Sea_, but go through Land, must have been, that the North-east Part
of the _South Sea_ was represented as a Gulph, not a Streight, from
some Observations made prior to that Expedition, as to which the
Observers might be deceived, by its taking a Southerly Course through
some Inlet or Opening obscured by Islands, or the Entrance narrow,
that they concluded it only to be some small Branch which soon
terminated; having, at the same Time, a large open Channel before
them, which they finding afterwards surrounded with Land, concluded
there was no Communication with any other Waters, but that they had
seen the Extremity of these Waters to Eastward. That these Waters took
a Course through that desert mountainous Country, until they joined
with the Waters of the Streights that _de Fuca_ came up, the People
of _Conosset_ might not be able to give a just Account of, as they
lived so far to Northward and Eastward. Though they, as the Natives
of _Conibasset_ also came occasionally into the North-east Part of
the _South Sea_; the one mostly frequented to Northward and Eastward,
the other to Northward and Westward, as is apparent from _de Fonte_'s
Account; where they had level and fruitful Tracts, as they produced
so much Maiz; a hunting Country, as there were three Sorts of Deer;
also Fish in their Waters. Whereas the Country on the opposite Shore
of the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, as is apparent from being
the Resort of the _Eskemaux_, would be rugged, rocky, and remarkably
barren, with little Intermixtures of level and fruitful Spots.
Therefore the People of _Conosset_, or _Conibasset_, would have no
Inducements to go into those Parts. May be supposed the opposite Coast
was the Limits of their Enemy's Country, with whom if they went to
War, and knew that the Waters of the North-east Part of the _South
Sea_ did communicate to Southward with other Waters; yet it cannot
be imagined that they went up those Waters so far in their Enemy's
Country of so wild a Disposition, where they were always in Danger of
being surprized, as to know whether those Waters joined with the Sea
in which _Shapley_ was met. Might also be jealous if the Jesuits, or
_Parmentiers_, or others who came there, were very particular in their
Enquiries, that they intended to go and reside amongst their Enemies,
which, as the Nature of _Indians_ is, would cause them to be on the
Reserve, and slack in their Informations, as to those Parts.
That those Persons who were in those Parts before this Expedition of
_de Fonte_, got no Information of this Streight, or of the Waters, as
to the Course of them to Southward, there must be a considerable main
Land to Southward of Lake _Belle_ and Lake _de Fonte_, as is expressed
in the Map, and as to the Sea to Eastward, that Part of it which was
to Southward of _Ronquillo_, no more would be apprehended of it, being
unacquainted as to the Streight, than that it was a Part of that Sea
contiguous to _Hudson_'s Bay; and it not being known at that Time but
the Tides came from the Eastward, would have no Reason to infer, from
the Sea running to Southward, that it communicated with a Streight
there.
To take away the Improbability of what is here advanced, we should
reflect what Assurances former Discoverers gave, that had but the
Season permitted to proceed, they should certainly have made a Passage;
though when an Attempt was again made they found their Mistake; and
from Observations then made, they saw good Reason to have a different
Opinion as to the Nature of the Passage from what they had before, and
very reasonable, as their Searches were made in Parts entirely unknown;
and as to the Appearance of the Land, the Course of the Waters, and the
Set of the Tides, the most judicious might be deceived.
The _Spanish_ Nation had not been able to make out a Passage by their
various Attempts, agreeable to the Accounts of private Persons, which
probably might give an Opportunity for the Representations of the
Jesuits to be attended to, who would urge every Argument in Behalf of
their Discovery, and endeavour to invalidate the former Accounts as to
a Passage; which by that Time, from the ill Success as to discovering
a Passage, might not be at that Time so much thought of; and as
Difference in Time produces a Change in Opinions, whatever makes for
the reigning Opinion is adopted, as every Thing that is contradictory
is depreciated. The Arguments for the Opinion which prevailed
before for a navigable Passage might be treated as fallacious and
insignificant, and the Instructions for the Expedition of _de Fonte_
might be drawn agreeable to the Jesuits Plan, whom it is evident knew
nothing of a Streight, but considered the Land of _America_ as one
continued Continent to Latitude 66. And whatever Weight this Conjecture
may have, it is apparent from the Consideration of _de Fonte_'s Letter,
that the Instructions were drawn from the Information of some who
had been before in those Parts: And by whom can it be supposed more
properly that the Court received the Information which they had than
from the Jesuits, whose Understanding and Character would admit them to
a free Converse with the Minister on a less Occasion than they would
now have, to give an Account of those Parts they had been in.
The _Court_ of _Spain_ does not seem, from the Proceedings, to be of
the same Opinion with the _Jesuits_, or _de Fonte_ after his return.
As the Governor of _Cinoloa_ is immediately ordered to take a Survey
of the Coasts and Harbours of _California_. And the next Year Admiral
_Cassanate_ is sent from _Old Spain_; and it is probable the Court was
not of the Opinion of the _Jesuits_ when they gave this Information,
but formed the Instructions for _de Fonte_ agreeable thereto. As the
most expedient Method, at that Time, for intercepting the People from
_Boston_, was to go the Way they gave an Account of with the Boats
through Land, as the Ships might meet with Difficulties and Delays in
passing up the Streights, also ran great Hazard; the _Boston_ Ship
might pass them unperceived. Whereas, on the Plan which was pursued,
if they heard by the Natives that the _Boston_ Ship had passed, and
taken her Course further to Southward or Westward, _de Fonte_ would
have repaired aboard his Ship, proceeded down _Los Reyes_, and with the
Diligence which he would have made Use of, fell in with the _Boston_
Ship either in such _North-east_ Part of the _South Sea_, or on the
Coast of _California_, leaving Orders for _Barnardo_ how to act in
this Respect on his return. From which Conduct, and the Look-out that
was kept on the Coast of _Mexico_ and _Peru_, it would have been also
impossible for the _Boston_ People, unacquainted with these Parts, and
not expecting such a Diligence was used to intercept them, to have made
a successful Voyage.
That there is a Sea to the Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay is reported by
the _Indians_, and is represented to have Ice in it like _Hudson_'s Bay.
Governor _Dobbs_, in his Account of the Countries adjoining to
_Hudson_'s Bay (P. 19.) mentions from _Joseph le France_, that their
Savages reported that in the Bottom of the Northern Bay there is a
Streight, they can easily discover Land on the other Side: They had
never gone to the End of that Streight. They say there is Ice there
all the Year, which is drove by the Wind, sometimes one Way sometimes
another.
The _Indians_, who are called _Northern Indians_, having their
Habitations to North-west of _Churchill_, mention a Sea to the Westward
of them, and which is from _Churchill_ Factory in _Hudson_'s Bay
twenty-five Days Journey, not a direct Course, but from the round they
are obliged to take. They speak of the _Eskemaux Indians_ to Eastward
of them, but never give an Account of any other Nations to Northward or
Westward of them. Mr. _Scroggs_, who was sent out by the _Hudson_'s Bay
Company in 1722, had two Northern _Indians_, whom he carried with him,
when he was in about Lat. 62. knew the Country very well, and had a
great Desire to go home, saying they were but two or three Days Journey
from their Family. And the Northern _Indians_ who were with Captain
_Middleton_, were desirous of his going near the Shore, between Lat. 62
Deg. and 64. In Lat. 63° and 14´, Captain _Middleton_ put two of the
_Indians_ ashore, who were desirous of returning to their own Country.
And the Author saw an _Indian_, whose Daughter had married a Northern
_Indian_ and been home with her, direct his own Son to sketch out on a
Board with a burnt Stick, the Coast of that Sea, which his Son did, and
the Father afterwards took and corrected it where he said the Son had
mistook.
Governor _Dobbs_, in the Account mentioned P. 45, mentions, 'that
_Joseph le France_ was acquainted with an _Indian_, who lived at some
Distance from _Nelson_ River in _Hudson_'s Bay, who, about 15 Years
before that Time, went to War against a Nation living Northward on
the Western Ocean of _America_. When they went they carried their
Families with them, and hunted and fished from Place to Place for two
Winters and one Summer, having left their Country in Autumn, and in
_April_ following came to the Sea Side, on the Western Coast, where
they immediately made their Canoes. At some little Distance they saw
an Island, which was about a League and a Half long when the Tide was
out, or Water fell, they had no Water betwixt them and the Island, but
when it rose it covered all the Passage betwixt them and the Island,
as high up as the Woods upon the Shore. There they left their Wives
and Children, and old Men, to conduct them home and provide them with
Provisions, by hunting and shooting for them on the Road; and he, with
thirty Warriors, went in Quest of their Enemies the _Tete Plat_. After
they parted with their Families they came to a Streight, which they
passed in their Canoes. The Sea Coast lay almost East and West; for he
said the Sun rose upon his Right Hand, and at Noon it was almost behind
him as he passed the Streight, and always set in the Sea. After passing
the Streight they coasted along the Shore three Months, going into the
Country or Woods as they went along to hunt for Provisions. He said
they saw a great many large black Fish spouting up Water in the Sea.
After they had coasted for near three Months, they saw the Footsteps of
some Men on the Sand; then judged they were near their Enemies, quitted
their Canoes, went five Days through the Woods to the Banks of a River,
found their Enemy's Town, made an Attack, the Enemy rallied and put
them to flight.' Then proceeds, 'upon which they fled to the Woods,
and from thence made their Escape to their Canoes before their Enemies
overtook them, and after a great deal of Fatigue got to the Streight;
and, after getting over, they all died one after the other, except this
old Man, of Fatigue and Famine, leaving him alone to travel to his own
Country, which took him up about a Year's Time.' When he reached the
River _Sakie_ he met his Friends again, who relieved him.
The _Indians_ that this antient _Indian_ went to War against, (and
this _Indian_ was living at _York Fort_ in _Hudson_'s Bay in 1746)
are mentioned to be the _Tete Plat_, or _Plascotez de Chicus_. The
Part which they inhabit is variously laid down by the Geographers; by
some in Lat. 67, Long. 265 East from _Ferro_, which is the extremest
Longitude that their Country is laid down in. Mons. _de Lisle_ and
others place them in Lat. 63, and Long. 280 East from _Ferro_, so their
true Situation is uncertain. Yet it is apparent that they do not live
near to or on the Coast of the _South Sea_, or Western Ocean. For what
_Joseph le France_ in this Account, and so of all _Indians_, meant
by the Word Sea is any Mass or Collection of Salt Waters which have
a Tide. P. 38, in the same Work, giving an Account of the _Indians_
passing down to _York Fort_. 'The River _de Terre Rouge_, and from that
Place they descend gradually to the Sea.' By which _Joseph le France_
means _Hudson_'s Bay. Governor _Dobbs_ mentioning the Western Ocean of
_America_ is a Mistake, which he was led into as having a Consistency
with the System which he had adopted. These Warriors left their own
Country in Autumn, are said to have lived near _Port Nelson_ or _York
Fort_, and were at the Sea Side in _April_. Their not being sooner is
not to be attributed to the Length of the Journey but to the Season of
the Year. The old _Indian_ was a Year returning to his own Country;
but he was fatigued and almost famished, so labouring under a great
Debility, and had his Food to seek in whatever Manner he could procure
it. The Winter also came on soon after his return from the Enemy. They
were on the Western Side of the Land, which separates _Hudson_'s Bay
from that Sea, where they saw so great a Tide. Afterwards passed a
Streight, which Streight lay North and South. The Sea they came from
and the Sea they passed into after such Streight, laid East and West.
They continually kept the Western Shore, as that was the Side on which
their Enemy lived; and though they were so long as three Months in
their Passage, they were obliged to go every Day ashore to hunt, being
thirty in Company, required a pretty considerable Subsistance. Their
Canoes can bear no Serge or Wave when the Wind blows, therefore are
obliged to keep close to the Shore, and must go to the Bottom of each
Bay.
This Account agrees both with that of _de Fonte_ and _de Fuca_. The
Sea they imbarked on was that at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, and the
Streight might be formed by some Island, or both the Shores approach
each other, tho' the Account is not sufficiently intelligible to
make any Description of it in the Map. _De Fuca_ says the Streight
grew wider when he entered such Sea, which seems to imply it had
been narrow. And the _Indians_, as before-mentioned, said there was
a Streight, and they can perceive the Land on the other Side. _De
Fuca_ also mentions he went ashore, and found the Land fruitful, and
rich of Gold and Silver and Pearls, and other Things, like _Nova
Hispania_. Which shews it was a mixed Country; for a fruitful Country
and a Produce of Gold and Silver is not a Description compatible with
one and the same Part. The one we may suppose the Description of the
Parts nearer the Ocean, the other of the Parts where the _Tete Plat_
live: But the old _Indian_ seems also to make a Distinction; for he
says they went to hunt in the Country and the Woods. When they had
passed the Streight, they came into the broader Part of the Streight of
_Anian_, which appeared to them to be a Sea. As to the Place of their
Imbarkation, they would be directed by where they could procure Birch
to make their Canoes.
The true Situation of the Part they went to, nor where they imbarked
is not to be determined with any Certainty; but it doth not carry the
least Probability that they went to War with a People more than a
thousand Miles distant. It is scarce probable they had ever heard the
Name of the Inhabitants of those Parts, much more so acquainted with
their Situation as to be able to form a Plan of going to conquer them.
There must have been some particular Cause for their going to War with
a People so far off; what that was it would be difficult to imagine; if
it was only to shew their Prowess, they must have had Enemies nearer
home, against whom there was a greater Probability of succeeding.
Neither could it be at that Distance, as they had one continued Scene
of Fatigue until they reached the Streights; their Hearts broken by
Reason of the Disappointment, the Heat of Summer, no venturing ashore
but for a very short Time, either for Food or Refreshment, as they
expected the Conquerors to follow them with Canoes, it would have
been impossible for them to have reached the Streight. If they had a
hundred Leagues a direct Course until they attained the Place of their
Imbarkation, and by going round the Bays, might be near twice that
Distance, the Current also against them, it would be sufficient, stout
young Fellows, and full of Blood as they were, for what they underwent
to be fatal to them. It is evident the Streight was not far from where
they imbarked, and the Relation seems to express it so, as they had
such a Fatigue in attaining to it. Allowing the _Tete Plat_ to be in
Long. 108 Degrees from _London_, and the true Course was W. S. W. or E.
N. E. on their return, with a Distance of a hundred Leagues, they would
alter their Latitude 114 Miles, and make 277 Miles Departure, which,
with 27 Miles to a Degree, would make the Place of their Imbarkation to
be in Longitude 98 from _London_, about the Longitude of _Ronquillo_.
As to the Latitude where the _Tete Plat Indians_ live, and as to
the Longitude it is but conjecture; there is such a Discordancy
and Contradiction in the Maps, there is such Uncertainty, that the
North-west and West Parts beyond _Hudson_'s Bay in the Latitude of
_Churchill_, seem to be entirely unknown. But this is to be observed,
and which has been my Direction in these Observations, the _Northern
Indians_ and the _Home Indians_ about the Factory of _York_ Fort,
mention these _Tete Plat Indians_, and speak of them as their Enemies,
therefore they cannot be at so great a Distance as the Western Ocean,
neither further than where I have supposed their Country to be. For
as the Time the _Indians_ were going there three Months, that is not
to be considered so much with respect to the Distance, as they would
choose a proper Season, when there were the fewest _Indians_ in the
Towns, and were mostly engaged abroad in their Summer hunting. Perhaps
there are no People who plan better in the Partizan Way, and execute
with more Success. They fix the Time they intend to make their Attack
before they set out, then proceed easily and gradually towards their
Enemy's Country, allowing a Sufficiency of Time in which they may
recover any Accident by which they might be delayed, as unseasonable
Weather, Difficulty and Disappointments as to procuring Subsistance,
or any Indisposition, that they go to Action in their full Strength
and Vigour; as an _Indian_ who conducts an Expedition would be as much
contemned for Want of Prudence, on his Return to the Towns, as he would
for his Want of Conduct in leading his People to an Attack, and when
the Enemy was too powerful not bringing them off without the Loss of a
Scalp. In either of which Cases the young People, who observe freely
the most exact Discipline, and implicitly obey what he orders, would
not go any more to War with him.
Which Way the _Boston_ Ship made this Passage is uncertain. _Gibbons_
was acquainted with _Bylot_, was Shipmate with him in Sir _Thomas
Button_'s Voyage. _Bylot_ was also with _Gibbons_ the Time he lost his
Season, by being detained in the Ice. _Bylot_ made an Expedition for
Discovery of a Passage in the Year 1615, on Sir _Thomas Button_ having
at a Trial of a Tide off the Island of _Nottingham_, in _Hudson_'s
Streights, found it came from the North-west, and to be from an Opening
at the Back of _Cary_'s _Swans-nest_, this Tide he went in Pursuit
of; and was as far up as Lat. 65 Deg. 26 Min. then supposed where he
was was nothing but a Bay, but could not (he had gone up the East)
return down the West Shore. Whether _Gibbons_ took his Information from
_Bylot_, and pursued his Plan, is uncertain, and found his Way round
the Head of _Repulse_ Bay. He was also acquainted with what _Fox_ had
done, who went into Lat. 66 Deg. 5 Min. so further than _Bylot_, who
did not return down the Western Shore; but his People being indisposed,
and not finding a North-west Tide, he hastened home. These Parts,
therefore, were not properly searched, the Conclusion drawn for there
not being a Passage there, being that the Tide came from the Eastward.
Or whether _Gibbons_ went through _Hudson_'s Bay is equally uncertain.
The undiscovered Parts of which Bay, or the Openings that were not
determined in the Expedition in the Year 1747, are in a Map hereto
annexed. But the Termination of _Chesterfield_'s or _Bowden_'s Inlet
hath been since searched by the Direction of the _Hudson_'s Bay
Company, and a Plan made of it, which I have not seen. Their Design was
to go as far up such Inlet until it terminated, or there was a Passage
into another Water. But as it is terminated by Land, and if there is
no Inlet or Opening left on the North or South Shore unsearched, or a
Survey taken from the Heights, by which they could be satisfied there
was no Communication with any other Waters by which there could be a
Passage, it is to be concluded that _Chesterfield_ Inlet is no Streight
or Passage as was expected, and it appeared to be as far as the
_Californias_ Boat went up, according to the Report made at that Time.
The People who had been in the Boat belonging to the _California_, when
the Ship was going up _Wager_ Bay, where, from the Depth of the Water,
the Breadth between both Shores, the high mountainous Land, there was
great Reason to believe there was a Streight or Passage: Those People
declared, if there was a Streight they were assured that _Chesterfield_
Inlet was a Streight also.
There remains then to be searched for the Discovery of a Passage, the
Opening called _Pistol Bay_, in _Hudson_'s Bay. That Part which _Bylot_
and _Fox_ left undetermined, along the Coast to Southward of _Baffins_
Bay called _Cumberland_ Isles, which entirely consists of large Inlets
and broken Lands. We may be too premature in our Conclusions as to
the Impracticability of such a Passage from the high Latitude and the
Shortness of the Season, as we have the Instance of the _Boston_
Ship, which was so far advanced in the Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s
Bay in the Month of _August_; and some Time would be taken up in
finding out the Way. The strong Tides that set in, and the Current when
to Westward, which there is apparently in the other Sea, may give an
Expedition that may compensate against the Shortness of the Season. It
is but a short Time that would be required to pass that Part of the
Passage which lies in those high Latitudes, as the Course would be soon
altered to the Southward.
[Illustration: Map of
The _DISCOVERIES_ made
in the
NORTH WEST PARTS
_OF_
HUDSONS BAY.
By Cap^t. Smith in
1746 & 1747.]