le premier voyage_, p. 1.

[541] Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 28;

D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 46; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,

Additions_, p. xxiv.

[542] Napione puts it in this year in his _Del primo scopritore_,

Florence, 1809.

[543] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 87) describes it from a copy

in the British Museum which is noted in the _Grenville Catalogue_, p.

764, no. 6,535. D’Avezac, in 1867, noted, besides the Grenville copy,

one belonging to the Marquis Gino Capponi at Florence, and Varnhagen’s

(_Waltzemüller_, p. 45; Peignot, _Répertoire_, p. 139; Heber, vol.

vi. no. 3,848; Napione, _Del primo scopritore del nuovo mondo_, 1809,

p. 107; Ebert, _Dictionary_, no. 27,542; Ternaux, no. 5). Harrisse in

1872 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxiv), added a fourth copy,

belonging to the Palatina in Florence (Biblioteca Nazionale), and

thinks there may have been formerly a duplicate in that collection,

which Napione describes. The copy described by Peignot may have been

the same with the Heber and Grenville copies; and the Florence copy

mentioned by Harrisse in his _Ferdinand Colomb_, p. 11, may also be

one of those already mentioned. The copy which Brunet later described

in his _Supplément_ passed into the Court Collection (no. 366); and

when that splendid library was sold, in 1884, this copy was considered

its gem, and was bought by Quaritch for £524, but is now owned by Mr.

Chas. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. The copies known to Varnhagen in

1865 were—one which had belonged to Baccio Valori, used by Bandini; one

which belonged to Gaetano Poggiale, described by Napione; the Grenville

copy; and his own, which had formerly belonged to the Libreria de

Nuestra Señora de las Cuevas de la Cartuja in Seville. The same text

was printed in 1745 in Bandini’s _Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci_,

and in 1817 in Canovai’s _Viaggi d’Americo Vespucci_, where it is

interjected among other matter, voyage by voyage.

[544] There was also a French edition at Antwerp the same year, and

it was reprinted in Paris in 1830. There were editions in Latin at

Antwerp in 1556, at Tiguri in 1559, and an Elzevir edition in 1632

(Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 211).

[545] Cf. Varnhagen, _Le premier voyage_, p. 1.

[546] Bandini, p. xxv; Bartolozzi, _Recherche_, p. 67.

[547] Santarem dismisses the claim that Vespucius was the intimate of

either the first or second Duke René. Cf. Childe’s translation, p.

57, and H. Lepage’s _Le Duc René II. et Améric Vespuce_, Nancy, 1875.

Irving (_Columbus_, app. ix.) doubts the view which Major has contended

for.

[548] Varnhagen, ignorant of Lud, labors to make it clear that Ringmann

must have been the translator (_Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 30); he learned

his error later.

[549] See the chapters of Bunbury in his _History of Ancient

Geography_, vol. ii., and the articles by De Morgan in Smith’s

_Dictionary of Ancient Biography_, and by Malte-Brun in the _Biographie

universelle_.

[550] See Vol. IV. p. 35, and this volume, p. 112.

[551] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 8; Lelewel, Moyen-âge, p. 142;

N. F. Gravier, _Histoire de la ville de Saint-Dié_, Épinal, 1836. The

full title of D’Avezac’s work is _Martin Hylacomylus Waltzemüller,

ses ouvrages et ses collaborateurs_. _Voyage d’exploration et de

découvertes à travers quelques épîtres dédicatoires, préfaces, et

opuscules du commencement du XVI^e siècle: notes, causeries, et

digressions bibliographiques et autres par un Géographe Bibliophile_

(_Extrait des Annales des Voyages_, 1866). Paris, 1867, pp. x. 176,

8vo. D’Avezac, as a learned writer in historical geography, has put

his successors under obligations. See an enumeration of his writings

in Sabin, vol. i. nos. 2,492, etc., and in Leclerc, no. 164, etc., and

the notice in the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society,

April, 1876. He published in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie

de Paris_, 1858, and also separately, a valuable paper, _Les voyages

de Améric Vespuce au compte de l’Espagne et les mesures itinéraires

employées par les marins Espagnols et Portugais des XV^e et XVI^e

siècles_ (188 pp.).

[552] They bear the press-mark of the St.-Dié Association, which is

given in fac-simile in Brunet, vol. ii. no. 316. It is also in the

_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 33, and in the _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 94.

[553] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 35; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,

Additions_, no. 24.

[554] D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 28.

[555] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 44; _Additions_, no. 24; D’Avezac,

_Waltzemüller_, p. 31. It is said that an imperfect copy in the

Mazarine Library corresponds as far as it goes. D’Avezac says the

Vatican copy, mentioned by Napione and Foscarini, cannot be found.

[556] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 45.

[557] _Catalogue_, no. 679, bought (1884) by President White of Cornell

University.

[558] _Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 28.

[559] _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no. 825.

[560] Described by Humboldt.

[561] _Catalogue_, i. 356.

[562] _Waltzemüller_, p. 52, etc.

[563] Cf. Brunet, ii. 317; Ternaux, no. 10.

[564] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 46; _Additions_, no. 24.

[565] _Catalogue_, i. 29. It was Ternaux’s copy, no. 10.

[566] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 25; Leclerc, no. 600 (100

francs); D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 58.

[567] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 111, and Orozco y Berra’s

_Cartografia Mexicana_ (Mexico, 1871), p. 19.

[568] How Europe, which on a modern map would seem to be but one

continent with Asia, became one of three great continents known

to the ancients, is manifest from the world as it was conceived

by Eratosthenes in the third century. In his map the Caspian Sea

was a gulf indented from the Northern Ocean, so that only a small

land-connection existed between Asia and Europe, spanned by the

Caucasus Mountains, with the Euxine on the west and the Caspian on

the east; just as the isthmus at the head of the Arabian Gulf also

joined Libya, or Africa, to Asia. Cf. Bunbury’s _History of Ancient

Geography_, i. 660.

[569] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 182; but Varnhagen thinks

Humboldt was mistaken so far as Vespucius was concerned.

[570] As early as 1519, for instance, by Enciso in his _Suma de

geographia_.

[571] _Examen critique_, i. 181; v. 182.

[572] Suggested by Pizarro y Orellano in 1639; cf. Navarrete, French

tr., ii. 282.

[573] _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1433.

[574] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 291.

[575] See p. 122.

[576] Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 420) particularly instances

his descriptions of the coast of Brazil. For fifteen hundred years, as

Humboldt points out (p. 660), naturalists had known no mention, except

that of Adulis, of snow in the tropical regions, when Vespucius in

1500 saw the snowy mountains of Santa Marta. Humboldt (again in his

_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 664, 667), according Vespucius higher literary

acquirements than the other early navigators had possessed, speaks of

his extolling not ungracefully the glowing richness of the light and

picturesque grouping and strange aspect of the constellations that

circle the Southern Pole, which is surrounded by so few stars,—and

tells how effectively he quoted Dante at the sight of the four stars,

which were not yet for several years to be called the Southern Cross.

Irving speaks of Vespucius’ narrative as “spirited.”

[577] Harrisse, no. 60; Brunet, ii. 319.

[578] Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 145.

[579] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 62; _Additions_, no. 31; Huth, v. 1,526;

Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 31. Cf. Navarrete, _Opúsculos_, i. 94.

[580] Equally intended, as Varnhagen (_Le premier voyage_, p. 36),

thinks to be accompanied by the Latin of the _Quattuor navigationes_.

[581] This little black-letter quarto contains fourteen unnumbered

leaves, and the woodcut on the title is repeated on Bii, _verso_,

E, _recto_, and Eiiii, _verso_. There are five other woodcuts, one

of which is repeated three times. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no.

61; also p. 462) reports only the Harvard College copy, which was

received from Obadiah Rich in 1830. There are other entries of this

tract in Panzer, vi. 44, no. 149, under Argentorati (Strasburg),

referring to the _Crevenna Catalogue_, ii. 117; Sabin, vii. 286;

_Grenville Catalogue_, p. 480; Graesse, iii. 94; Henry Stevens’s

_Historical Nuggets_, no. 1,252, pricing a copy in 1862 at £10 10_s._;

Harrassowitz (81, no. 48), pricing one at 1,000 marks; Huth, ii. 602;

Court, no. 145; _Bibliotheca Thottiana_, v. 219; and Humboldt refers

to it in his _Examen critique_, vi. 142, and in his introduction to

Ghillany’s _Behaim_, p. 8, note. Cf. also D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_,

p. 114; Major’s _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 387, and his paper in

the _Archæologia_, vol. xl.; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 173.

D’Avezac used a copy in the Mazarine Library. A German translation,

printed also by Grüninger at Strasburg, appeared under the title, _Der

Welt Kugel_, etc. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 32.) Varnhagen

(_Le premier voyage_, p. 36) thinks this German text the original one.

[582] Cf. Harrisse, _Cabots_, 182; D’Avezac, _Allocution à la Société

de Geographie de Paris_, Oct. 20, 1871, p. 16; and his _Waltzemüller_,

p. 116.

[583] See this Vol. p. 120.

[584] No. 4,924 of his _Catalogue_, no. xiv. of that year.

[585] This Latin text of Bassin was also printed at Venice in 1537

(_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 156; Leclerc, no. 2,517). Humboldt

(_Examen critique_, iv. 102, 114) and others have been misled by a

similarity of title in supposing that there were other editions of the

_Cosmographiæ introductio_ published at Ingoldstadt in 1529, 1532, and

at Venice in 1535, 1541, 1551, and 1554. This book, however, is only

an abridgment of Apian’s _Cosmographia_, which was originally printed

at Landshut in 1524. Cf. Huth, i. 357; Leclerc, no. 156; D’Avezac,

_Waltzemüller_, p. 124. The Bassin version of the voyages was later the

basis of the accounts, either at length or abridged, or in versions

in other languages, in the _Paesi novamente_ and its translations;

in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532 (it is here given as addressed to René,

King of Sicily and Jerusalem), and later, in Ramusio’s _Viaggi_, vol.

i. (1550); in Eden’s _Treatyse of the Newe India_ (1553); in the

_Historiale description de l’Afrique_ of Leo Africanus (1556),—cf.

_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 211, 229; in De Bry, first and second

parts of the Grands voyages, and third and fourth of the _Petits

voyages_, not to name other of the older collections; and among later

ones in Bandini, _Vita e lettere di Vespucci_ (pp. 1, 33, 46, 57),

and in the _Collecção de noticias para a historia e geografia das

nações ultramarinas_ (1812), published by the Royal Academy of Lisbon.

Varnhagen reprints the Latin text in his _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 34.

[586] Depicted on p. 118. Cf. Wieser, _Magalhaês-Strasse_, pp. 26, 27.

[587] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 142.

[588] The original edition appeared at Vienna in 1514; but it was

reprinted at Strasburg in 1515. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 671; _Bibl.

Amer. Vet._, nos. 76, 77, 78; Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, 70;

Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 48.

[589] See the following section of the present chapter.

[590] See a fac-simile of this part of the map in the chapter on

Magellan.

[591] Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), no. 1,272; _Bibliotheca

geographica_, no. 1,824.

[592] See p. 112.

[593] See chapter on Magellan.

[594] Helps, however, cannot trace him at work upon it before 1552, and

he had not finished it in 1561; and for three centuries yet to come it

was to remain in manuscript.

[595] Book i. cap. 140.

[596] Harrisse (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 30), says: “The absence of

nautical charts and planispheres, not only in the Colombina, but in all

the muniment offices of Spain, is a signal disappointment. There is one

chart which above all we need,—made by Vespucius, and which, in 1518,

was in the collection of the Infanta Ferdinand, brother of Charles V.”

A copy of Valsequa’s chart of 1439 which belonged to Vespucius, being

marked “Questa ampla pelle di geographia fù pagata da Amerigo Vespucci

cxxx ducati di oro di marco,” was, according to Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer.

Vet. Add._, p. xxiii), in existence in Majorca as late as 1838.

[597] The letters AM appear upon the representation of the New World

contained in it.

[598] Cf. on Gemma Frisius’ additions to Apianus’ _Cosmographia_,

published in Spanish from the Latin in 1548, what Navarrete says in his

_Opúsculos_, ii. 76.

[599] Antwerp, 1544, cap. xxx. “America ab inventore Amerio [_sic_]

Vesputio nomen habet;” Antwerp, 1548, adds “alii Bresiliam vocât;”

Paris, 1548, cap. xxx., “de America,” and cap. xxxi. “de insulis apud

Americam;” Paris, 1556, etc. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos.

156, 252, 279; _Additions_, nos. 92, 168.

[600] “Quam ab Americo primo inventore Americam vocant.”

[601] “Insularum America cognominata obtenditur.”

[602] Sir Thomas More in his _Utopia_ (which it will he remembered

was an island on which Vespucius is represented as leaving one of his

companions), as published in the 1551 edition at London, speaks of

the general repute of Vespucius’ account,—“Those iiii voyages that be

nowe in printe and abrode in euery mannes handes.” Cf. _Carter-Brown

Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 162. William Cuningham, in his _Cosmographical

Glasse_ (London, 1559), ignores Columbus, and gives Vespucius the

credit of finding “America” in June, 1497 (Ibid., no. 228).

[603] See p. 119.

[604] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 178; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 106;

Charles Deane’s paper on Schöner in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._,

October, 1883.

[605] _Examen critique_, v. 174. Here is a contemporary’s evidence that

Vespucius supposed the new coasts to be Asia.

[606] “Tota itaque quod aiunt aberrant cœlo qui hanc continentem

Americâ nuncupari contendunt, cum Americus multo post Columbû eandê

terram adieret, nec cum Hispanis ille, sed cum Portugallensibus, ut

suas merces commutaret, èo se contulito.” It was repeated in the

edition of 1541.

[607] Pedro de Ledesma, Columbus’ pilot in his third voyage, deposed in

1513 that he considered Paria a part of Asia (Navarrete, iii. 539).

[608] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 676.

[609] Wieser, _Der Portulan des Königs Philipp_, vol. ii. Vienna, 1876.

[610] See instances cited by Prof. J. D. Butler, _Transactions_ of the

Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, vol. ii. (1873, 1874). There was an

attempt made in 1845, by some within the New York Historical Society,

to render tardy justice to the memory of Columbus by taking his name,

in the form of Columbia, as a national designation of the United

States; but it necessarily failed (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 315).

“Allegania” was an alternative suggestion made at the same time.

[611] This letter is preserved in the Archives of the Duke of Veraguas.

It has been often printed. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 149.

[612] Vizconde de Santarem (Manoel Francisco de Barros y Sousa),

_Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages_. Translated

by E.V. Childe (Boston, 1850), 221 pp. 16mo. This is a translation of

the _Recherches historiques, critiques et bibliographiques sur Améric

Vespuce et ses voyages_, which was published in Paris in 1842. Santarem

had before this sought to discredit the voyages claimed for Vespucius

in 1501 and 1503, and had communicated a memoir on the subject to

Navarrete’s _Coleccion_. He also published a paper in the _Bulletin

de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ in October, 1833, and added

to his statements in subsequent numbers (October, 1835; September,

1836; February and September, 1837). These various contributions were

combined and annotated in the _Recherches_, etc., already mentioned.

Cf. his _Memoria e investigaciones históricas sobre los viajes de

Américo Vespucio_, in the _Recueil complet de traités_, vi. 304.

There is a biography of Vespucius, with an appendix of “Pruebas é

ilustraciones” in the _Coleccion de Opúsculos_ of Navarrete, published

(1848) at Madrid, after his death.

[613] Such, for instance, was Caleb Cushing’s opinion in his

_Reminiscences of Spain_, ii. 234.

[614] Eng. tr., ii. 680.

[615] These chapters are reprinted in Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_,

1870-1871.

[616] His theory was advanced in a paper on “The Origin of the Name

America” in the _Atlantic Monthly_ (March, 1875), xxxv. 291, and in

“Sur l’origine du nom d’Amérique,” in the _Bulletin de la Société de

Géographie de Paris_, June, 1875. He again advanced his theory in the

_New York Nation_, April 10, 1884, to which the editors replied that it

was “fatally ingenious,”—a courteous rejoinder, quite in contrast with

that of H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (i. 291), who charges

the Professor with “seeking fame through foolishness” and his theory.

Marcou’s argument in part depends upon the fact, as he claims, that

Vespucius’ name was properly Albericus or Alberico, and he disputes

the genuineness of autographs which make it Amerigo; but nothing was

more common in those days than variety, for one cause or another,

in the fashioning of names. We find the Florentine’s name variously

written,—Amerigo, Merigo, Almerico, Alberico, Alberigo; and Vespucci,

Vespucy, Vespuchi, Vespuchy, Vesputio, Vespulsius, Despuchi, Espuchi;

or in Latin Vespucius, Vespuccius, and Vesputius.

[617] The Germans have written more or less to connect themselves with

the name as with the naming,—deducing Amerigo or Americus from the Old

German Emmerich. Cf. Von der Hagen, _Jahrbuch der Berliner Gesellschaft

für Deutsche Sprache_, 1835; _Notes and Queries_, 1856; _Historical

Magazine_, January, 1857, p. 24; Dr. Theodor Vetter in _New York

Nation_, March 20, 1884; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 52.

[618] Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, ii. 352-368.

[619] [Cf. the section on the “Historical chorography of South America”

in which the gradual development of the outline of that continent is

traced.—ED.]

[620] It should be remembered that Columbus on his fourth voyage had

sailed along the coast from Cape Honduras to Nombre de Dios, and that

Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, coasting the shores of

the Gulf of Honduras, had sailed within sight of Yucatan in 1506; and

therefore that in 1508 the coast-line was well known from the Cabo de

S. Augustin to Honduras.

[621] [This name in the early narratives and maps appears as Tarena,

Tariene, or Darien, with a great variety of the latter form. Cf.

Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 326.—ED.]

[622] This Vasco Nuñez was a bankrupt farmer of Española who went with

Bastidas on his voyage to the Gulf of Urabá and had been so carefully

concealed aboard Enciso’s ship that the officers sent to apprehend

absconding debtors had failed to discover him.

[623] [See the chapter on Peru.—ED.]

[624] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[625] Not the Córdoba of Nicaragua.

[626] [From this point the story is continued in the chapter on

Cortés.—ED.]

[627] _Coleccion de los viages y déscubrimientos, que hicieron por mar

los Españoles desde fines del siglio XV._, por Don Martin Fernandez

de Navarrete. The third volume of this series constitutes the _Viages

menores, y los de Vespucio; Poblaciones en el Darien, suplemento

al tomo II_, Madrid, 1829. [Cf. the Introduction to the present

volume.—ED.]

[628] Cf. _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 436-438; H. H. Bancroft,

_Central America_, i. 198. [Cf. Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[629] [Cf. the chapters on Columbus, Las Casas, and Pizarro.—ED.]

[630] Navarrete, iii. 5, _note_ 1, and 539, 544; Humboldt, _Examen

critique_, i. 88, _note_.

[631] _Coleccion_, iii. 538-615.

[632] Besides this original material, something concerning this first

voyage of Ojeda is contained in Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 132; Las Casas,

ii. 389-434 (all references to Oviedo and Las Casas in this chapter

are to the editions issued by the _Real Academia_); Herrera, dec. i.

lib. 4, chaps. i.-iv.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 4-11, 167, 543-545;

Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 313, and iv. 195, 220; Helps, _Spanish

Conquest_, i. 263, 280, ii. 106; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 9-27;

Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 111, 118, 308; Ruge, _Geschichte des

Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 322. There is also a notice of Ojeda

by Navarrete in his _Opúsculos_, i. 113.

[633] [On this see note on p. 7 of the present volume.—ED.]

[634] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 12, _note_ 1.

[635] _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 525.

[636] Page 117, ed. 1532. For other references to this voyage, see

Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. viii.), whose account is based on the

above; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_,

iii. 11-18, 540-542; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 220; Bancroft,

_Central America_, i. 111; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 28-32.

[637] Chapters cxii. and cxiii. In Latin in Grynæus, p. 119, edition of

1532.

[638] Varnhagen, _Examen de quelques points de l’histoire géographique

du Brésil_, pp. 19-24; Varnhagen, _Historia geral do Brazil_ (2d ed.),

i. 78-80.

[639] Cf. Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 19, _note_. Humboldt (_Examen

critique_, i. 313) says that Vicente Yañez saw the coast forty-eight

days before Cabral left Lisbon. As to the exact date of Vicente Yañez’

landfall, the _Paesi novamente_ (chap. cxii.) gives it as January

20, while Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. ix.), who usually follows the

_Paesi novamente_, in his description of this and of the Guerra and

Niño voyages gives it as “Septimo kalendas Februarii,” or January 26.

But the difference is unimportant. [Cf. further the section on the

“Historical Chorography of South America,” in which the question is

further examined.—ED.]

[640] Navarrete, iii. 547 _et seq._

[641] See also Navarrete, _Notice chronologique_, in _Quatre voyages_,

i. 349, and Humboldt, Introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_, p. 2,

where he says, in the description of the La Cosa map, that Cabo de S.

Augustin, whose position is very accurately laid down on that map,

was first called Rostro Hermoso, Cabo Sta. Maria de la Consolacion,

and Cabo Sta. Cruz. In this he is probably correct; for if Vicente

Yañez or Lepe did not discover it, how did La Cosa know where to place

it?—unless he revised his map after 1500. This is not likely, as the

map contains no hint of the discoveries made during his third voyage

undertaken with Rodrigo de Bastidas in 1500-1502. Cf. Stevens, _Notes_,

p. 33, note.

[642] Cf. two _Real provisions_ of date Dec. 5. 1500, in Navarrete,

iii. 82, 83; and see also a _Capitulacion_ and _Asiento_ of date Sept.

5, 1501, in _Documentos inéditos_, xxx. 535. Other references to this

voyage are,—Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vi.; Navarrete, iii. 18-23;

Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 221; Bancroft, _Central America_, i.

112; and Irving, _Companions_, pp. 33-41.

[643] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 552-555.

[644] Ibid., iii. 552.

[645] Ibid., iii. 80, 81.

[646] _Capitulacion_, etc., Sept. 14, 1501 (_Documentos inéditos_,

xxxi. 5); _Cédulas_, November, 1501 (_Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 100,

102); another cédula of January, 1502 (_Documentos inéditos_, xxxi.

119). See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vii.; Navarrete, iii. 23,

594; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 314, iv. 221; Bancroft, _Central

America_, i. 113; and Irving, _Companions_, p. 42.

[647] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 5, and _note_, and p. 539; Humboldt,

_Examen critique_, i. 88, and _note_. [Cf. the section in the present

volume on “The Early Maps of the Spanish and Portuguese Discoveries,”

_ante_, p. 106.—ED.]

[648] Cf. _Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent fait en

1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, et 1804, par Alexandre de Humboldt et A.

Bonpland, rédigé par Alexandre de Humboldt, avec un atlas géographique

et physique_ (8 vols.), Paris, 1816-1832. Translated into English by

Helen Maria Williams, and published as _Personal Narrative of Travels

to the Equinoctial Regions_, etc. (7 vols.), London, 1818-1829. There

is another translation, with the same title, by Thomassina Ross (7

vols.), London, 1818-1829, of which a three-volume edition was brought

out in 1852.

[649] _Examen critique de l’histoire de la géographie du nouveau

continent_, etc., par A. de Humboldt, Paris, 1836-1839. This was first

published in _Voyage de Humboldt et Bonpland_. Cf. _Bibliography of

Humboldt_, vol. iii.

[650] (1) With Columbus—September, 1493 to June, 1496. (2) With

Ojeda—May, 1499 to June, 1500. (3) With Bastidas—October, 1500 to

September, 1502. (4) In command—1504 to 1506. (5) In command—1507 to

1508. (6) With Ojeda—1509. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 163;

also Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 208.

[651] [See further on the La Cosa map, Vol. III. of the present

_History_, p. 8, and the present volume, p. 106, where fac-similes and

sketches are given.—ED.]

[652] Answers to the sixth question (_Coleccion_, iii. 545), reviewed

by the editor on pp. 591 and 592 of the same volume.

[653] _Documentos inéditos_, ii. 362. It was partially translated in

Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 186, _note_.

[654] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, ii. 416.

[655] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 230.

[656] _Título_ (1502, April 3), _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 129.

[657] _Documentos inéditos_, ii. 366.

[658] Ibid., xxxvii. 459.

[659] Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 334; Las Casas, iii. 10. Something may

also be found in Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. xiv., and in Navarrete,

_Coleccion_, iii. 25; Quintana, _Obras completas_ in _Biblioteca de

autores Españoles_, xix. 281; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 360, iv.

224; Helps, i. 281; and Irving, _Companions_, p. 43-45.

[660] Vol. i. pp. 114, 183-194.

[661] Cf. _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 44.

[662] _Chroniclers_, p. 44.

[663] [There is a further estimate in another part of the present

work.—ED.]

[664] _Coleccion_, pp. 28, 168, 591; see also Humboldt, _Examen

critique_, i. 360, and iv. 226; and Irving, _Companions_, pp. 46-53.

[665] _Coleccion_, iii. 85.

[666] Ibid., iii. 89.

[667] Ibid., iii. 91.

[668] Ibid., iii. 103, 105-107.

[669] Ibid., ii. 420-436.

[670] _Tierra de riego_, Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 32.

[671] Navarrete, iii. 32, _note_ 3. In this note he mentions Enciso’s

_Suma de geografía_ as an authority.

[672] _Central America_, i. 339, _note_.

[673] Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 432; but see also

Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 192, _note_.

[674] Irving, _Companions_, pp. 126-129. See _Memorial que dió el

bachiller Enciso de lo ejecutado por el en defensa de los Reales

derechos en la materia de los indios, in Documentos inéditos_, i. 441.

This document contains, pp. 442-444, the celebrated _requerimiento_

which Pedrárias was ordered to read to the natives before he seized

their lands. A translation is in Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 397,

_note_. It may also be found in Oviedo, iii. 28. Bancroft in the above

note also indicates the depositary of the _requerimiento_ drawn up for

the use of Ojeda and Nicuesa. With regard to this Cenú expedition, see

also Enciso, _Suma de geografía_, p. 56.

[675] Cited in this chapter as _Documentos inéditos_. [See further on

this collection in the Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[676] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 109; and see also _Biblioteca

marítima española_, ii. 210, 211.

[677] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 220.

[678] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 161.

[679] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 360.

[680] Ibid., xxxi. 250.

[681] _Coleccion_, iii. 169.

[682] _Coleccion_, iii. 162.

[683] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 46; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv.

228; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 6, chap. xvii. But this discovery is denied

by Harrisse.

[684] “Collector of penalties.” Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 473.

[685] [The bibliographical history of Oviedo’s writings is given in the

note following the chapter on Las Casas. Harrisse, who gives a chapter

on Oviedo in his _Christophe Colomb_, p. 97, points out how rarely he

refers to original documents.—ED.]

[686] _Real cédula por la cual, con referencia á lo capitulado con

Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Hojeda, y al nombramiento de ámbos por

cuatro años para gobernadores de Veragua el primero y de Urabá et

segundo, debiendo ser Teniente suyo Juan de la Cosa, se ratifica

el nombramiento á Hojeda_ (June 9, 1508), Navarrete, _Coleccion_,

iii. 116; in the original spelling, and bearing date May 9, 1508, in

_Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 25. The “_capitulado_” mentioned in the

above title is in _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 29-43, and is followed

by the _Real cédula para Xoan de la Cossa sea capitan e gobernador por

Alhonso Doxeda; e en las partes donde esthobiere el dicho Doxeda su

Lugar Thiniente_ (June 9, 1508); and see also _Capitulacion que se toma

con Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Ojeda_ (June 9, 1508), _Documentos

inéditos_, xxii. 13.

[687] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 118; _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii.

46; and see also Ibid., p. 52.

[688] _Cédula_, _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 51.

[689] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 386 and note; probably presented in

1516. Cf. _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 666.

[690] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 529, 533.

[691] Ibid., xxxii. 101.

[692] Ibid., xxxii. 103.

[693] Ibid., xxxii. 231, 236, 240, 257.

[694] See document of October 5, 1511, in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii.

120, and of Oct. 6, 1511, in _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 284.

[695] Other references are Oviedo, ii. 421; Las Casas, iii. 289-311;

Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chaps. vii.,

xi., xiv.-xvi., and lib. 8, iii.-v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 170;

Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 281, 301; Helps, i. 287-296; Bancroft, _Central

America_, i. 289-301; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 54-102.

[696] See, however, on the career of Nicuesa after leaving Cartagena

the following authorities: Oviedo, ii. 465-477; Las Casas, iii.

329-347; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. ii.-iii.; Herrera, dec. i.

lib. 7, chap. xvi., and lib. 8, chaps. i.-iii. and viii.; _Vidas de

Españoles célebres_ in vol. xix. of _Biblioteca de autores Españoles,

obras completas del Excímo Sr. D. Manuel José Quintana_, p. 283; Helps,

i. 303-317; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 289-308, and 336, _note_;

Irving, _Companions_, pp. 103-117, 138-146.

[697] Cf. Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 409.

[698] Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 281-300.

[699] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 358-375.

[700] _Narrative ... of Pascual de Andagoya_, translated by C. R.

Markham for the Hakluyt Society, 1865, Introduction, pp. iii, xix.

[701] Oviedo, iii. 4-21; Las Casas, iii. 312-328, iv. 66-134; Peter

Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. iii.-vi., dec. iii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec.

i. lib. 9 and 10, with the exception of chap. vii. of book 10, which

relates to Pedrárias, and of a few other chapters with regard to the

affairs of Velasquez, etc.; Galvano, Hakluyt Society ed., p. 124;

Helps, i. 321-352, and chap. iv. of his _Pizarro_; Bancroft, _Central

America_, i. 129, 133, 330-385, 438; and _Mexico_, iii. 558; Irving,

_Companions_, pp. 136-212 and 254-276; Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters

der Entdeckungen_, p. 347.

[702] Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 364, _note_. Irving unluckily

followed Peter Martyr, as Bancroft shows. [Humboldt is inclined to

magnify the significance of the information which Columbus in his

third voyage got, as looking to a knowledge, by the Spaniards, of the

south sea as early as 1503. Cf. his _Relation historique du voyage aux

régions équinoxiales_, iii. 703, 705, 713; _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. (Bohn),

ii. 642; _Views of Nature_ (Bohn), p. 432.—ED.]

[703] _Coleccion_, iii. 337-342.

[704] Ibid., iii. 342-355.

[705] Ibid., iii. 355.

[706] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 282.

[707] Ibid., ii. 526; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 375. Cf. Navarrete’s

_nota_ on the credibility of Vasco Nuñez in Ibid., p. 385. Portions of

this letter have been translated by Markham in the notes to pages 1 and

10 of Andagoya’s _Narrative_, published by the Hakluyt Society.

[708] Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiii. no. 56,338; also vol. x. no.

41,604.

[709] Letter from the King to Pedrárias, Sept. 23, 1514 (_Documentos

inéditos_, xxxvii. 285); to Alonso de la Fuente, nuestro Thesoréro de

Castilla del Oro, same date (_Doc. in._, p. 287); to other officials

(_Doc. in._, p. 289); to Vasco Nuñez (_Doc. in._, p. 290). See also

some extracts printed in the same volume, pp. 193-197.

[710] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 5-75.

[711] Ibid., xx. 5-119.

[712] _Carta de Alonso de la Puente_ [_thesoréro_ of Tierra-Firme]

_y Diego Marquez_, 1516 (_Documentos inéditos_, ii. 538); _Carta al

Mr. de Zevres el lycenciado Çuaço_, 1518 (_Documentos inéditos_, i.

304). _Alonso do Çuaço_, or _Zuazo_, was j_uez de Residencia en Santo

Domingo_. Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, i. 292, _note_.

[713] _Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrárias Dávila en las provincias de

Tierra firme ó Castilla del oro, y de lo occurido en el descubrimiento

de la mar del Sur y costas del Perú y Nicaragua, escrita por el

Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya_, in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii.

393-456. The portion bearing on the events described in this chapter

ends at page 419. This has been translated and edited with notes, a

map, and introduction by Clements R. Markham, in a volume published by

the Hakluyt Society, London, 1865. [Cf. chapter on Peru, and the paper

on Andagoya by Navarrete in his _Opúsculos_, i. 137.—ED.]

[714] Cf. Navarrete, _Noticia biográfica del Adelantado Pascual de

Andagoya_, _Coleccion_, iii. 457; also _Biblioteca marítima española_,

ii. 519; and Markham’s translation of Andagoya’s _Relacion_, pp.

xx.-xxx.

[715] [See the bibliography of Herrera on p. 67, ante.—ED.]

[716] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 311.

[717] See also Oviedo, iii. 21-51, 83 _et seq._; Las Casas, iv.

135-244; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. vii. dec. iii. chaps. i.-iii.,

v., vi., and x., and dec. v. chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 1, 2, 3,

dec. iii. lib. 4, 5, 8, 9, and 10 _passim_; Quintana, _U. S._, p. 294;

Helps, i. 353-388; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 386-431; Irving,

_Companions_, pp. 212-276.

[718] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 215-231.

[719] Oviedo, iii. 56; Las Casas, iv. 230-244; Peter Martyr, dec. iv.

chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chaps. xiii., xv., and xxi.;

Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 298-299; Helps, i. 389-411; Bancroft, _Central

America_, i. 432-459; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 259-276. Cf. Manuel M.

De Peralta, _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI_. (Madrid,

1883), pp. ix, 707, for documents relating to Pedrárias in Costa Rica

and Nicaragua, and p. 83 for Diego Machuca de Zuazo’s letter to the

Emperor, written from Granada, May 30, 1531, referring to the death of

Pedrárias.

[720] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 5, partly translated in Bancroft,

_Central America_, i. 480, _note_.

[721] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 481, _note_.

[722] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 20.

[723] Ibid., xiv. 25.

[724] Ibid., xiv. 47.

[725] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 413-418; Markham’s translation, pp.

31-38; see also Oviedo, iii. 65 _et seq._; Las Casas, v. 200 _et seq._;

Peter Martyr, dec. vi. chaps. ii.-viii.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 3,

chap. xv. and lib. 4 etc., dec. iii. lib. 4, chaps. v. and vi.; Helps,

iii. 69-76.

[726] Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 483, _note_. [See the

Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[727] _Central America_, i. 478-492, 512-521, and 527-538. This letter,

which is dated at Santo Domingo (March 6, 1524), has since been printed

in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el Siglo XVI_. (Madrid,

1883), p. 3, where is also (p. 27) his _Itinerario_, beginning “21 de

Enero de 1522.”

[728] For Esquivel and Jamaica, see Herrera, dec. i. lib. 8, chap.

v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 171. For Ocampo’s voyage, Oviedo, i.

495; Las Casas, iii. 210; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chap. i.; Stevens’s

_Notes_, p. 35; Helps, i. 415, and ii. 165.

[729] See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 9, chaps. iv., vii., and xv.;

also lib. 10, chap. viii.; Helps, i. 415-432, and _Vida de Cortés_ in

Icazbalceta, _Coleccion ... para la historia de México_, i. 319-337.

[There is a little contemporary account of the conquest of Cuba in the

Lenox Library, _Provinciæ ... noviter reperta in ultima navigatione_,

which seems to be a Latin version of a Spanish original now lost

(_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 101). On the death of Velasquez, see _Magazine

of American History_, i. 622, 692.—ED.]

[730] _Coleccion_, iii. 53.

[731] Oviedo, i. 497; Las Casas, iv. 348-363; Peter Martyr, dec.

iv. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chap. xvii.; Navarrete,

_Coleccion_, iii. 53; Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucatan_, 3; Prescott,

_Mexico_, i. 222; Helps, ii. 211-217; Bancroft, _Central America_, i.

132, and _Mexico_, i. 5-11.

[732] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[733] _History of Mexico_, i. 7, _note_ 4.

[734] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 5, 6, _notes_.

[735] _Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velasquez de Bazan_, etc.,

_Documentos Inéditos_, x. 80-86; this extract is on p. 82.

[736] _Historia verdadera_, chaps. viii.-xiv.

[737] _Historia general_, i. 502-537.

[738] As to the identity of Juan Diaz, see note to Bernal Diaz,

_Historia verdadera_, ed. of 1632, folio 6; Oviedo, i. 502; Herrera,

dec. ii. lib. 31, chap. i. As to his future career, see Bancroft,

_Mexico_, ii. 158 and _note_ 5. The full title of this account of

Juan Diaz is: _Itinerario del armata del Re catholico in India verso

la isola de Iuchathan del anno M.D.XVIII. alla qual fu presidente &

capitan generale Ioan de Grisalva: el qual e facto per el capellano

maggior de dicta armata a sua altezza_.

[739] [A copy of this, which belonged to Ferdinand Columbus, is in the

Cathedral Library at Seville. The book is so scarce that Muñoz used a

manuscript copy; and from Muñoz’ manuscript the one used by Prescott

was copied. Maisonneuve (1882 _Catalogue_, no. 2,980) has recently

priced a copy at 600 francs. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown

Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 65), and was sold the present year

in the Court sale (no. 362). It was reprinted in 1522, 1526 (Murphy,

no, 2,580), and 1535,—the last priced by Maisonneuve (no. 2,981) at

400 francs. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 98, 114, 137, 205,

and _Additions_, no. 59. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (i. 119) puts

a Venice edition, without date, under 1536. Ternaux gives a French

translation in his _Relations et mémoires_, vol. x. Icazbalceta has

given a Spanish version from the Italian, together with the Italian

text, in his _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México_, i.

281; also see his introduction, p. xv. He points out the errors of

Ternaux’s version. Cf. Bandelier’s “Bibliography of Yucatan” in _Amer.

Antiq. Soc. Proc._ (October, 1880), p. 82. Harrisse in his _Bibl. Amer.

Vet., Additions_, no. 60, cites a _Lettera mādata della insula de

Cuba_, 1520, which he says differs from the account of Juan Diaz.—ED.]

[740] Las Casas, iv. 421-449. Other references to this voyage

are,—Peter Martyr, dec. iv. chaps. iii. and iv.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib.

3, chaps. i., ii., ix., x., and xi.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 55;

Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucathan_, p. 8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, iv. 50;

Helps, ii. 217; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 132; and _Mexico_, PP.

15-35.

[741] This map has seemingly some relation to a map, preserved in the

Propaganda at Rome, of which mention is made by Thomassy, _Les papes

géographes_, p. 133.

[742] See notes following chap. vi.

[743] Yucatan seems to have been first named, or its name at least

was first recorded, as Yuncatan by Bartholomew Columbus (_Bibl. Amer.

Vet._, p. 471). There are various theories regarding the origin of the

name. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 11, 12; Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 223.

A new Government map of Yucatan was published in 1878 (_Magazine of

American History_, vol. iii. p. 295).

[744] As given by Kunstmann. See Vol. IV. p. 36 of the present work.

[745] See notes following chap. vi.

[746] See _ante_, p. 218.

[747] See _ante_, p. 43.

[748] See _ante_, p. 127.

[749] See Vol. IV. p. 26.

[750] See _post_, p. 221.

[751] See Vol. III. p. 11.

[752] See _post_, p. 223.

[753] See Vol. IV. p. 42.

[754] Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 21; Valentini in _Magazine of American

History_, iii. 295, who supposes that the land usually thought to

be an incomplete Cuba in Ruysch’s map of 1508 (p. 115, _ante_) is

really Yucatan, based on the results of the so-called first voyage

of Vespucius, and that its seven Latin names correspond to a part of

the nineteen Portuguese names which are given on the western shore of

the so-called Admiral’s map of the Ptolemy of 1513 (p. 112, _ante_).

Peschel (_Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, p. 235) also suggests that

this map is the work of Vespucius.

[755] Page 43. The best reproduction of it is in Kohl’s _Die beiden

ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_; and there is another fac-simile

in Santarem’s _Atlas_, no. xiv. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii.

184, and his preface to Ghillany’s _Behaim_; Harrisse, _Cabots_, pp.

69, 172; Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum_ (Nuremberg, 1786), ii.

97; Lindenau, _Correspondance de Zach_ (October, 1810); Lelewel,

_Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii. 110; 110; _Ocean Highways_ (1872).

[756] _Les papes géographes_, p. 118.

[757] See Vol. IV. p. 38.

[758] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 184; _Gazetta letteraria

universale_ (May, 1796), p. 468; Santarem in _Bulletin de la Société de

Géographie_ (1847), vii. 310, and in his _Recherches sur la découverte

des pays au-delà du Cap-Bojador_, pp. xxiii and 125; Murr, _Histoire

diplomatique de Behaim_, p. 26; Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii.

166.

[759] See _ante_, p. 92.

[760] One hundred copies issued.

[761] Dr. J. Chavanne in _Mittheilungen der k. k. geographischen

Gesellschaft in Wien_ (1875), p. 485; A. Steinhauser in Ibid., p.

588; _Petermann’s Mittheilungen_ (1876), p. 52; Malte-Brun in the

_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ (1876), p. 625; Dr.

Franz Wieser’s “Der Portulan des Infanten und nachmaligen Königs

Philipp II. von Spanien,” printed in the _Sitzungsberichte der

philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der

Wissenschaften in Wien_, lxxxii. 541 (March, 1876), and also printed

separately.

[762] _Cabots_, p. 168.

[763] See Vol. III. p. 19

[764] _Catalogue_, no. 349, p. 1277.

[765] Cf. Vincenzo Promis, _Memoriale di Diego Colombo con nota sulla

bolla di Alessandro VI_. (Torino, 1869), p. 11; Heinrich Wuttke, “Zur

Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des Mittelalters,” in the

_Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_ (1870), vol. vi.

and vii. p. 61, etc.; Wieser, _Der Portulan_, etc., p. 15.

[766] Vol. IV. p. 26.

[767] Vol. III. p. 17.

[768] See _post_, p. 432.

[769] Vol. III. p. 11.

[770] Vol. IV. p. 46.

[771] Vol. IV. p. 40.

[772] Kohl, ignorant of the Peter Martyr map of 1511 (see p. 110),

mistakes in considering that the map must be assigned to a date later

than 1530, for the reason that the Bermudas are shown in it.

[773] This may be the map referred to by R. H. Schomburgk in his

_Barbadoes_ (London, 1848), as being in the British Museum, to which

it was restored in 1790, after having been in the possession of Edward

Harley and Sir Joseph Banks.

[774] See Vol. IV. p. 41.

[775] See _ante_, p. 177.

[776] See Vol. IV. p. 42.

[777] Cf. Schomburgk’s _Barbadoes_, p. 256.

[778] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.”

[779] See Vol. IV. p. 43, and fac-simile given in “Hist. Chorography of

South America.”

[780] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.”

[781] Figured in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_,

1870.

[782] See _post_, p. 433.

[783] See _post_, p. 450.

[784] See _post_, p. 438.

[785] See Vol. IV. p. 93.

[786] See Vol. IV. p. 79.

[787] See _post_, p. 449.

[788] See Vol. IV. pp. 94, 373.

[789] See Vol. IV. p. 95.

[790] See Vol. IV. p. 96.

[791] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 97.

[792] Harrisse, _Jean et Sebastien Cabot, leur origine et leurs

voyages_ (Paris, 1882), pp. 97-104. The Cabot claim appears in Peter

Martyr, _Decades_ (Basle, 1533), dec. iii. lib. 6, folio 55; Ramusio,

_Viaggi_ (1550-1553), tom. i. folio 414; Jacob Ziegler, _Opera varia_

(Argentorati, 1532), folio xcii. [Cf. the present _History_ Vol. III.

chap. i., where it is shown that the person not named by Ramusio was

Gian Giacomo Bardolo.—ED.]

[793] _Historical Magazine_, 1860, p. 98. Varnhagen ascribes the names

of the Cantino and subsequent Ptolemy maps to Vespucius. The name

Paria near Florida seems certainly to have come from this source. [The

question of this disputed voyage is examined in chapter ii. of the

present volume.—ED.]

[794] James Carson Brevoort, _Verrazano the Navigator_, p. 72.

[795] Harrisse, _Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau Monde_, pp.

111, 151. [The Cantino map is sketched on p. 108.—ED.]

[796] _P. Martyris Angli Mediolanensis opera. Hispali Corumberger_,

1511. [A fac-simile of this map in given on p. 110.—ED.]

[797] King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512.

[798] Las Casas was certainly mistaken in saying that Ponce de Leon

gave the name Bimini to Florida; the name was in print before it

appears in connection with him, and is in his first patent before he

discovered or named Florida (Las Casas, _Historia de las Indias_, lib.

ii. chap. xx., iii. p. 460).

[799] _Capitulacion que el Ray concedió á Joan Ponce de Leon para que

vaya al descubrimiento de la ysla de Bemini. Fecha en Burgos a xxiij de

hebrero de Dxij a^o._

[800] Letter of the King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512; the King to

Ponce de Leon, and letter of the King, Dec. 10, 1512, to the officials

in the Indies.

[801] The King, writing to the authorities in Española July 4, 1513,

says: “Alegrome de la ida de Juan Ponce á Biminy; tened cuidado de

proveerle i avisadme de todo.”

[802] _Memoir on a Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci_ communicated to

the Society of Antiquaries by R. H. Major, who makes its date between

1513 and 1519,—probably 1514. The _Ptolemy_ printed at Basle 1552

lays down Terra Florida and Ins. Tortucarum, and the map in Girava’s

_Cosmography_ shows Florida and Bacalaos; but the B. de Joan Ponce

appears in _La geografia di Clavdio Ptolomeo Alessandrino_, Venice,

1548. [A fac-simile of the sketch accredited to Da Vinci is given on p.

126.—ED.]

[803] _Asiento y capitulacion que se hizo demas con Joan Ponce de Leon

sobre la ysla Binini y la ysla Florida_, in the volume of _Asientos y

capitulaciones_(1508-1574), Royal Archives at Seville, in _Coleccion de

documentos inéditos_, xxii. pp. 33-38.

[804] _Cédula_ to the Jeronymite Fathers, July 22, 1517 (_Coleccion de

documentos inéditos_, xi. 295-296). One of these surreptitious voyages

was made by Anton de Alaminos as pilot (Ibid., pp. 435-438). [See

_ante_, p. 201, for the voyage of Alaminos.—ED.]

[805] Ponce de Leon to Charles V., Porto Rico, Feb. 10, 1521.

[806] Extracted from a letter of Ponce de Leon to the Cardinal of

Tortosa (who was afterward Pope Adrian VI.), dated at Porto Rico,

February 10, 1521.

[807] Herrera, dec. iii. book 1, chap. xiv.; Oviedo, lib. 36, chap. i.

pp. 621-623; Barcia, _Ensaio cronologico_, pp. 5, 6.

[808] Oviedo (edition of Amador de los Rios, ii. 143), gives in his

_Derrotero_, “la bahia que llaman de Miruelos” as west of Apalache Bay.

See Barcia’s _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 2.

[809] [The Córdoba of chap. iii. _ante_.—ED.]

[810] [See chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[811] The great river might be supposed to be the Rio Grande; but its

volume is scarcely sufficient to justify the supposition, while the

Mississippi is indicated on the map of his province with its name R.

del Espiritu Santo, evidently given by Garay.

[812] [See _ante_, p. 218.—ED.]

[813] [See chapter vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[814] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos; Act of taking possession by Quexos.

[815] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos.

[816] Act of possession; Testimony of Aldana.

[817] Answer of Ayllon to Matienzo.

[818] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 69.

[819] Ibid., p. 153.

[820] _Cédula_, June 12, 1523.

[821] _Cédula_ given at Burgos.

[822] Interrogatories of Ayllon; Testimony of Quexos.

[823] Testimony of Alonzo Despinosa Cervantes and of Father Antonio de

Cervantes, O.S.D., in 1561. The date is clearly fixed after May 26, and

before June 9, as Ayllon testified on the former day, and on the latter

his procurator appeared for him. Navarrete is wrong in making him sail

about the middle of July (_Coleccion_, iii. 72).

[824] If Ayllon really reached the Jordan, this was the Wateree.

[825] [See Vol. III. p. 130.—ED.]

[826] See _ante_, p. 221; and references to reproductions, on p. 222.

[827] Duro, _Informe relativo a los pormenores de descubrimiento del

Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1883. p. 266, where Cabot’s testimony in the

Colon-Pinzon suit is given.

[828] [See chapter vi. of this volume.—ED.]

[829] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 86.

[830] “Aqui desembarco Panfilo de Narvaez.” Mappemonde of Sebastian

Cabot in Jomard. This map has always been supposed to be based on

Spanish sources; but owing to the strict prohibition of publication in

Spain, it was probably printed elsewhere, “in Brussels or Amsterdam, or

some such place,” as Gayangos thinks. It is seemingly engraved on wood

(Smith’s _Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 56); or at least

some have thought so.

[831] Compare Cabeza de Vaca’s account, Oviedo, lib. 35, chap. i.-vii.,

pp. 582-618; and the French accounts of La Salle’s expedition,—Joutel

and Anastase Douay in Le Clercq, _Établissement de la Foi_, for the

animals and plants of the district.

[832] _Relaçam verdadeira_ (Evora, 1557), chaps. i.-vi., continued

in Smith’s translation, pp. 1-21; in Hakluyt’s Supplementary Volume

(London, 1812), pp. 695-712; and in Force’s _Tracts_. Rangel in Oviedo,

book xvii. chap. xxii. p. 546.

[833] Biedma’s _Relacion_ in Smith’s _Coleccion_, and his _Soto_, p.

231; _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iii. 414-441.

[834] Cf. Buckingham Smith on “The Captivity of Ortis,” in the appendix

to his _Letter on De Soto_.

[835] Oviedo, i. 547.

[836] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xi.; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 43-44;

Biedma, Ibid., 234.

[837] Oviedo, i. 554-557.

[838] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xii.-xv.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s

_Soto_, pp. 49-68, 236-241; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_, i.

562.

[839] Oviedo, i. 563.

[840] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xv.-xvi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s

_Soto_, pp. 66-77, 240-242; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 563-566.

[841] It is variously written also _Mavila_ and _Mavilla_.

[842] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chs. xvii.-xix.; Biedma, _Relacion_;

Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 80-90, 242-245.

[843] See Smith’s _Soto_, p. 90; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 569. The requiems

said years afterward to have been chanted over Soto’s body are

therefore imaginary. No Mass, whether of requiem or other, could have

been said or sung after the battle of Mauila.

[844] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xx.-xxi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s

_Soto_, pp. 91-100, 246-248; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_,

chap. xxviii. pp. 571-573.

[845] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in Smith,

_Soto_, pp. 101-105, 249-250; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo.

[846] Oviedo, p. 573.

[847] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxiii., xxiv.; Biedma, _Relacion_,

in Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 106-117, 250-252; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo.

Compare _Relacion_ of Coronado’s expedition in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p.

153.

[848] Rangel in Oviedo, i. 576.

[849] Oviedo, p. 577. Here, unfortunately, his abridgment of Rangel

ends. The contents of two subsequent chapters are given, but not the

text.

[850] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxv.-xxx.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in

Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 118-149, 252-257.

[851] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxxi.-xlii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in

Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 150-196, 257-261.

[852] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24; Gomara, _Hist. gen._, lib.

i. c. 45.

[853] Cf. Vol. IV. chap. 2.

[854] Documents printed in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 103-118.

[855] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24.

[856] Las Casas, _Destruccion de las Indias_. _De las provincias de la

Tierra Firme por la parte que se llama la Florida_,—a chapter written

partly before and partly after Moscoço’s arrival in Mexico. [See the

chapter on Las Casas, following the present one.—ED.]

[857] The best account of this affair is a “Relacion de la Florida

para el Ill^{mo} Señor Visorrei de la N^a España la qual trajo Fray

Greg^o de Beteta,” in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 190-202. The first

part is by Cancer himself, the conclusion by Beteta. There are also

extant “Requirimentos y respuestas que pasaron en la Nao S^a Maria de

la Encina,” and the Minutes of discussions between the missionaries,

and the Captain’s order to his pilot and sailors. There is a somewhat

detailed sketch of Cancer’s life in Davila Padilla’s _Historia de

la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago de México_, 1596, chapters

liv.-lvii., and a brief notice in Touron, _Histoire de l’Amérique_, vi.

81. Cf. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. 5, p. 112; Gomara, c. xlv.; Barcia,

_Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 25-26.

[858] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 26.

[859] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 28-29. “Don Luis Velasco a los

officiales de Sevilla,” Mexico, November, 1554. Farfan to same, Jan.

3, 1555. The vessels were wrecked at Cape Santa Elena, 9° N. Villafañe

was sent to rescue the survivors. Davila Padilla gives details in his

sketches of Fathers Diego de la Cruz, Juan de Mena, Juan Ferrer, and

Marcos de Mena.

[860] “The Viceroy has treated this matter in a most Christian

way, with much wisdom and counsel, insisting strenuously on their

understanding that they do not go to conquer those nations, nor do

what has been done in the discovery of the Indies, but to settle, and

by good example, with good works and with presents, to bring them to a

knowledge of our holy Faith and Catholic truth.”—FATHER PEDRO DE FERIA,

_Letter of March 3, 1559_.

[861] Alaman, _Disertaciones históricas_, vol. iii., apendice, p. 11.

[862] _Declaracion de Guido de Bazares de la Jornada que hizo á

descubrir las puertos y vaias q^e hai en la costa de la Florida_,

Feb. 1, 1559. A poor translation of this document is given in French

in Ternaux’ _Voyages_, vol. x., and a still worse one in English in

French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, etc., new series, ii.

236.

[863] _Relacion de Dn Luis de Velasco a S. M. Mexico_, Sept. 24, 1559.

This was written after receiving, on the 9th, the letters sent by

Tristan de Luna on the galleon. It is given in B. Smith’s _Coleccion_,

p. 10. See Davila Padilla, _Historia de la fundacion de la Provincia de

Santiago de México_ (Madrid, 1596), chaps. lviii.-lix., pp. 231-234.

Ichuse in some documents is written Ochuse.

[864] _Testimony of Cristóval Velasquez._

[865] Davila Padilla (p. 236) says August 20; but it was evidently

September.

[866] _Letter of Velasco_, Oct. 25, 1559, citing a letter of Tristan

de Luna. Said by Montalvan and Velasquez to have been one hundred and

fifty men, horse and foot, under Mateo de Sauce, the sergeant-major,

and Captain Christopher de Arellano, accompanied by Fathers

Annunciation and Salazar (_Testimony of Miguel Sanchez Serrano_). He

remained three months at Ichuse before he heard from Ypacana; and

though urged to go there, lingered five or six months more.

[867] _Letter of Tristan de Luna to the King_, Sept. 24, 1559, in

_Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 280-283.

[868] _Letter of Velasco to Luna_, Oct. 25, 1559; Davila Padilla, book

i. chap. lxi. pp. 242-244.

[869] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 33-34; Davila Padilla, book i.

chap. lxii., pp. 245-246.

[870] Ochechiton, like Mississippi, means great river,—from _okhina_,

river; _chito_, great (Byington’s _Choctaw Definer_, pp. 79, 97).

[871] Testimony of soldiers.

[872] Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxiii.-lxvi. pp. 247-265.

[873] These I take to be the Rio Manipacna and Rio Tome.

[874] Ceron, _Respuesta_, Sept. 16, 1560. Velasco, _Letter, Aug.

20-Sept. 3, 1560_; Davila Padilla, book i. p. 268.

[875] Davila Padilla, p. 270. The labors of Cancer and of Feria and his

companions are treated briefly in the _Relacion de la fundacion de la

Provincia de Santiago_, 1567. Cf. _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_,

v. 447.

[876] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 34-41; Davila Padilla, pp.

271-277.

[877] _Testimony of Velasquez and Miguel Sanchez Serrano._ The

expedition sent out by Tristan de Luna to occupy Santa Elena was

composed of three vessels, bearing one hundred men. The vessels were

scattered in a storm, and ran to Mexico and Cuba. After that Pedro

Menendez, who was in command of a fleet sailing from Vera Cruz,

was ordered to run along the Atlantic coast for a hundred leagues

above Santa Elena. _Letter of Velasco_, Sept. 3, 1560; _Testimony of

Montalvan_.

[878] _Testimonio de Francisco de Aguilar, escrivano que fue en la

jornada á la Florida con Angel de Villafañe Relacion del reconocimiento

que hizo el Capitan General Angel de Villafañe de la costa de la

Florida, y posesion que tomó ... desde 33° hasta 35°._ Testimony of

Montalvan, Velasquez, Serrano, etc. The Indian, however, may have been

found among a still more southerly tribe.

[879] A council held in Mexico of persons who had been in Florida

agreed that the royal order was based on accurate information (_Parecer

que da S. M. el conséjo de la Nueva España_, March 12, 1562). Tristan

de Luna sailed to Spain, and in a brief, manly letter solicited of the

King an investigation into his conduct, professing his readiness to

submit to any punishment if he was deemed deserving of it (_Memorial

que dió al Rey Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano dandole cuenta del suceso

de la jornada de la Florida_).

[880] There is a copperplate engraving of “Pedro Menendez de Aviles,

Natural de Avilés en Asturias, Comendador de la orden de Santiago,

Conquistador de la Florida, nombrado Gral de la Armada contra

Jnglaterra. Murió en Santander A^o 1574, á los 55, de edad.” Drawn by

Josef Camaron, engraved by Franco de Paula Marte, 1791 (7⅛ × 11⅜

inches). Mr. Parkman engraved the head for his _France in the New

World_, and Dr. Shea used the plate in his _Charlevoix_.

[881] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxii. 242.

[882] “They burned it [Havana], with all the town and church, and

put to death all the inhabitants they found, and the rest fled to

the mountains; so that nothing remained in the town that was not

burned, and there was not an inhabitant left alive or dwelling there”

(_Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles á S.M. sobre los agravios ...

que recivio de los oficiales de la casa de contratacion_, 1564).

Menendez was personally cognizant, as he sent a vessel and men from his

fleet to help restore the place.

[883] [Laudonnière’s account of this relief is translated in the

_Hawkins Voyages_ (p. 65), published by the Hakluyt Society. A project

of the English for a settlement on the Florida coast (1563), under

Stukely, came to nought. Cf. Doyle’s _English in America_, p. 55.—ED.]

[884] “En fermant ceste lettre i’ay eu certain aduis, comme dom Petro

Melandes se part d’Espagne, pour aller à la coste de la Nouvelle

Frāce; vous regarderez n’endurer qu’il n’entrepreine sur nous non

plus qu’il veut que nous n’entreprenions sur eux.” As Mr. Parkman

remarks, “Ribault interpreted this into a command to attack the

Spaniards.”—_Pioneers of France in the New World._

[885] _Relacion de Mazauegos. Relacion de lo subcedido en la Habana

cerca de la entrada de los Franceses._ Smith, _Coleccion_, p. 202.

_Relacion de los robos que corsarios franceses han hecho 1559-1571.

Relacion de los navios quo robaron franceses los años de 1559 y 1560._

[886] One was commanded by Captain Cossette (_Basanier_, p. 105).

[887] Letter of Menendez to the King, dated Province of Florida, Sept.

11, 1565. Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion de la jornada de P^o Menendez_,

1565.

[888] Letter of Menendez to the King, Oct. 15, 1565; Mendoza Grajales,

_Relacion_ in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ (edited by Pacheco,

etc.), iii. 441-479.

[889] Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion_.

[890] Jacques de Sorie, in 1555, at Havana, after pledging his word

to spare the lives of the Spaniards who surrendered, put them and

his Portuguese prisoners to death; negroes he hung up and shot while

still alive (_Relacion de Diego de Mazauegos, MS._; Letter of Bishop

Sarmiento in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, v. 555). Priests,

especially those of religious Orders, met no mercy at the hands of the

French cruisers at this period, the most atrocious case being that of

the Portuguese Jesuit Father Ignatius Azevedo, captured by the French

on his way to Brazil with thirty-nine missionary companions, all of

whom were put to death, in 1570. In all my reading, I find no case

where the French in Spanish waters then gave quarter to Spaniards,

except in hope of large ransom. Two of the vessels found at Caroline

were Spanish, loaded with sugar and hides, captured near Yaguana by the

French, who threw all the crew overboard; and Gourgues, on reaching

Florida, had two barks, evidently captured from the Spaniards, as to

the fate of whose occupants his eulogists observe a discreet silence.

[891] This is the Spanish account of Solis de Meras. Lemoyne, who

escaped from Caroline, gives an account based on the statement of a

Dieppe sailor who made his way to the Indians, and though taken by the

Spaniards, fell at last into French hands. Challeux, the carpenter of

Caroline, and another account derived from Christophe le Breton, one of

those spared by Menendez, maintain that Menendez promised La Caille,

under oath and in writing to spare their lives if they surrendered.

This seems utterly improbable; for Menendez from first to last held to

his original declaration, “_el que fuere herege morira_.” Lemoyne is so

incorrect as to make this last slaughter take place at Caroline.

[892] Menendez to the King,—writing from Matanzas, Dec. 5, 1565; and

again from Havana, Dec. 12, 1565. Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 91.

[893] Juan de la Vandera, _Memoir_,—in English in _Historical

Magazine_, 1860, pp. 230-232, with notes by J. G. Shea, from the

original in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iv. 560-566, and in

Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_. There is also a version in B. F.

French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), p.

289.

[894] Letter of Menendez, October 15, 1566, in Alcazar, _Chrono.

historia de la Compañía de Jesus en la provincia de Toledo_ (Madrid,

1710), vol. ii. dec. iii. año vi. cap. iii., translated by Dr. D. G.

Brinton in the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 292.

[895] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 133.

[896] _La Reprise de la Floride_, etc. Garibay says briefly that they

went to Florida and destroyed and carried off the artillery of San

Mateo, and then menaced Havana (_Sucesos de la Isla de Santo Domingo_).

[897] _Parecer que da á S. M. la Audiencia de Nueva España_, Jan. 19,

1569. The fort at San Mateo was not immediately restored; a new fort,

San Pedro, was established at Tacatacuru (_Coleccion de documentos

inéditos_, xii. 307-308). Stephen de las Alas in 1570 withdrew the

garrisons, except fifty men in each fort,—a step which led to official

investigation (Ibid., xii. 309, etc.).

[898] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 137-146. For the Jesuit mission

in Florida, see Alegambe, _Mortes illustres_, pp. 44, etc.; Tanner,

_Societas militans_, pp. 447-451; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 9, 1570, in the

_Chrono. historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la Provincia de Toledo_,

by Alcazar (Madrid, 1710), ii. 145, translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton in

the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 327, and chap. v. of his _Floridian

Peninsula_; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 2, 1569, MS.; one of Dec. 11, 1569,

in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 301; one of Quiros and

Segura from Axacan, Sept. 12, 1570; Sacchini, _Historia Societatis

Jesu_, part iii., pp. 86, etc.

[Dr. Shea, in 1846, published a paper in the _United States Catholic

Magazine_, v. 604 (translated into German in _Die Katolische Kirche

in den V. S. von Nordamerika_, Regensburg, 1864, pp. 202-209), on the

Segura mission; and another in 1859 in the _Historical Magazine_,

iii. 268, on the Spanish in the Chesapeake from 1566 to 1573; and

his account of a temporary Spanish settlement on the Rappahannock in

1570 is given in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, or the “Log Chapel on

the Rappahannock” in the _Catholic World_, March, 1875. Cf. present

_History_, Vol. III. p. 167, and a paper on the “Early Indian History

of the Susquehanna,” by A. L. Guss, in the _Historical Register; Notes

and Queries relating to the Interior of Pennsylvania_, 1883, p. 115 _et

seq._ De Witt Clinton, in a Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western

Parts of New York, published at Albany in 1820, expressed an opinion

that traces of Spanish penetration as far as Onondaga County, N. Y.,

were discoverable; but he omitted this statement in his second edition.

Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,718.—ED.]

[899] This officer, Fairbanks, in his misunderstanding of Spanish and

Spanish authorities, transforms into Marquis of Menendez!

[900] Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, pp. 146-151.

[901] _Historia general de las Indias_ (ed. 1601), dec. i. lib. ix.

cap. 10-12, p. 303 (313).

[902] _Historia general_ (1535), part i. lib. xix. cap. 15, p. clxii.

[903] [The Peter-Martyr map (1511) represents a land called Bimini

(“illa de Beimeni”—see _ante_ p. 110) in the relative position of

Florida. The fountain of perpetual youth, the search for which was

a part of the motive of many of these early expeditions, was often

supposed to exist in Bimini; but official documents make no allusion

to the idle story. Dr. D. G. Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 99)

has collected the varying statements as to the position of this

fountain.—ED.]

[904] Oviedo, Madrid (1850), lib. xvi. cap. 11, vol. i. p. 482.

[905] _Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias_

(1553), cap. 45, folio xxiii.

[906] _Dos libros de cosmografia_ (Milan, 1556), p. 192.

[907] Bernal Diaz, _Historic verdadera_ (1632).

[908] _Cabeça de Vaca_, Washington, 1851. [It is also sketched _ante_,

p. 218.—ED.]

[909] _De insulis nuper inventis_ (Cologne, 1574), p. 349.

[910] _Ensayo cronológico para la historia general de la Florida,

por Don Gabriel de Cardenas y Cano_ [anagram for Don Andres Gonzales

Barcia], Madrid, 1723. [He includes under the word “Florida” the

adjacent islands as well as the main. Joseph de Salazars’ _Crísis del

ensayo cronológico_ (1725) is merely a literary review of Barcia’s

rhetorical defects. Cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 51.—ED.]

[911] Barcia, in the _Introduccion a el Ensayo cronológico_, pp.

26, 27, discusses the date of Ponce de Leon’s discovery. He refutes

Remesal, Ayeta, and Moreri, who gave 1510, and adopts the date 1512 as

given by the “safest historians,” declaring that Ponce de Leon went to

Spain in 1513. The date 1512 was adopted by Hakluyt, George Bancroft,

and Irving; but after Peschel in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der

Entdeckungen_ called attention to the fact that Easter Sunday in 1512

did not fall on March 27, the date given by Herrera, without mentioning

the year, but that it did fall on that day in 1513, Kohl (_Discovery of

Maine_, p. 240), George Bancroft, in later editions, and others adopted

1513, without any positive evidence. But 1512 is nevertheless clung to

by Gravier in his “Route du Mississippi” (_Congrès des Américanistes_,

1878, i. 238), by Shipp in his _De Soto and Florida_, and by H. H.

Bancroft in his _Central America_ (vol. i. p. 128). Mr. Deane, in a

note to Hakluyt’s use of 1512 in the _Westerne Planting_ (p. 230),

says the mistake probably occurred “by not noting the variation which

prevailed in the mode of reckoning time.” The documents cited in

chapter iv. settle the point. The _Capitulacion_ under which Ponce de

Leon sailed, was issued at Burgos, Feb. 23, 1512. He could not possibly

by March 27 have returned to Porto Rico, equipped a vessel, and reached

Florida. The letters of the King to Ceron and Diaz, in August and

December 1512, show that Ponce de Leon, after returning to Porto Rico,

was prevented from sailing, and was otherwise employed. The letter

written by the King to the authorities in Española, July 4, 1513, shows

that he had received from them information that Ponce de Leon had

sailed in that year.

[912] _Coleccion_ (_Viages minores_), iii. 50-53.

[913] _Historia verdadera_ (1632), cap. vi. p. 4, _verso_.

[914] Duro, _Colon y Pinzon_, p. 268.

[915] Oviedo (ed. Amador de los Rios), lib. xxi. cap. 7, vol. ii.

p. 139; Herrera, _Historia general_, dec. ii. p. 63; Navarrete,

_Coleccion_, iii. 53; Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, p. 3; Peter Martyr,

dec. iv. cap. 1; Torquemada, i. 350; Gomara, folio 9; Icazbalceta,

_Coleccion_, i. 338.

[916] _Real cédula dando facultád á Francisco de Garay para poblar in

provincia de Amichel en la costa firme_, Burgos, 1521.

[917] _Coleccion_, iii. 147-153.

[918] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, ii. 558-567.

[919] _Decades_, dec. v. cap. 1.

[920] In his _Historia_.

[921] _Historia_, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 18.

[922] [Cf. the bibliography of these letters in chap. vi. The notes in

Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_ are a good guide to the study of the

various Indian tribes of the peninsula at this time.—ED.]

[923] [Cf. chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[924] Vol. xxvi. pp. 77-135.

[925] Epis. June 20, 1524, in _Opus epistolarum_, pp. 471-476.

[926] _Historia_, lib. xxxiii. cap. 2, p. 263.

[927] _Historia_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. Cf. also Barcia, _Ensayo

cronológico_, p. 8, and Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 133, 153.

[928] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, x. 40-47; and the “testimonio

de la capitulacion” in vol. xiv. pp. 503-516.

[929] Vol. xxxiv. pp. 563-567; xxxv. 547-562.

[930] Vol. iii. p. 69. His conjectures and those of modern writers

(Stevens, _Notes_, p. 48), accordingly require no examination. As

the documents of the first voyage name both 33° 30´ and 35° as the

landfall, conjecture is idle.

[931] Dec. ii. lib. xi. cap. 6. This statement is adopted by many

writers since.

[932] Pedro M. Marquez to the King, Dec. 12, 1586.

[933] Gomara, _Historia_, cap. xlii.; Herrera, _Historia_, dec. iii.

lib. v. cap. 5.

[934] Vol. ii. lib. xxi. cap. 8 and 9.

[935] Ecija, _Relacion del viage_ (June-September, 1609).

[936] Vol. iii. pp. 72-73. Recent American writers have taken another

view. Cf. Brevoort, _Verrazano_, p. 70; Murphy, _Verrazzano_, p. 123.

[937] _Historia_, lib. xxxvii. cap. 1-4, in vol. iii. pp. 624-633.

[938] _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 347.

[939] Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed., p. 144) gives the current account

of his day.

[940] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 28. The _capitulacion_ is given in the

_Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 74.

[941] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 239; Sabin, vol. iii. no.

9,767. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. the _Relacion_ as

given in the _Documentos inéditos_, vol. xiv. pp. 265-279, and the

“Capitulacion que se tomó con Panfilo de Narvaez” in vol. xxii. p.

224. There is some diversity of opinion as to the trustworthiness

of this narrative; cf. Helps, _Spanish Conquest_, iv. 397, and

Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 17. “Cabeça has left an artless

account of his recollections of the journey; but his memory sometimes

called up incidents out of their place, so that his narrative is

confused.”—BANCROFT: _History of the United States_, revised edition,

vol. i. p. 31.—ED.]

[942] The _Comentarios_ added to this edition were by Pero Hernandez,

and relate to Cabeza de Vaca’s career in South America.

[943] [There are copies of this edition in the Carter-Brown

(_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 197) and Harvard College libraries; cf.

Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,768. Copies were sold in the Murphy (no. 441),

Brinley (no. 4,360 at $34), and Beckford (_Catalogue_, vol. iii. no.

183) sales. Rich (no. 28) priced a copy in 1832 at £4 4_s._ Leclerc

(no. 2,487) in 1878 prices a copy at 1,500 francs; and sales have been

reported at £21, £25, £39 10_s._, and £42.—ED.]

[944] [Vol. i. no. 6. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Field, _Indian

Bibliography_, no. 79.—ED.]

[945] [_Nova typis transacta navigatio Novi Orbis_, 1621. Ardoino’s

_Exámen apologético_ was first published separately in 1736

(_Carter-Brown_, iii. 545).—ED.]

[946] Vol. iii. pp. 310-330.

[947] Following the 1555 edition, and published in his _Voyages_, at

Paris.

[948] Vol. iv. pp. 1499-1556.

[949] [_Menzies Catalogue_, no. 315; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos.

227-229.—ED.]

[950] [Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 364.,—ED.]

[951] Printed by Munsell at Albany, at the charge of the late Henry

C. Murphy. [Dr. Shea added to it a memoir of Mr. Smith, and Mr. T. W.

Field a memoir of Cabeza de Vaca.—Ed.]

[952] [The writing of his narrative, not during but after the

completion of his journey, does not conduce to making the statements

of the wanderer very explicit, and different interpretations of his

itinerary can easily be made. In 1851 Mr. Smith made him cross the

Mississippi within the southern boundary of Tennessee, and so to pass

along the Arkansas and Canadian rivers to New Mexico, crossing the Rio

Grande in the neighborhood of thirty-two degrees. In his second edition

he tracks the traveller nearer the Gulf of Mexico, and makes him cross

the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Conchos River in Texas, which he

follows to the great mountain chain, and then crosses it. Mr. Bartlett,

the editor of the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (see vol. i. p. 188), who

has himself tracked both routes, is not able to decide between them.

Davis, in his _Conquest of New Mexico_, also follows Cabeza de Vaca’s

route. H. H. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 63) finds no ground

for the northern route, and gives (p. 67) a map of what he supposes to

be the route. There is also a map in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi

au seizième siècle_. Cf. also L. Bradford Prince’s _New Mexico_ (1883),

p. 89.—ED.] The buffalo and mesquite afford a tangible means of fixing

the limits of his route.

[953] Including the petition of Narvaez to the King and the royal

memoranda from the originals at Seville (p. 207), the instructions to

the factor (p. 211), the instructions to Cabeza de Vaca (p. 218), and

the summons to be made by Narvaez (p. 215). Cf. French’s _Historical

Collections of Louisiana_, second series, ii. 153; _Historical

Magazine_, April, 1862, and January and August, 1867.

[954] Smith’s _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 100; Torquemada (_Monarquia

Indiana_, 1723, iii. 437-447) gives Lives of these friars. Barcia says

Xuarez was made a bishop; but Cabeza de Vaca never calls him bishop,

but simply commissary, and the portrait at Vera Cruz has no episcopal

emblems. Torquemada in his sketch of Xuarez makes no allusion to his

being made a bishop. and the name is not found in any list of bishops.

We owe to Mr. Smith another contribution to the history of this region

and this time, in a _Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia

de la Florida y tierras adyacentes_,—only vol. i. of the contemplated

work appearing at Madrid in 1857. It contained thirty-three important

papers from 1516 to 1569, and five from 1618 to 1794; they are for the

most part from the Simancas Archives. This volume has a portrait of

Ferdinand V., which is reproduced _ante_, p. 85. Various manuscripts of

Mr. Smith are now in the cabinet of the New York Historical Society.

[955] Oviedo’s account is translated in the _Historical Magazine_,

xii. 141, 204, 267, 347. [H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican States_, i.

62) says that the collation of this account in Oviedo (vol. iii. pp.

582-618) with the other is very imperfectly done by Smith. He refers

also to careful notes on it given by Davis in his _Spanish Conquest

of New Mexico_, pp. 20-108. Bancroft (pp. 62, 63) gives various other

references to accounts, at second hand, of this expedition. Cf. also

L. P. Fisher’s paper in the _Overland Monthly_, x. 514. Galvano’s

summarized account will be found in the Hakluyt Society’s edition, p.

170.—ED.]

[956] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 27.

[957] _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 58; cf. Fairbanks’s _Florida_, chap. ii.

[958] _Cabeça de Vaca_, pp. 20, 204.

[959] [Tampa is the point selected by H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican

States_, i. 60); cf. Brinton’s note on the varying names of Tampa

(_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 113).—ED.]

[960] B. Smith’s _De Soto_, pp. 47, 234.

[961] _Nouvelle France_, iii. 473.

[962] Barcia, p. 308. The Magdalena may be the Apalachicola, on

which in the last century Spanish maps laid down Echete; cf. Leroz,

_Geographia de la America_ (1758).

[963] The manuscript is in the Hydrographic Bureau at Madrid. The

Lisbon Academy printed it in their (1844) edition of the Elvas

narrative. Cf. Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 266-272; _Historical Magazine_, v.

42; _Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 534. [It is dated April 20, 1537. In

the following August Cabeza de Vaca reached Spain, to find that Soto

had already secured the government of Florida; and was thence turned to

seek the government of La Plata. It was probably before the tidings of

Narvaez’ expedition reached Spain that Soto wrote the letter regarding

a grant he wished in Peru, which country he had left on the outbreak

of the civil broils. This letter was communicated to the _Historical

Magazine_ (July, 1858, vol. ii. pp. 193-223) by Buckingham Smith, with

a fac-simile of the signature, given on an earlier page (_ante_, p.

253).—ED.]

[964] [Rich in 1832 (no. 34) cited a copy at £31 10_s._, which at

that time he believed to be unique, and the identical one referred

to by Pinelo as being in the library of the Duque de Sessa. There is

a copy in the Grenville Collection, British Museum, and another is

in the Lenox Library (B. Smith’s _Letter of De Soto_, p. 66). It was

reprinted at Lisbon in 1844 by the Royal Academy at Lisbon (Murphy,

no. 1,004; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 596). Sparks says of it: “There

is much show of exactness in regard to dates; but the account was

evidently drawn up for the most part from memory, being vague in its

descriptions and indefinite as to localities, distances, and other

points.” Field says it ranks second only to the Relation of Cabeza de

Vaca as an early authority on the Indians of this region. There was

a French edition by Citri de la Guette in 1685, which is supposed to

have afforded a text for the English translation of 1686 entitled _A

Relation of the Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards_ (see Field’s

_Indian Bibliography_, nos. 325, 340). These editions are in Harvard

College Library. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vi. 488, 491, 492; Stevens,

_Historical Collections_, i. 844; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no.

1,274; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,324, 1,329; Arana, _Bibliografía

de obras anónimas_ (Santiago de Chile, 1882), no. 200. The Gentleman of

Elvas is supposed by some to be Alvaro Fernandez; but it is a matter

of much doubt (cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 20). There is a

Dutch version in Gottfried and Vander Aa’s _Zee-und Landreizen_ (1727),

vol. vii. (Carter-Brown, iii. 117).—ED.]

[965] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 86; Murphy, no. 1,118. Rich (no. 110)

priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[966] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,338.

[967] [It is also in Vander Aa’s _Versameling_ (Leyden, 1706). The

_Relaçam_ of the Gentleman of Elvas has, with the text of Garcilasso

de la Vega and other of the accredited narratives of that day,

contributed to the fiction which, being published under the sober title

of _Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles_ (Rotterdam, 1658),

passed for a long time as unimpeached history. The names of César de

Rochefort and Louis de Poincy are connected with it as successive

signers of the introductory matter. There were other editions of it in

1665, 1667, and 1681, with a title-edition in 1716. An English version,

entitled _History of the Caribby Islands_, was printed in London in

1666. Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyclopædia of American Literature_, supplement,

p. 12; Leclerc, nos. 1,332-1,335, 2,134-2,137.—ED.]

[968] [A copy of the original Spanish manuscript is in the Lenox

Library.—ED.]

[969] _Recueil des pièces sur la Floride._

[970] In the volume already cited, including Hakluyt’s version of the

Elvas narrative. It is abridged in French’s _Historical Collections of

Louisiana_, apparently from the same source.

[971] Pages 47-64. Irving describes it as “the confused statement of an

illiterate soldier.” Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 414.

[972] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 42; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,815;

Leclerc, no. 881, at 350 francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_ no. 587;

Brinley, no. 4,353. Rich (no. 102) priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[973] [Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 23) thinks Garcilasso had

never seen the Elvas narrative; but Sparks (_Marquette_, in _American

Biography_, vol. x.) intimates that it was Garcilasso’s only written

source.—ED.]

[974] [Theodore Irving, _The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de

Soto_, New York, 1851. The first edition appeared in 1835, and there

were editions printed in London in 1835 and 1850. The book is a

clever popularizing of the original sources, with main dependence

on Garcilasso (cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 765), whom its

author believes he can better trust, especially as regards the purposes

of De Soto, wherein he differs most from the Gentleman of Elvas.

Irving’s championship of the Inca has not been unchallenged; cf. Rye’s

Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. The Inca’s account is

more than twice as long as that of the Gentleman of Elvas, while

Biedma’s is very brief,—a dozen pages or so. Davis (_Conquest of New

Mexico_, p. 25) is in error in saying that Garcilasso accompanied De

Soto.—ED.]

[975] [There was an amended edition published by Barcia at Madrid in

1723 (Carter-Brown, iii. 328; Leclerc, no. 882, at 25 francs); again

in 1803; and a French version by Pierre Richelet, _Histoire de la

conquête de la Floride_, was published in 1670, 1709, 1711, 1731,

1735, and 1737 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,050; vol. iii. nos. 132,

470; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 965). A German translation by H. L.

Meier, _Geschichte der Eroberung von Florida_, was printed at Zelle

in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 997) with many notes, and again

at Nordhausen in 1785. The only English version is that embodied in

Bernard Shipp’s _History of Hernando de Soto and Florida_ (p. 229,

etc.),—a stout octavo, published in Philadelphia in 1881. Shipp uses,

not the original, but Richelet’s version, the Lisle edition of 1711,

and prints it with very few notes. His book covers the expeditions to

North America between 1512 and 1568, taking Florida in its continental

sense; but as De Soto is his main hero, he follows him through his

Peruvian career. Shipp’s method is to give large extracts from the most

accessible early writers, with linking abstracts, making his book one

mainly of compilation.—ED.]

[976] _Letter of Hernando de Soto, and Memoir of Hernando de Escalante

Fontaneda._ [The transcript of the Fontaneda Memoir is marked by Muñoz

“as a very good account, although it is by a man who did not understand

the art of writing, and therefore many sentences are incomplete. On

the margin of the original [at Simancas] are points made by the hand

of Herrera, who doubtless drew on this for that part [of his _Historia

general_] about the River Jordan which he says was sought by Ponce de

Leon.” This memoir on Florida and its natives was written in Spain

about 1575. It is also given in English in French’s _Historical

Collection of Louisiana_ (1875), p. 235, from the French of Ternaux;

cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 26. The Editor appends various

notes and a comparative statement of the authorities relative to the

landing of De Soto and his subsequent movements, and adds a list of the

original authorities on De Soto’s expedition and a map of a part of the

Floridian peninsula. The authorities are also reviewed by Rye in the

Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Smith also printed the

will of De Soto in the _Hist. Mag._ (May, 1861), v. 134.—ED.]

[977] [A memorial of Alonzo Vasquez (1560), asking for privileges

in Florida, and giving evidences of his services under De Soto, is

translated in the _Historical Magazine_ (September, 1860), iv. 257.—ED.]

[978] [Buckingham Smith has considered the question of De Soto’s

landing in a paper, “Espiritu Santo,” appended to his _Letter of De

Soto_ (Washington, 1854), p. 51.—ED.]

[979] [Colonel Jones epitomizes the march through Georgia in chap. ii.

of his _History of Georgia_ (Boston, 1883). In the _Annual Report_ of

the Smithsonian Institution, 1881, p. 619, he figures and describes two

silver crosses which were taken in 1832 from an Indian mound in Murray

County, Georgia, at a spot where he believed De Soto to have encamped

(June, 1540), and which he inclines to associate with that explorer.

Stevens (_History of Georgia_, i. 26) thinks but little positive

knowledge can be made out regarding De Soto’s route.—ED.]

[980] [Pages 25-41. Pickett in 1849 printed the first chapter of his

proposed work in a tract called, _Invasion of the Territory of Alabama

by One Thousand Spaniards under Ferdinand de Soto in 1540_ (Montgomery,

1849). Pickett says he got confirmatory information respecting the

route from Indian traditions among the Creeks.—ED.]

[981] “We are satisfied that the Mauvila, the scene of Soto’s bloody

fight, was upon the north bank of the Alabama, at a place now called

Choctaw Bluff, in the County of Clarke, about twenty-five miles above

the confluence of the Alabama and Tombigbee” (Pickett, i. 27). The name

of this town is written “Mauilla” by the Gentleman of Elvas, “Mavilla”

by Biedma, but “Mabile” by Ranjel. The _u_ and _v_ were interchangeable

letters in Spanish printing, and readily changed to _b_. (Irving,

second edition, p. 261).

[982] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 51; Pickett, Alabama, vol. i.;

Martin’s _Louisiana_, i. 12; Nuttall’s _Travels into Arkansas_ (1819),

p. 248; Fairbanks’s _History of Florida_, chap. v.; Ellicott’s

_Journal_, p. 125; Belknap, _American Biography_, i. 192. [Whether this

passage of the Mississippi makes De Soto its discoverer, or whether

Cabeza de Vaca’s account of his wandering is to be interpreted as

bringing him, first of Europeans, to its banks, when on the 30th of

October, 1528, he crossed one of its mouths, is a question in dispute,

even if we do not accept the view that Alonzo de Pineda found its mouth

in 1519 and called it Rio del Espiritu Santo (Navarrete, iii. 64). The

arguments pro and con are examined by Rye in the Hakluyt Society’s

volume. Cf., besides the authorities above named, French’s _Historical

Collections of Louisiana_; Sparks’s _Marquette_; Gayarré’s _Louisiana_;

Theodore Irving’s _Conquest of Florida_; Gravier’s _La Salle_, chap.

i., and his “Route du Mississipi” in _Congrès des Américanistes_

(1877), vol. i.; De Bow’s _Commercial Review_, 1849 and 1850; _Southern

Literary Messenger_, December, 1848; _North American Review_, July,

1847.—ED.]

[983] Jaramillo, in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 160.

[984] [See chap. vii. on “Early Explorations of New Mexico.”—ED.]

[985] _Pioneers of France in the New World_; cf. Gaffarel, _La Floride

Française_, p. 341.

[986] There is a French version in Ternaux’ _Recueil de la Floride_,

and an English one in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana

and Florida_ (1875), ii. 190. The original is somewhat diffuse, but is

minute upon interesting points.

[987] Cf. Sparks, _Ribault_, p. 155; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p.

20. Fairbanks in his _History of St. Augustine_ tells the story, mainly

from the Spanish side.

[988] Edited by Charles Deane for the Maine Historical Society, pp. 20,

195, 213.

[989] _Life of Ribault_, p. 147.

[990] [This original English edition (a tract of 42 pages) is extremely

scarce. There is a copy in the British Museum, from which Rich had

transcripts made, one of which is now in Harvard College Library,

and another is in the Carter-Brown Collection (cf. Rich, 1832, no.

40; Carter-Brown, i. 244). The text, as in the _Divers Voyages_, is

reprinted in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_

(1875), p. 159. Ribault supposed that in determining to cross the

ocean in a direct westerly course, he was the first to make such an

attempt, not knowing that Verrazano had already done so. Cf. Brevoort,

_Verrazano_, p. 110; Hakluyt, _Divers Voyages_, edition by J. W. Jones,

p. 95. See also Vol. III. p. 172.—ED.]

[991] [This is the rarest of Hakluyt’s publications, the only copy

known in America being in the Lenox Library (Sabin, vol. x. no.

39,236)—ED.]

[992] [Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 39. The original French text

was reprinted in Paris in 1853 in the _Bibliothèque Elzévirienne;_ and

this edition is worth about 30 francs (Field, _Indian Bibliography_,

no. 97; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,235). The edition of 1586 was priced

by Rich in 1832 at £5 5_s._, and has been sold of late years for

$250, £63, and 1,500 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,662; Sabin, vol. x.

no. 39,234; Carter-Brown, i. 366; Court, nos. 27, 28; Murphy, no.

1,442; Brinley, vol. iii. no. 4,357; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p.

24. Gaffarel in his _La Florida Française_ (p. 347) gives the first

letter entire, and parts of the second and third, following the 1586

edition.—ED.]

[993] Cf. Stevens _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870,) p. 224; Brinton,

_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 32.

[994] _Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ provīcia Gallis

acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudoñiere

classis Præfecto: anno MDLXIIII. Quæ est secunda pars Americæ.

Additæ figuræ et Incolarum eicones ibidem ad vivū expressæ, brevis

etiam declaratio religionis, rituum, vivendique ratione ipsorum.

Auctore Iacobo Le Moyne, cui cognomen de Morgues, Laudoñierum in ea

Navigatione Sequnto._ [There was a second edition of the Latin (1609)

and two editions in German (1591 and 1603), with the same plates. Cf.

Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 399, 414; Court, no. 243; Brinley, vol. iii,

no. 4,359. The original Latin of 1591 is also found separately, with

its own pagination, and is usually in this condition priced at about

100 francs. It is supposed to have preceded the issue as a part of De

Bry (Dufossé, 1878, nos. 3,691, 3,692).

The engravings were reproduced in heliotypes; and with the text

translated by Frederick B. Perkins, it was published in Boston in 1875

as the _Narrative of Le Moyne, an Artist who accompanied the French

Expedition to Florida under Laudonnière_, 1564. These engravings

have been in part reproduced several times since their issue, as in

the _Magazin pittoresque_, in _L’univers pittoresque_, in Pickett’s

_Alabama_, etc.—ED.]

[995] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,631-32; Carter-Brown, i. 262.

[996] [Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,634; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 263. An

English translation, following the Lyons text, was issued in London

in 1566 as _A True and Perfect Description of the Last Voyage of

Ribaut_, of which only two copies are reported by Sabin,—one in the

Carter-Brown Library (vol. i. no. 264), and the other in the British

Museum. This same Lyons text was included in Ternaux’ _Reçueil de

pièces sur la Floride_ and in Gaffarel’s _La Floride Française_, p. 457

(cf. also pp. 337-339), and it is in part given in Cimber and Danjon’s

_Archives curieuses de l’histoire de France_ (Paris, 1835), vi. 200.

The original Dieppe text was reprinted at Rouen in 1872 for the Société

Rouennaise de Bibliophiles, and edited by Gravier under the title:

_Deuxième voyage du Dieppois Jean Ribaut à la Floride en 1565, précédé

d’une notice historique et bibliographique_. Cf. Brinton, _Floridian

Peninsula_, p. 30.—ED.]

[997] [O’Callaghan, no. 463; Rich (1832), no. 60. There was an edition

at Cologne in 1612 (Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,300; Carter-Brown, ii.

123). Sparks (_Life of Ribault_, p. 152) reports a _De navigatione

Gallorum in terram Floridam_ in connection with an Antwerp (1568)

edition of Levinus Apollonius. It also appears in the same connection

in the joint German edition of Benzoni, Peter Martyr, and Levinus

printed at Basle in 1582 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344). It may have

been merely a translation of Challeux or Ribault (Brinton, _Floridian

Peninsula_, p. 36)—ED.].

[998] Murphy, nos. 564, 2,853.

[999] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 330;

Dufossé, no. 4,211.

[1000] This petition is known as the _Epistola supplicatoria_, and is

embodied in the original text in Chauveton’s French edition of Benzoni.

It is also given in Cimber and Danjon’s _Archives curieuses_, vi.

232, and in Gaffarel’s _Floride Française_, p. 477; and in Latin in

De Bry, parts ii. and vi. (cf. Sparks’s _Ribault_, appendix). [There

are other contemporary accounts or illustrations in the “Lettres et

papiers d’état du Sieur de Forquevaulx,” for the most part unprinted,

and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, which were used

by Du Prat in his _Histoire d’Élisabeth de Valois_ (1859), and some of

which are printed in Gaffarel, p. 409. The nearly contemporary accounts

of Popellinière in his _Trois mondes_ (1582) and in the _Histoire

universelle_ of De Thou, represent the French current belief. The

volume of Ternaux’ _Voyages_ known as _Recueil de pièces sur la Floride

inédites_, contains, among eleven documents, one called _Coppie d’une

lettre venant de la Floride, ... ensemble le plan et portraict du fort

que les François y ont faict_ (1564), which is reprinted in Gaffarel

and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, vol.

iii. This tract, with a plan of the fort on the sixth leaf, _recto_,

was originally printed at Paris in 1565 (Carter-Brown, i. 256). None

of the reprints give the engravings. It was seemingly written in the

summer of 1564, and is the earliest account which was printed.—ED.]

[1001] _Ensayo cronológico._

[1002] [Parkman, however, inclines to believe that Barcia’s acceptance

is a kind of admission of its “broad basis of truth.”—ED.]

[1003] Page 340. Cf. _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, iv. 72.

[1004] [They are: _a._ Preserved in the Château de Vayres, belonging to

M. de Bony, which is presumably that given as belonging to the Gourgues

family, of which a copy, owned by Bancroft, was used by Parkman. It was

printed at Mont-de-Marsan, 1851, 63 pages.

_b._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 1,886. Printed by

Ternaux-Compans in his _Recueil_, etc., p. 301, and by Gaffarel, p.

483, collated with the other manuscripts and translated into English in

French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, ii. 267.

This copy bears the name of Robert Prévost; but whether as author or

copyist is not clear, says Parkman (p. 142).

_c._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 2,145. Printed at Bordeaux in

1867 by Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, with preface and notes, and giving

also the text marked _e_ below.

_d._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 3,384. Printed by Taschereau in

the _Revue rétrospective_ (1835), ii. 321.

_e._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 6,124. See _c_ above.

The account in the _Histoire notable_ is called an abridgment by

Sparks, and of this abridgment there is a Latin version in De Bry, part

ii.,—_De quarta Gallorum in Floridam navigatione sub Gourguesio_. See

other abridgments in Popellinière, _Histoire des trois mondes_ (1582),

Lescarbot, and Charlevoix.]

[1005] _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 35.

[1006] Such as Wytfliet’s _Histoire des Indes_; D’Aubigné’s _Histoire

universelle_ (1626); De Laet’s _Novus orbis_, book iv.; Lescarbot’s

_Nouvelle France_; Champlain’s _Voyages_; Brantôme’s _Grands capitaines

François_ (also in his _Œuvres_). Faillon (_Colonie Française_, i. 543)

bases his account on Lescarbot.

[1007] Cf. Shea’s edition with notes, where (vol. i. p. 71) Charlevoix

characterizes the contemporary sources; and he points out how the Abbé

du Fresnoy, in his _Méthode pour étudier la géographie_, falls into

some errors.

[1008] _American Biography_, vol. vii. (new series).

[1009] Boston, 1865. Mr. Parkman had already printed parts of this in

the _Atlantic Monthly_, xii. 225, 536, and xiv. 530.

[1010] Paris, 1875. He gives (p. 517) a succinct chronology of events.

[1011] Cf., for instance, Bancroft’s _United States_, chap. ii.; Gay’s

_Popular History of the United States_, chap. viii.; Warburton’s

_Conquest of Canada_, app. xvi.; Conway Robinson’s _Discoveries in

the West_, ii. chap. xvii. _et seq._; Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_;

Fairbanks’s _Florida_; Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_,—among American

writers; and among the French,—Guérin, _Les navigateurs Français_

(1846); Ferland, _Canada_; Martin, _Histoire de France_; Haag, _La

France protestante_; Poussielgue, “Quatre mois en Floride,” in _Le tour

du monde_, 1869-1870; and the Lives of Coligny by Tessier, Besant, and

Laborde. There are other references in Gaffarel, p. 344.

There is a curious article, “Dominique de Gourgues, the Avenger of the

Huguenots in Florida, a Catholic,” in the _Catholic World_, xxi. 701.

[1012] _The Acts of the Apostles_, xxviii. 2-6.

[1013] [See Chapter I.—ED.]

[1014] Llorente adds that he had a personal acquaintance with a branch

of the family at Calahorra, his own birthplace, and that the first of

the family went to Spain, under Ferdinand III., to fight against the

Moors of Andalusia. He also traces a connection between this soldier

and Las Cases, the chamberlain of Napoleon, one of his councillors

and companions at St. Helena, through a Charles Las Casas, one of the

Spanish seigneurs who accompanied Blanche of Castile when she went to

France, in 1200, to espouse Louis VIII.

[1015] There is a variance in the dates assigned by historians for

the visits of both Las Casas and his father to the Indians. Irving,

following Navarrete, says that Antoine returned to Seville in 1498,

having become rich (_Columbus_ iii. 415). He also says that Llorente

is incorrect in asserting that Bartholomew in his twenty-fourth year

accompanied Columbus in his third voyage, in 1498, returning with

him in 1500, as the young man was then at his studies at Salamanca.

Irving says Bartholomew first went to Hispaniola with Ovando in 1502,

at the age of about twenty-eight. I have allowed the dates to stand

in the text as given by Llorente, assigning the earlier year for the

first voyage of Las Casas to the New World as best according with the

references in writings by his own pen to the period of his acquaintance

with the scenes which he describes.

[1016] The administration of affairs in the Western colonies of Spain

was committed by Ferdinand, in 1511, to a body composed chiefly of

clergy and jurists, called “The Council for the Indies.” Its powers

originally conferred by Ferdinand were afterward greatly enlarged by

Charles V. These powers were full and supreme, and any information,

petition, appeal, or matter of business concerning the Indies, though

it had been first brought before the monarch, was referred by him for

adjudication to the Council. This body had an almost absolute sway

alike in matters civil and ecclesiastical, with supreme authority

over all appointments and all concerns of government and trade. It

was therefore in the power of the Council to overrule or qualify in

many ways the will or purpose or measures of the sovereigns, which

were really in favor of right or justice or humane proceedings in the

affairs of the colonies. For it naturally came about that some of its

members were personally and selfishly interested in the abuses and

iniquities which it was their rightful function and their duty to

withstand. At the head of the Council was a dignitary whose well-known

character and qualities were utterly unfavorable for the rightful

discharge of his high trust. This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca,

successively Bishop of Badajoz, Valencia, and Burgos, and constituted

“Patriarch of the Indies.” He had full control of colonial affairs for

thirty years, till near his death in 1547. He bore the repute among

his associates of extreme worldliness and ambition, with none of the

graces and virtues becoming the priestly office, the duties of which

engaged but little of his time or regard. It is evident also that he

was of an unscrupulous and malignant disposition. He was inimical to

Columbus and Cortés from the start. He tried to hinder, and succeeded

in delaying and embarrassing, the second westward voyage of the great

admiral. (Irving’s _Columbus_, iii.; Appendix XXXIV.) He was a bitter

opponent of Las Casas, even resorting to taunting insults of the

apostle, and either openly or crookedly thwarting him in every stage

and effort of his patient importunities to secure the intervention of

the sovereigns in the protection of the natives. The explanation of

this enmity is found in the fact that Fonseca himself was the owner of

a _repartimiento_ in Hispaniola, with a large number of native slaves.

[1017] There is an extended Note on Las Casas in Appendix XXVIII. of

Irving’s _Columbus_. That author most effectively vindicates Las Casas

from having first advised and been instrumental in the introduction of

African slavery in the New World, giving the dates and the advisers and

agents connected with that wrong previous to any word on the subject

from Las Casas. The devoted missionary had been brought to acquiesce

in the measure on the plausible plea stated in the text, acting from

the purest spirit of benevolence, though under an erroneous judgment.

Cardinal Ximenes had from the first opposed the project.

[1018] As will appear farther on in these pages, Las Casas stands

justly chargeable with enormous exaggerations of the number or

estimate of the victims of Spanish cruelty. But I have not met with

a single case in any contemporary writer, nor in the challengers and

opponents of his pleadings at the Court of Spain, in which his hideous

portrayal of the forms and methods of that cruelty, its dreadful and

revolting tortures and mutilations, have been brought under question.

Mr. Prescott’s fascinating volumes have been often and sometimes very

sharply censured, because in the glow of romance, chivalric daring,

and heroic adventure in which he sets the achievements of the Spanish

“Conquerors” of the New World he would seem to be somewhat lenient to

their barbarities. In the second of his admirable works he refers as

follows to this stricture upon him: “To American and English readers,

acknowledging so different a moral standard from that of the sixteenth

century, I may possibly be thought too indulgent to the errors of the

Conquerors;” and he urges that while he has “not hesitated to expose

in their strongest colors the excesses of the Conquerors, I have given

them the benefit of such mitigating reflections as might be suggested

by the circumstances and the period in which they lived” (Preface to

the _Conquest of Mexico_).

It is true that scattered over all the ably-wrought pages of Mr.

Prescott’s volumes are expressions of the sternest judgment and the

most indignant condemnation passed upon the most signal enormities of

these incarnate spoilers, who made a sport of their barbarity. But

those who have most severely censured the author upon the matter now

in view have done so under the conviction that cruelty unprovoked and

unrelieved was so awfully dark and prevailing a feature in every stage

and incident of the Spanish advance in America, that no glamour of

adventure or chivalric deeds can in the least lighten or redeem it. The

underlying ground of variance is in the objection to the use of the

terms “Conquest” and “Conquerors,” as burdened with the relation of

such a pitiful struggle between the overmastering power of the invaders

and the abject helplessness of their victims.

As I am writing this note, my eye falls upon the following extract

from a private letter written in 1847 by that eminent and highly

revered divine, Dr. Orville Dewey, and just now put into print: “I

have been reading Prescott’s _Peru_. What a fine accomplishment there

is about it! And yet there is something wanting to me in the moral

nerve. History should teach men how to estimate characters; it should

be a teacher of morals; and I think it should make us _shudder_ at the

names of Cortez and Pizarro. But Prescott does not; he seems to have a

kind of sympathy with these inhuman and perfidious adventurers, as if

they were his heroes. It is too bad to talk of them as the soldiers of

Christ; if it were said of the Devil, they would have better fitted the

character” (_Autobiography and Letters of Orville Dewey, D.D._ p. 190).

[1019] Juan Ginez de Sepulveda, distinguished both as a theologian

and an historian, was born near Cordova in 1490, and died in 1573.

He was of a noble but impoverished family. He availed himself of his

opportunities for obtaining the best education of his time in the

universities of Spain and Italy, and acquired an eminent reputation

as a scholar and a disputant,—not, however, for any elevation of

principles or nobleness of thought. In 1536 he was appointed by Charles

V. his historiographer, and put in charge of his son Philip. Living

at Court, he had the repute of being crooked and unscrupulous, his

influence not being given on the side of rectitude and progressive

views. His writings concerning men and public affairs give evidence of

the faults imputed to him. He was vehement, intolerant, and dogmatic.

He justified the most extreme absolutism in the exercise of the royal

prerogative, and the lawfulness and even the expediency of aggressive

wars simply for the glory of the State. Melchior Cano and Antonio

Ramirez, as well as Las Casas, entered into antagonism and controversy

with his avowed principles. One of his works, entitled _Democrates

Secundus, seu de justis belli causis_, may be pronounced almost brutal

in the license which it allowed in the stratagems and vengefulness

of warfare. It was condemned by the universities of Alcala and

Salamanca. He was a voluminous author of works of history, philosophy,

and theology, and was admitted to be a fine and able writer. Erasmus

pronounced him the Spanish Livy. The disputation between him and Las

Casas took place before Charles in 1550. The monarch was very much

under his influence, and seems to some extent to have sided with him

in some of his views and principles. Sepulveda was one of the very few

persons whom the monarch admitted to interviews and intimacy in his

retirement to the Monastery at Yuste.

It was this formidable opponent—a personal enemy also in jealousy and

malignity—whom Las Casas confronted with such boldness and earnestness

of protest before the Court and Council. It was evidently the aim of

Sepulveda to involve the advocate of the Indians in some disloyal or

heretical questioning of the prerogatives of monarch or pope. It seemed

at one time as if the noble pleader for equity and humanity would come

under the clutch of the Holy Office, then exercising its new-born

vigor upon all who could be brought under inquisition for constructive

or latent heretical proclivities. For Las Casas, though true to his

priestly vows, made frequent and bold utterances of what certainly, in

his time, were advanced views and principles.

[1020] Juan Antonio Llorente, eminent as a writer and historian, both

in Spanish and French, was born near Calahorra, Aragon, in 1756,

and died at Madrid in 1823. He received the tonsure when fourteen

years of age, and was ordained priest at Saragossa in 1779. He was

of a vigorous, inquisitive, and liberal spirit, giving free range to

his mind, and turning his wide study and deep investigations to the

account of his enlargement and emancipation from the limitations of

his age and associates. He tells us that in 1784 he had abandoned

all ultramontane doctrines, and all the ingenuities and perplexities

of scholasticism. His liberalism ran into rationalism. His secret or

more or less avowed alienation from the prejudices and obligations of

the priestly order, while it by no means made his position a singular

or even an embarrassing one under the influences and surroundings

of his time, does at least leave us perplexed to account for the

confidence with which functions and high ecclesiastical trusts were

committed to and exercised by him. He was even made Secretary-General

of the Inquisition, and was thus put in charge of the enormous mass

of records, with all their dark secrets, belonging to its whole

history and processes. This charge he retained for a time after the

Inquisition was abolished in 1809. It was thus by a singular felicity

of opportunity that those terrible archives should have been in the

care, and subject to the free and intelligent use, of a man best

qualified of all others to tell the world their contents, and afterward

prompted and at liberty to do so from subsequent changes in his own

opinions and relations. To this the world is indebted for a _History

of the Inquisition_, the fidelity and sufficiency of which satisfy all

candid judgments. He was restive in spirit, provoked strong opposition,

and was thus finally deprived of his office. After performing a

variety of services not clerical, and moving from place to place, he

went to Paris, where, in 1817-1818, he courageously published the

above-mentioned _History_. He was interdicted the exercise of clerical

functions. In 1822, the same year in which he published his Biography

and French translation of the principal works of Las Casas, he

published also his _Political Portraits of the Popes_. For this he was

ordered to quit Paris,—a deep disappointment to him, causing chagrin

and heavy depression. He found refuge in Madrid, where he died in the

following year.

[1021] Mr. Ticknor, however, says that these two treatises “are not

absolutely proved” to be by Las Casas.—_History of Spanish Literature_,

i. 566.

[1022] _Conquest of Mexico_, i. 80, _n._ Of his _Short Account of the

Destruction of the Indies_, this historian says: “However good the

motives of its author, we may regret that the book was ever written....

The author lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and

magnified the amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. The

wild extravagance of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient

to shake confidence in the accuracy of his statements generally. Yet

the naked truth was too startling in itself to demand the aid of

exaggeration.” The historian truly says of himself, in his Preface to

the work quoted: “I have not hesitated to expose in their strongest

colors the excesses of the conquerors.”

[1023] Llorente, i. 365, 386.

[1024] [Helps (_Spanish Conquest_) says: “Las Casas may be thoroughly

trusted whenever he is speaking of things of which he had competent

knowledge.” Ticknor (_Spanish literature_, ii. 31) calls him “a

prejudiced witness, but on a point of fact within his own knowledge

one to be believed.” H. H. Bancroft (_Early American Chroniclers_,

p. 20; also _Central America_, i. 274, 309; ii. 337) speaks of the

exaggeration which the zeal of Las Casas leads him into; but with due

abatement therefor, he considers him “a keen and valuable observer,

guided by practical sagacity, and endowed with a certain genius.”—ED.]

[1025] Sabin’s _Works of Las Casas_, and his _Dictionary_, iii.

388-402, and x. 88-91; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_; _Carter-Brown

Catalogue_; Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, pp. 18-24; the _Huth

Catalogue_; Brunet’s Manuel, etc.

[1026] [Field says it was written in 1540, and submitted to the Emperor

in MS.; but in the shape in which it was printed it seems to have been

written in 1541-1542. Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 860, 870;

Sabin, _Works of Las Casas_, no. 1; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 164;

Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 38; and _Catalogue_, p. 62. The

work has nineteen sections on as many provinces, ending with a summary

for the year 1546. This separate tract was reprinted in the original

Spanish in London, in 1812, and again in Philadelphia, in 1821, for

the Mexican market, with an introductory essay on Las Casas. Stevens,

_Bibliotheca historica_, 1105; cf. also _Coleccion de documentos

inéditos_ (_España_), vol. vii.

The _Cancionero spiritual_, printed at Mexico in 1546, is not assigned

to _Bartholomew_ Las Casas in Ticknor’s _Spanish Literature_, iii. 44,

but it is in Gayangos and Vedia’s Spanish translation of Ticknor. Cf.

also Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,122; Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet., Additions_,

No. 159.—ED.]

[1027] [Field does not give it a date; but Sabin says it was written in

1552. Cf. Field, nos. 860, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 2; Carter-Brown, i.

165; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.]

[1028] [Field says it was written “soon after” no. 1; Sabin places it

in 1543. Cf. Field, no. 862, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 166; Sabin,

3; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 595; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.]

[1029] [Sabin says it was written in America in 1546-1547. Field, nos.

863, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 167; Sabin, no. 6.—ED.]

[1030] [There seems, according to Field (nos. 864, 865), to have been

two distinct editions in 1552, as he deduces from his own copy and from

a different one belonging to Mr. Brevoort, there being thirty-three

variations in the two. Quaritch has noted (no. 11,855, priced at £6

6_s._) a copy likewise in Gothic letter, but with different woodcut

initials, which he places about 1570. Cf. Field, p. 217; Carter-Brown,

i. 168; Sabin, no. 8; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.

The initial work of Sepulveda, _Democrates Secundus_, defending the

rights of the Crown over the natives, was not published, though he

printed his _Apologia pro libro de justis belli causis_, Rome, 1550

(two copies of which are known), of which there was a later edition in

1602; and some of his views may be found in it. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish

Literature_, ii. 37; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 24, and _Bib.

Amer. Vet._, no. 303; and the general histories of Bancroft, Helps, and

Prescott. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 173, shows a MS. copy of

Sepulveda’s book. It is also in Sepulveda’s _Opera_, Cologne, 1602, p.

423; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 15.—ED.]

[1031] [Sabin dates it in 1543. Cf. Field, nos. 866, 870, _note_;

Sabin, no. 4; Carter-Brown, i. 170.—ED.]

[1032] [Sabin says it was written in Spain in 1548 Cf. Field, nos. 867,

870, _note_; Sabin, no. 7; Carter-Brown, i. 171.—ED.]

[1033] [Field, nos. 868, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 9; Carter-Brown, i.

169.—ED.]

[1034] [This is the longest and one of the rarest of the series. Sabin

says it was written about 1543. There were two editions of the same

date, having respectively 80 and 84 leaves; but it is uncertain which

is the earlier, though Field supposes the fewer pages to indicate the

first. Field, nos. 869, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 5; Carter Brown, i.

172.—ED.]

[1035] [It is only of late years that the entire series has been

described. De Bure gives only five of the tracts; Dibdin enumerates

but seven; and Llorente in his edition omits three, as was done in the

edition of 1646. Rich in 1832 priced a set at £12 12_s._ A full set is

now worth from $100 to $150; but Leclerc (nos. 327, 2,556) has recently

priced a set of seven at 700 francs, and a full set at 1,000 francs. An

English dealer has lately held one at £42. Quaritch has held four parts

at £10, and a complete set at £40. Single tracts are usually priced

at from £1 to £5. Recent sales have been shown in the Sunderland (no.

2,459, 9 parts); Field (no. 1,267); Cooke (vol. iii. no. 369, 7 parts);

Stevens, _Hist. Coll._ (no. 311, 8 parts); Pinart (no. 536); and Murphy

(no. 487) catalogues. The set in the Carter-Brown Library belonged

to Ternaux; that belonging to Mr. Brevoort came from the Maximillian

Library. The Lenox Library and Mr. Barlow’s Collection have sets. There

are also sets in the Grenville and Huth collections.

The 1646 reprint, above referred to, has sometimes a collective title,

_Las Obras_, etc., but most copies, like the Harvard College copy, lack

it. As the titles of the separate tracts (printed in this edition in

Roman) retained the original 1552 dates, this reprint is often called a

spurious edition. It is usually priced at from $15 to $30. Cf. Sabin,

no. 13; Field, p. 216; Quaritch, no. 11,856; Carter-Brown, i. 173; ii.

584; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 312; Cooke, iii. 370.

Some of the Tracts are included in the _Obras escogidas de filósofos_,

etc. Madrid, 1873.—ED.]

[1036] [Field, no. 870, and _note_; Sabin, no. 11; the Carter-Brown

Collection lacks it. It was reprinted at Tübingen, and again at Jena,

in 1678. It has never been reprinted in Spain, says Stevens (_Bibl.

Hist._, no. 1,096).—ED.]

[1037] [“Not absolutely proved to be his,” says Ticknor (_Spanish

Literature_, ii. 37).—ED.]

[1038] [There were a hundred copies of these printed. They are:—

1. _Memorial de Don Diego Colon sobre la conversion de las gentes de

las Yndias._ With an Epistle to Dr. Reinhold Pauli. It is Diego Colon’s

favorable comment on Las Casas’s scheme of civilizing the Indians,

written at King Charles’s request. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 881.

2. _Carta_, dated 1520, and addressed to the Chancellor of Charles, in

which Las Casas urges his scheme of colonization of the Indians. Mr.

Stevens dedicates it to Arthur Helps in a letter. Cf. Stevens, _Hist.

Coll._, i. 882; the manuscript is described in his _Bibl. Geog._, no.

598.

3. _Paresçer o determinaciō de los señores theologos de Salamanca_,

dated July 1, 1541. This is the response of the Faculty of Salamanca

to the question put to them by Charles V., if the baptized natives

could be made slaves. Mr. Stevens dedicates the tract to Sir Thomas

Phillipps. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 883.

4. _Carta de Hernando Cortés._ Mr. Stevens, in his Dedication to

Leopold von Ranke, supposes this to have been written in 1541-1542. It

is Cortes’ reply to the Emperor’s request for his opinions regarding

_Encomiendas_, etc., in Mexico. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 884.

5. _Carta de Las Casas_, dated Oct. 22, 1545, with an abstract in

English in the Dedication to Colonel Peter Force. It is addressed to

the Audiencia in Honduras, and sets forth the wrongs of the natives.

Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 885. The manuscript is now in the Huth

Collection, _Catalogue_, v. 1,681.

6. _Carta de Las Casas_ to the Dominican Fathers of Guatemala,

protesting against the sale of the reversion of the _Encomiendas_. Mr.

Stevens supposes this to have been written in 1554, in his Dedication

to Sir Frederick Madden. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 886. A set of

these tracts is worth about $25. The set in the Cooke Sale (vol. iii.

no. 375) is now in Harvard College Library; another set is shown in

the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 488, and there is one in the Boston Public

Library.—ED.]

[1039] Field, p. 219.

[1040] Vol. i. p. 160.

[1041] [Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, says volumes i. and

ii. are in the Academy; but volume iii. is in the Royal Library. Cf.,

however, the “Advertencia preliminar” of the Madrid (1875) edition of

the _Historia_ on this point, as well as regards the various copies of

the manuscript existing in Madrid.—ED.]

[1042] [Such is Quintana’s statement; but Helps failed to verify it,

and says he could only fix the dates 1552, 1560, 1561 as those of any

part of the writing. _Life of Las Casas_, p. 175.—ED.]

[1043] [I trace no copy earlier than one Rich had made. Prescott had

one, which was probably burned in Boston (1872). Helps used another.

There are other copies in the Library of Congress, in the Lenox

Library, and in H. H. Bancroft’s Collection.—ED.]

[1044] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 119, says the purpose of the

Academy at one time was to annotate the manuscript, so as to show Las

Casas in a new light, using contemporary writers.—ED.]

[1045] [It is worth from $30 to $40. It is called _Historia de las

Indias, ahora por primera vez dada á luz por el Marqués de la Fuensanta

del Valle y José Sancho Rayon_. It contains, beginning in vol. v. at

p. 237, the _Apologética historia_ which Las Casas had written to

defend the Indians against aspersions upon their lives and character.

This latter work was not included in another edition of the _Historia_

printed at Mexico in two volumes in 1877-1878. Cf. Vigel, _Biblioteca

Mexicana_. Parts of the _Apologética_ are given in Kingsborough’s

_Mexico_, vol. viii. Cf. on the _Historia_, Irving’s _Columbus_, App.;

Helps’s _Spanish Conquest_ (Am. ed.), i. 23, and _Life of Las Casas_,

p. 175; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 39; Humboldt’s _Cosmos_

(Eng. tr.), ii. 679; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309;

Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 378; Quintana’s _Vidas_, iii. 507.—ED.]

[1046] [Llorente’s version is not always strictly faithful, being

in parts condensed and paraphrastic. Cf. Field, no. 889; Ticknor,

_Spanish Literature_, ii. 38, and _Catalogue_, p. 62; Sabin, nos. 14,

50; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309. This edition, besides a

life of Las Casas, contains a necrology of the Conquerors, and other

annotations by the editor.—ED.]

[1047] [This earliest version is a tract of 70 leaves, printed probably

at Brussels, and called _Seer cort Verhael vande destructie van

d’Indien_. Cf. Sabin, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 320; Stevens, _Bibl.

Hist._, no. 1,097. The whole series is reviewed in Tiele’s _Mémoire

bibliographique_ (who gives twenty-one editions) and in Sabin’s _Works

of Las Casas_ (taken from his _Dictionary_); and many of them are noted

in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ and in Muller’s _Books on America_,

1872 and 1877. This 1578 edition was reissued in 1579 with a new title,

_Spieghel der Spaenscher Tirannije_, which in some form continued

to be the title of subsequent editions, which were issued in 1596,

1607, 1609, 1610, 1612 (two), 1620 (two), 1621, 1627 (?), 1634, 1638,

1663, 1664, etc. Several of these editions give De Bry’s engravings,

sometimes in reverse. A popular chap-book, printed about 1730, is made

up from Las Casas and other sources.—ED.]

[1048] [This included the first, second, and sixth of the tracts of

1552. In 1582 there was a new edition of the _Tyrannies_, etc., printed

at Paris; but some copies seem to have had a changed title, _Histoire

admirable des horribles insolences_, etc. It was again reissued with

the original title at Rouen in 1630. Cf. Field, 873, 874; Sabin,

nos. 41, 42, 43, 45; Rich (1832); Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,098;

Leclerc, nos. 334, 2,558; Carter-Brown, i. 329, 345, 347; O’Callaghan,

no. 1,336; a London catalogue (A. R. Smith, 1874) notes an edition of

the _Histoire admirable des horribles Insolences, Cruautez et tyrraines

exercées par les Espagnols_, etc., Lyons, 1594.—ED.]

[1049] [It is a tract of sixty-four leaves in Gothic letter, and is

very rare, prices being quoted at £20 and more. Cf. Sabin, no. 61;

Carter-Brown, i. 351; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, 596, _Huth Catalogue_, i.

271. Cf. William Lightfoote’s _Complaints of England_, London, 1587,

for English opinion at this time on the Spanish excesses (Sabin, vol.

x. no. 41,050), and the _Foreign Quarterly Review_ (1841), ii. 102.—ED.]

[1050] [Field, p. 877; Carter-Brown, ii. 804; Sabin, no. 60. The first

tract is translated in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1,569.—ED.]

[1051] [Some copies read, _Account of the First Voyages_, etc. Cf.

Field, no. 880; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,556; Sabin, no. 63;

Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 603; and _Prince Library Catalogue_, p.

34. Another English edition, London, 1689, is called _Popery truly

display’d in its Bloody Colours_. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,374;

Sabin, no. 62. Another London book of 1740, _Old England for Ever_, is

often called a Las Casas, but it is not his. Field, no. 888.—ED.]

[1052] [Sabin, no. 51; Carter-Brown, i. 510; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._,

i. 319. It has no place. Muller calls a _Warhafftiger Bericht_ of

1599, with no place, the earliest German edition, with De Bry’s,

engravings,—which were also in the Oppenheim edition of 1613,

_Warhafftiger und gründlicher Bericht_, etc. Cf. Sabin, no. 54;

Carter-Brown, ii. 146. A similar title belongs to a Frankfort edition

of 1597 (based on the Antwerp French edition of 1579), which is

noted in Sabin, no. 52, and in _Bib. Grenvilliana_, ii. 828, and was

accompanied by a volume of plates (Sabin, no,. 53).

There seem to be two varieties of the German edition of 1665,

_Umbständige warhafftige Beschreibung der Indianischen Ländern_. Cf.

Carter-Brown, ii. 957; Sabin, no. 55; Field, no. 882. Sabin (no. 56)

also notes a 1790 and other editions.—ED.]

[1053] [It followed the French edition of 1579, and was reissued at

Oppenheim in 1614. Cf. Field, p. 871; Carter-Brown, i. 453, 524; ii.

164; Sabin, nos. 57, 58.

The Heidelberg edition of 1664, _Regionum Indicarum per Hispanos olim

devastatarum descriptio_, omits the sixteen pages of preliminary matter

of the early editions; and the plates, judging from the Harvard College

and other copies, show wear. Sabin, no. 59; Carter-Brown, ii. 944.—ED.]

[1054] [As in the _Istoria ò brevissima relatione_, Venice, 1626, 1630,

and 1643, a version of the first tract of 1552, made by Castellani.

It was later included in Marmocchi’s _Raccolta di viaggi_. Cf. Sabin,

nos. 16, 17, 18; Carter-Brown, ii. 311, 360, 514; Leclerc, no. 331;

Field, no. 885; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 315; _Bibl. Hist._, no.

1,100. The sixth tract was translated as _Il supplice schiavo Indiano_,

and published at Venice in 1635, 1636, and 1657. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii.

434, 816; Field, no. 886; Sabin, nos. 20, 21. It was reissued in 1640

as _La libertà pretesa_. Sabin, no. 19; Field, no. 887; Carter-Brown,

ii. 473. The eighth and ninth tracts appeared as _Conquista dell’Indie

occidentali_, Venice, 1645. Cf. Field, no. 884; Sabin, no. 22;

Carter-Brown, ii. 566.—ED.]

[1055] In Harvard College Library, with also the _Ordenanzas reales del

Conseio de las Indias_, of the same date.

[1056] There are convenient explanations and references respecting

the functions of the Casa de la Contratacion, the Council of the

Indies, the Process of the Audiencia, and the duties of an Alcalde, in

Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 270, 280, 282, 297, 330.

[1057] See chap. iii. p. 203, _ante_.

[1058] At Medellin, in Estremadura, in 1485.

[1059] They are given in Pacheco’s _Coleccion_, xii. 225, Prescott’s

_Mexico_, app. i., and elsewhere. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 55.

[1060] There is much conflict of testimony on the respective share

of Cortés and Velasquez in equipping the expedition. H. H. Bancroft

(_Mexico_, i. 57) collates the authorities.

[1061] Prescott makes Cortés sail clandestinely; Bancroft makes his

departure a hurried but open one; and this is Helps’s view of the

authorities.

[1062] The authorities are not in unison about all these figures. Cf.

H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 70.

[1063] See the long note comparing some of these accounts in H. H.

Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 102, etc.

[1064] Marina did more. She impressed Cortés, who found her otherwise

convenient for a few years; and after she had borne him children,

married her to one of his captains. What purports to be a likeness of

her is given in Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 64.

[1065] Prescott (_Mexico_, revised edition, i. 345) points out how this

site was abandoned later for one farther south, where the town was

called Vera Cruz Vieja; and again, early in the seventeenth century,

the name and town were transferred to another point still farther

south,—Nueva Vera Cruz. These changes have caused some confusion in

the maps of Lorenzana and others. Cf. the maps in Prescott and H. H.

Bancroft.

[1066] There is some discrepancy in the authorities here as regards

the openness or stealth of the act of destroying the fleet. See the

authorities collated in Prescott, _Mexico_, new edition, i. 369, 370.

[1067] The estimates of numbers in all the operations throughout the

Conquest differ widely, sometimes very widely, according to different

authorities. The student will find much of the collation of these

opposing statements done for him in the notes of Prescott and Bancroft.

[1068] Fac-simile of an engraving on copper in the edition of Solis

printed at Venice in 1715, p. 29. It is inscribed: “Cavato da vn

originale fatto iñazi chei si portassi alla Conqvista del Messico.”

[1069] Fac-simile of the copper plate in the Venice edition of Solis

_Conquista_ (1715) inscribed “Cavato dall’originale venvto dal Messico

al Ser^{mo} G. D. di Toscana.”

[1070] H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 378) and Prescott (new edition vol.

ii., p. 231) collate the authorities.

[1071] There are a variety of views as to the force Cortés now

commanded; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 424.

[1072] Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 309) collates the diverse

accounts.

[1073] It must be mentioned that the Spaniards have been accused

of murdering Montezuma. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 464) collates the

different views of the authorities. Cortes sent the body out of the

fort. Indignities were offered it; but some of the imperial party got

possession of it, and buried it with such honor as the times permitted.

[1074] There are difficulties about the exact date; cf. H. H. Bancroft,

_Mexico_, i. 472.

[1075] Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 488) collates the various authorities; so

does Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 364) of the losses of this famous

_triste Noche_.

[1076] The figures usually given are enormous, and often greatly vary

with the different authorities. In this as in other cases where numbers

are mentioned, Prescott and Bancroft collate the several reckonings

which have been recorded.

[1077] Their chief was Juan Florin, who has been identified by some

with Verrazano.

[1078] H. H. Bancroft (_Central Mexico_, i. 626) collates as usual the

various estimates of Alvarado’s force.

[1079] There is some doubt whether the alleged plot was not, after all,

a fiction to cover the getting rid of burdensome personages. H. H.

Bancroft (_Central America_, i. 555) collates the various views, but it

does not seem that any unassailable conclusion can be reached.

[1080] Part of a view of Acapulco as given in Montanus and Ogilby,

p. 261, showing the topography, but representing the later fort and

buildings. The same picture, on a larger scale, was published by Vander

Aa at Amsterdam. A plan of the harbor is given in Bancroft’s _Mexico_,

iii. 25. The place had no considerable importance as a Spanish

settlement till 1550 (Ibid., ii. 420). Cf. the view in Gay’s _Popular

History of the United States_, ii. 586.

[1081] The remains of Cortés have rested uneasily. They were buried

at Seville; but in 1562 his son removed them to New Spain and placed

them in a monastery at Tezcuco. In 1629 they were carried with pomp

to Mexico to the church of St. Francis; and again, in 1794, they were

transferred to the Hospital of Jesus (Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 465),

where a monument with a bust was placed over them. In 1823, when a

patriotic zeal was turned into the wildness of a mob, the tomb was

threatened, and some soberer citizens secretly removed the monument

and sent it (and later the remains) clandestinely to his descendant,

the Duke of Monteleone, in Palermo, where they are supposed now to

be, if the story of this secret shipment is true (Prescott, _Mexico_,

iii. 335; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 219, 220; Bancroft,

_Mexico_, iii. 479, 480). Testimony regarding the earlier interment

and exhumation is given in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_

(_España_), xxii. 563. Cf. B. Murphy on “The Tomb of Cortés” in the

_Catholic World_, xxxiii. 24.

For an account of the family and descendants of Cortés, see Bancroft,

ii. 480; Prescott, iii. 336. The latter traces what little is known of

the later life of Marina (vol. iii. p. 279).

[1082] Those pertaining to Cortés in vols. i.-iv. of the _Documentos

inéditos_ (_España_) had already appeared. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer.

Vet._, pp. 213-215, enumerates the manuscripts which had been collected

by Prescott. Clavigero had given accounts of the collections in the

Vatican, at Vienna, and of those of Boturini, etc.

[1083] Sabin, vol. xx. no. 34,153. In the Introduction to both volumes

Icazbalceta discusses learnedly the authorship of the various papers,

and makes note of considerable bibliographical detail. The edition was

three hundred copies, with twelve on large paper.

[1084] Vol. i. 281; see also _ante_, p. 215.

[1085] Vol. i. 368. This plan is given on an earlier page. Cf.

Bancroft, _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 15.

[1086] See chap. v. p. 343.

[1087] _Mexico_, ii. 96. A part of it was printed in the _Documentos

inéditos_ as “Ritos antiquos... de las Indias.” Cf. Kingsborough, vol.

ix.

[1088] _Mexico_, i. 405.

[1089] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 147.

[1090] Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,154-34,156; Quaritch, _Ramirez

Collection_ (1880), no. 89, priced it at £40.

[1091] This institution is clearly defined by Helps, iii. 141. Cf.

Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 250.

[1092] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 272; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 373;

_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,092; _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 770.

The book has a portrait of Alvarado, and is enriched with notes by

Ramirez. The manuscript of the charges against Alvarado was discovered

in 1846 among some supposed waste-papers in the Mexican Archives which

the licentiate, Ignacio Rayon, was then examining (Bancroft, _Central

America_, ii. 104).

[1093] _Mexico_, ii. 9. Bancroft says he uses a copy made from one

which escaped the fire that destroyed so much in 1692, and which

belonged to the Maximilian Collection. Quaritch offered, a few years

since, as from the Ramirez Collection, for £175, the Acts of the

Municipality of Mexico, 1524-1564, in six manuscript volumes. Bancroft

(_Mexico_, iii. 508, etc.), enumerates the sources of a later period.

[1094] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxxiv.

[1095] There appeared in 1882, in two volumes, in the _Biblioteca de

los Americanistas_, a _Historia de Guatemala ó recordación Florida

escrita el siglo XVII por el Capitán D. Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y

Guzman ... publica por primera vez con notas é ilustraciones D. Justo

Zaragoza_.

[1096] Quaritch in his _Catalogue_, no. 321, _sub_ 11,807, shows a

collection of forty-seven for _£_50, apparently the Ramirez Collection.

Cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,567, etc.

[1097] _Mexico_, vol. i. p. viii.

[1098] Indeed, the footnotes of Prescott are meagre by comparison.

The enumeration of the manuscript sources on the Conquest given in

Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 420, shows what provision of this sort

was most to be depended on thirty years ago. There is a set of nine

folios in Harvard College Library, gathered by Lord Kingsborough,

called _Documentos para el historia de México y Peru_. It includes

some manuscripts; but they are all largely, perhaps wholly, of a later

period than the Conquest.

[1099] Quaritch, who in his _Catalogue_ of 1870 (no. 259, _sub_ 376)

advertised for £105 the original manuscripts of three at least of these

councils (1555, 1565, 1585), intimates that they never were returned

into the Ecclesiastical Archives after Lorenzana had used them in

preparing an edition of the Proceedings of these Councils which he

published in 1769 and 1770,—_Concilios provinciales de México_,—though

in the third, and perhaps in the first, he had translated apparently

his text from the Latin published versions. Bancroft describes these

manuscripts in his _Mexico_, ii. 685. The Acts of the First Council had

been printed (1556) before Lorenzana; but the book was suppressed, and

the Acts of the Third Council had been printed in 1622 in Mexico, and

in 1725 at Paris. The Acts of the Third also appeared in 1859 at Mexico

with other documents. The readiest source for the English reader of the

history of the measures for the conversion of the Indians and for the

relation of the Church to the civil authorities in New Spain are sundry

chapters (viii., xix., etc.) in Bancroft’s _Central America_, and

others (ix., xix., xxxi., xxxii.) in his _Mexico_. (Cf. references in

Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 209.) The leading Spanish authorities

are Torobio Motolinia, Mendieta, and Torquemada, all characterized

elsewhere. Alonso Fernandez’ _Historia eclesiástica de nuestros

tiempos_ (Toledo, 1611) is full in elucidation of the lives of the

friars and of their study of the native tongues. (Cf. Rich, 1832, £2

2_s._; Quaritch, 1870, £5; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 190.) Gil Gonzales

Davila’s _Teatro eclesiástico de la primitiva Iglesia de las Indias_

(Madrid, 1649-1655) is more important and rarer (Quaritch, 1870, £8

8_s._; Rosenthal, Munich, 1884, for 150 marks; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii.

189). Of Las Casas and his efforts, see the preceding chapter in the

present volume.

The Orders of friars are made the subject of special treatment in

Bancroft’s _Mexico_. The Franciscans were the earliest to arrive,

coming, in response to the wish of Cortés, in 1524. There are

various histories of their labors,—Francisco Gonzaga’s _De origine

seraphicæ religionis Franciscanæ_, Rome, 1587 (Carter-Brown, i. 372);

sections of Torquemada and the fourth part of Vetancour’s _Teatro

Mexicano_, Mexico, 1697-1698; Francisco Vasquez’ _Chronica ... de

Guatemala_, 1714; Espinosa’s _Chronica apostolica_, 1746 (Sabin, vi.

239; Carter-Brown, iii. 827), etc. Of the Dominicans we have Antonio

de Remesal’s _Historia de la S. Vincent de Chyapa_, Madrid, 1619

(Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 339, 736), and Davilla Padilla’s

_Santiago de México_, mentioned in the text. Of the Augustinian friars

there is Juan de Grijalva’s _Cronica_, Mexico, 1624. Of the books on

the Jesuits who came late (1571, etc.), there is a note in Bancroft’s

_Mexico_, iii. 447, showing as of chief importance Francisco de

Florencia’s _Compañia de Jesus_ (Mexico, 1694), while the subject was

taken up under the same title by Francisco Javier Alegre, who told the

story of their missions from 1566 in Florida to 1765. The manuscript of

this work was not printed till Bustamante edited it in 1841.