The Instructions _Vizcaino_ had in the first Voyage were given by the

Viceroy, for it was the Viceroy who appointed him, and were formed

according to the Opinion that the Land beyond forty-two Degrees took a

Course to Westward and Southward of West. And the Maps were constructed

agreeable thereto, therefore the King says, '_Vizcaino_ had represented

to him that the Coast, as far as 40 Degrees, lies North-west and

South-east, and that in the two other Degrees, which makes up the 42

Degrees, it lies North and South,' and, as before mentioned, says, 'and

that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coasts, as it

reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the said _Sebastian

Vizcaino_ in his Instructions.' Therefore when _Martin Aguilar_ got

to 43 Degrees and found an Opening, he concluded, as the Coast was

represented to be terminated to the Northward, by the Maps and Charts

in Use, that this must be the desired Streights; and therefore said on

their Return, 'they should have performed a great deal more, had their

Health not failed them; for it is certain that only fourteen Persons

enjoyed it at _Cape Blanco_. The General and those that were with him

had a mind to go through the Streight, which they call of _Anian_, and

is said to be thereabouts. It had been entered by the foreign Ship, who

gave Intelligence of it to the King, describing its Situation, and how

through that Passage one might reach the _North Sea_, and then sail

back to _Spain_, along _Newfoundland_ and the Islands of _Baccalaos_,

to bring an Account of the Whole to his Majesty.' _Torquemada_, Vol.

i. P. 725. But it is very plain the King had another Information of

this Matter, and as to the Extent of the Land to Northward. _Luis de

Velasco_ was the Viceroy in whose Time the Expedition of _de Fuca_ was;

and the Expedition of _Vizcaino_ was under the Direction of the Count

_de Monterey_, who was either not informed of what had been done by _de

Fuca_, or might not think _de Fuca_'s Account of sufficient Authority

to justify him, the Viceroy, in drawing his Instructions agreeable

thereto; contrary to the general Opinion of the Cosmographers at that

Time, and the Description they gave of the Coasts in their Maps.

It must appear from what hath been said that there are no such great

Improbabilities in the Accounts of _Salvatierre_, _Chacke_, or _de

Fuca_, as hath been represented. It is also evident that the _English_

had great Expectations of succeeding; and the Court of _Spain_ had

great Apprehensions we should meet with Success, and be enabled to

attain a Passage by the Streight of _Anian_ into the _South Sea_;

for which there must have been some reasonable Foundation both on

the Part of the one and the other. The _English_ were first induced

to attempt the Discovery of such a Passage, from the Accounts which

they had from _Spain_ of there being such a Passage. The Court of

_Spain_ entertained, as hath been shewn, an Opinion of there being

such a Passage from the Time they conquered _Mexico_; and, agreeable

to what _Torquemada_ says, had a certain Account of it, or at least an

Account which appeared to the King to be authentick. What that Account

really contained we do not know, nor was it consistent that it should

be made publick; therefore what is said as to the Particulars of it

are but Conjecture, and Representations upon Reports, for which the

Reporters could have no real Authority. As _Vizcaino_ regretted being

prevented, by the Sickness of his People that he could not go round

the World, and have carried home to _Old Spain_ his Account of his

Expedition. This firm Persuasion that he should have accomplished his

Passage to _Old Spain_, by the Streight of _Anian_, must have been

from some Information which he had received before he set out, that

such Passage was practicable: Neither is it mentioned as if he proposed

making a Discovery of it, but as of a Thing before done. It was the

Opinion of all those who were with him, that it was practicable; which

is agreeable to what _Salvatierra_ informed Sir _Hugh Sydney_, and

Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, That a _North-west Passage from us to_ Cathay

_was constantly believed in_ America _navigable_. _Vizcaino_, who

is represented as a Commander of great Conduct and Discretion (and

which the Account of his Voyage expresses him to have been) would not

have attempted to make a Passage thro' such Streights, to the Hazard,

perhaps entire Loss, of the King's Ships, and what he had before done

rendered of no Effect, unless he had a discretionary Power either to

pass to _Old Spain_ by these Streights, or return to _Aquapulco_.

After the Expedition of _Knight_ failed, and _Vizcaino_ died, we hear

of no other Expeditions at the Expence of or by the positive Order

of the Court of _Spain_ until that of Admiral _Cassanate_, who went

the third Year after the Expedition of _de Fonte_, to make a Survey

of the Coast of _California_; yet we have no Reason to conclude there

were no other Expeditions, but it is rather to be supposed that, after

the _English_ had proceeded in their Discoveries as far as _Hudson_'s

Bay, the Court of _Spain_ thought it necessary, and found an effectual

Way of keeping their Expeditions, both in respect to their Equipment

and what was done on such Expeditions a Secret, by sending Officers

from _Old Spain_ to conduct them, and as to which the Religious would

not think themselves at Liberty to make any Publication without the

Permission of the Court.

Having no Intercourse by Trade with those Parts, we cannot be

acquainted with what is transacted in those Parts, any further than

what the _Spanish_ Writers are permitted to inform us, and the

imperfect and uncertain Intelligence of those who have been cruizing

in those Seas. The _Spanish_ Nation have been particularly cautious

of keeping the Knowledge of their Coast secret: Neither was it known,

in the Year 1745, that an exact Survey was made of those Coasts until

_Pasco Thomas_ annexed to his Account of Lord _Anson_'s Expedition,

published in 1745, a Copy of a Manuscript, which Manuscript contained

an Account of the Latitudes and Longitudes of all the most noted

Places in the _South Sea_, corrected from the latest Observations by

_Manuel Monz Prieto_, Professor of Arts in _Peru_, and are composed

with as much Precision and Exactness, as Tables of that Sort are

usually made; but when these Coasts were surveyed to the Northward, to

attain a Knowledge of which was formerly attended with such immense

Difficulty; and to what Purpose and what Trade is carried on there, we

are at present entire Strangers to. It is by Accident only that we have

this Account; and if the _Spanish_ Nation have used this Precaution,

with respect to the Knowledge of their Coasts, undoubtedly they would

use the same Caution with respect to giving us any Insight as to how we

might find a more ready Access to such Coasts by a _North-west_ Passage.

The Point of _Sueste del Estrech d'Anian_, inserted in such Tables,

shews the Opinion of the Streights is far from being exploded; but it

is acknowledged by the Geographers of _Peru_ and _New Spain_, at the

present Time, that there are such Streights. The naming the _South

Point_ of the _Streight_ implies there is Land to the Northward, as to

which it doth not seem to be consistent with the Purpose of the Person

who composed this Table to take any Notice, but that there is such Land

is confirmed by the _Russian_ Discoveries.

The Extent of _America_ to Northward and Westward, that _America_

and _Asia_ were contiguous and only separated by a Streight, that

_California_ was an Island, that a _Passage_ by the _North-east_ was

practicable, have been by later _Geographers_ treated as _Chimeras_,

contrary to the earliest Accounts, and the Reports of the first

Discoverers, and which, by later Accounts, the Consequence of actual

Observations are found to be true. There was a Simplicity and Honour

in the People of that Age; there was no Motive for telling the Lie,

that they faithfully reported the Discoveries they made, and if a

Falshood was discovered it might be dangerous in the Consequences;

their Voyages were not lucrative Jobs, in Hopes of a Repetition of

which they formed their Accounts accordingly. There was no particular

System to support, for the Parts they went to were entirely unknown,

that a Reward and Reputation should be procured through a prevailing

Interest to such as spoke in Favour of the System. While those to

whose Fidelity and Assiduity alone it would be owing that such

Discoveries were made, though repeated Endeavours were used to render

the Undertaking ineffectual; and through whose Means alone the Truth

would be made known to the Publick; should be ill spoken of, accused

of Bribery, discountenanced, and the whole Merit ascribed to, where it

would be least deserved, and, in Truth, where there could not be the

least Pretension. Nevertheless the Reward given would be an Instance of

a generous Regard in those who had Power to bestow of rewarding Merit,

though they were inevitably deceived as to the proper Persons to whom

such Reward should have been given.

No Authorities have been produced from Tradition or History which

oppose the Probability of there being a North-west Passage, or the

Reality of this Account of _de Fonte_, which the more we examine

the less there appears to be of a Falsity, the Circumstances of it

so consistent and united, and there are so many extra Circumstances

which concur with that Account, that we cannot but admit to be an

incontestable Truth. We have not had a full Account of the Voyages

and Expeditions of the _Spaniards_ in _New Spain_, as some of them

have not been permitted to be published. _Venegas_ particularly

mentions, Vol. i. P. 14, and in other Parts, There are also Accounts

of Voyages made to other Parts of the World, which are only preserved

in the Collections of the Curious, and it is known but to few Persons

that such Voyages were ever made. There are some Voyages which are

mentioned to have been made, but cannot, after the most diligent

Inquiries, be procured; yet it is no just Objection to the Authenticity

of such Voyages, or as to their not having been made. What the first

Discoverers represented as to the Extent of _America_, its being

contiguous to _Asia_, as to _California_, and as to a North-east

Passage, being in all Respects found to be true, there is the greatest

Reason to believe that there is a North-west Passage; and it is

consistent with that Precaution which the _Spanish_ Nation have made

Use of, that we should not have any authentick Accounts relating to

such Passage, which they were desirous of discovering as a shorter

Way to the _Spice_ Islands and the _Indies_. But when the King of

_Portugal_ and _Spain_ came to an Agreement as to the _Moluccas_, the

principal Reason for making such Discovery was determined, and it

became their mutual Interest that it should not be known that there was

such a Passage. Their continued Silence with respect to such Passage,

implies they are acquainted with there being such a Passage, though

not to an Exactness. It cannot imply they are dubious, when we consider

the Number of Circumstances there are already mentioned, which express

the contrary.

There are Circumstances in _de Fonte_'s Account which shew the

Inference of there being no _North-west Passage_ is not just, though

just as far as it appeared to _de Fonte_, as the River _Parmentiers_

was not navigable for Shipping. One Circumstance is, that in the River

_Haro_, and Lake _Velasco_, there were Salmon Trouts and large white

Perch; also in _Los Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, but in Lake _de Fonte_

excellent Cod and Ling; which are Fish that always abide in the Salt

Water, the others come out of the Salt Water into the fresh Waters

to spawn. Which _de Fonte_ would account for that they came into the

Lake _de Fonte_ from the _North Sea_, and when he passed the Streight

of _Ronquillo_, supposed himself to be in that Sea, or from the

Intelligence that he obtained from _Shapley_ that he was in a Gulph

or Branch of it. Another Circumstance, as it flowed in the River _Los

Reyes_ twenty-two Feet, and in _Haro_ twenty-four, and but a small

Tide went into Lake _Belle_, _de Fonte_ concluded that the Western

Tide terminated there, and that as the Waters rose to such a Heighth

at the Entrance of those Rivers, that it was a Gulph he was in which

confined these Waters and occasioned their rise at such Entrances of

the Rivers. That the Tides in _Parmentiers_, Lake _de Fonte_, and the

Streights of _Ronquillo_, were from the _North Sea_. But by later

Observations of the Rise of the Tides, a Tide cannot proceed from

_Hudson_'s Bay to that Sea where _Shapley_ was met by _de Fonte_, than

through the Streights of _Ronquillo_ into the great Lake of _de Fonte_,

and afterwards to rise so high in the River _Parmentiers_. Neither can

such a Tide proceed through the broken Land to Northwards of _Hudson_'s

Streights, named _Cumberland_ Isles (formerly _Estotland_) and which

extend as far as Latitude 70; for it is evident the Strength of such

Tides is spent in _Hudson_'s Bay and _Baffin_'s Bay: For at the Bottom

of _Hudson_'s Bay it flowed but two Feet, at the Bottom of _Fretum

Davis_ or _Baffin_'s Bay, but one Foot. Which is agreeable to the

Opinion of all the Discoverers of that Time, as to the Eastern Tide

from the Proportion that the great Spaces or Seas which were to receive

it bore to the Inlets by which it came in, that the Force of such Tide

must be consumed in such Seas, and therefore expected to meet with a

Tide from Westward, which counterchecked the Eastern Tide. On the other

Hand, if we consider this Tide to be from the Western Ocean, such Tide

forced through various Entrances up a Streight as that of _de Fuca_,

must enter the Sea where _Shapley_ was met, with great Impetuosity;

rise in Heighth proportionable to the Width in all Openings that there

are to receive it. As it is the Tide round _Greenland_, and that which

comes from the Southward along the Coast of _Labrador_, being both

received in those Indraughts of _Hudson_'s Streights, and the broken

Lands of _Cumberland_ Isles, which causes the Rise of the Tides there.

It may be supposed that the _North-east_ Part of the _South Sea_, and

the Streight of _de Fuca_, received the Tides which set to Eastward

along the Western Main from _Beering_'s Streights, and the Tide which

comes from the Southward along the Coast of _California_. That the Tide

is not from the _Tartarian Sea_, in Lake _de Fonte_, _&c._ is evident

from _Bernarda_'s Account, who shews there is no Communication with

that Sea and the Sea that _Shapley_ was met in.

As to the Cod and Ling in Lake _de Fonte_, or as to Salmon, it is not

known that there are either Cod, Ling or Salmon in _Hudson_'s Bay:

Neither have there been found Shoals or Banks to which the Cod could

repair; nor is it known that any Cod have been catched beyond Latitude

57; an Article to which _Davis_ was particularly attentive: Therefore

it is not probable that they should come from the _North Sea_ through

_Hudson_'s Bay to Lake _de Fonte_. _De Fonte_ mentions Shoals in

the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, which he passed up. And in

_Vizcaino_'s Voyage there is an Account that, off the Island _Geronymo_

on the Coast of _California_, the Ships Companies supplied themselves

with Cod and Ling; which shews there are Cod and Ling in those Seas.

It was reasonable for _de Fonte_ to suppose that the Cod and Ling came

from the Eastward from the _Baccaloos_, neither could he otherwise

suppose, as the contrary is only known from Observations made much

later than that Time.

_Fox_ had advanced in 1635, when he published the Account of his

Voyage, that there was a free and open Communication of the Western

Ocean with _Hudson_'s Bay: Which was looked on as an incontestable Fact

until the Voyage of Captain _Middleton_. What _Fox_ said was consistent

with the Opinion which all the Discoverers had of the Proximity of

the Western Ocean; who therefore judged of the Probability of their

Success in the Parts they went into, from the Course of the Tides,

which if there was no Western Tide there was no Passage. This probably

prevented that Success, as to a Discovery of a Passage, which through

their Assiduity might otherwise have been obtained, had they not paid

such a Regard to the Tides, but made a due Survey of the Inlets and

Openings of the Coast, which on their not finding that a Western Tide

came from thence they deserted, which was also the Case as to Captain

_Moor_ in the Search of _Pistol Bay_ as called, to Southward of Lord

_Southwell_'s Isles, there was no Western Tide; therefore a compleat

Discovery of that Part was not made.

It is to be considered that the Northern and Eastern Parts of

_America_, are more intermixed with Waters than the Parts to Southward

are, being a high mountainous Country. The Mountains chiefly consisting

of a brown rocky Substance, not penetrable by the melting Snows or

Spring Rains, which therefore run off into the Levels and Valleys, and

form inland Seas, great Lakes, and Inlets, which vent their Waters into

the Ocean, necessary for carrying off that great Quantity and vast

Bodies of Ice which are formed in the Winter in those Parts, not to be

dissolved, as the greater Part is which is formed to the Southward, by

the Influence of the Sun. The Northern and Westward Part of _America_

is also mountainous, and high Ridges of Mountains were seen from the

Head of _Wager_ Bay on the opposite Shore of what appeared to be a

Lake; therefore there must be Lakes and Seas to Westward, Reservoirs

for the melting Snows and Rains, also some Outlet or Channel to carry

off the great Quantities of Ice also formed in those Parts; and with

which _Barnarda_'s Account is consistent, and the greatest Reservoir

and Discharge seems to be to the Northward by that North-east Part

of the _Tartarian Sea_. The Lake _Velasco_, Lake _Belle_, Lake _de

Fonte_, may be all supposed to proceed from the same Cause, the melting

Snows and Rains, receive the Ice from the Waters which run into them,

which, from the Strength of the Currents and Tides, is soon shot from

the Shores of such Lakes, broken to Pieces and carried off into some

Passage or Inlet into the _South Sea_; and such a Vent or Channel to

carry off such Bodies of Ice must necessarily be, agreeable to what

is known by Observation in other Parts. The Objection of the great

Distance it is between the Ocean and the Sea at the Back of _Hudson_'s

Bay, and where _Shapley_ was met, will appear of no Validity when

we consider the Distance between the Streights of _Gibraltar_ and

the Northern Part of the _Black Sea_. Between the Entrance of the

_Sound_ to the Entrance of the _White Sea_, between which there is

Communication of Waters, or very nearly so. And from Point _Comfort_ in

_Hudson_'s Bay to Alderman _Smith_'s Sound in _Baffin_'s Bay, between

which there is a Communication of Waters without entering into the

_Ocean_ or _Davis_ Streights. From Lake _Superior_ to the Streights

of _Belle Isle_ at the Back of _Newfoundland_, or to _Cape Breton_,

is near forty Degrees of Longitude, or equal to 390 Leagues. And Lake

_Superior_ hath a Communication with _Hudson_'s Bay.

This great Afflux of Waters form such Meanders and Labyrinths, as it

is impossible to say whether there is a Communication of Waters, or

whether the Waters are divided by smaller or larger Tracts or Slips

of Land, without an absolute Survey. The Lands so double or fold one

within the other, that unless you get a proper Sight of such Lands so

as to distinguish this, to discover the Opening that is between them,

there is an Appearance of a Continuance of the Land, and consequently

of a Termination of the Waters. So long as the Tide Argument prevailed

it was not thought necessary to be so accurate in the Searches. A

Sight of the Land trending a Course contrary to that Course which the

Discoverers were to pursue to make a Passage, and the Tide coming from

the Eastward, rendered a Search any further in those Parts unnecessary:

and it may be owing to the great Impropriety of adopting a particular

System, more than to any other Cause, that the Discovery of a

North-west Passage was not made by those brave industrious Discoverers,

who in a Series succeeded each other from _Frobisher_ to _James_ and

_Fox_.

This seems to be certain, that there must be one great Channel, as

_Hudson_'s Streights are to Eastward, also to Westward though intricate

by which the Waters to Westward pass into the _South Sea_, and as that

to Northward, the North-east Part of the _Tartarian Sea_. We already

know there is not a Communication by _Hudson_'s Bay, thro' any Inlet

by which the Waters do come in there or sufficient for that Purpose;

neither round the Head of _Repulse_ Bay, for then the Current would

have been met coming from Westward. Therefore such Channel must be

to Southward and Westward, consistent with _de Fuca_'s Account of a

Streight, in some such Manner as is represented in the Map annexed.

Which Account also agreeable to that of _Peche_.

_De Fuca_ says, he sailed twenty-six Days up such Streight before he

entered the Sea; that the Streight grew wider before he entered the

Sea. If we allow him fifteen Leagues a Day, from the Entrance of such

Streights out of the _South Sea_ to where he entered the Sea, by him

supposed the _North Sea_, the Distance is 390 Leagues. As he mentions

that he found it wide enough every where, this Expression shews

that he did not suppose himself in the Ocean, but in a Gulph of the

Ocean. And _Martin Chacke_ expresses himself, that after he overshot

the _Gulph_, he set no more Sight on any other Land. Therefore the

Distance is agreeable to that Distance which _de Fuca_ must have gone

to come into that Sea where _de Fonte_ met _Shapley_; the Description

that he saw both Shores, makes a Consistency also in those Accounts.

Before _de Fonte_'s Expedition, _Hudson_'s Bay had been discovered,

yet that Discovery made no Alteration as to the Accounts of _de Fuca_

and _Chacke_, as _Fox_ said beyond Lat. 64, round that Land there

was incontestably a Communication with the Western Ocean. Here is an

Agreement in three Accounts, by separate Persons at a Distance of

Time, who had no Intelligence of what had been done by each other; for

_Chacke_ was a _Portugueze_; and as _de Fuca_ had made his Report to

the Viceroy of _New Spain_ of what he had done, and what he had done

seems to be mostly accounted of by himself, therefore no Regard might

be had to it in drawing _de Fonte_'s Instructions: All which three

Accounts agree in there being a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay.

_De Fuca_ mentions he was ashore; saw Marks of Gold and Silver;

Marquisates the same which was made such an Account of after

_Frobisher_'s return from his first Voyage, and from which it may be

inferred it was a barren mountainous Country which _de Fuca_ passed

through. He was afraid of the Natives, who were clad in Beast Skins;

and from whose Behaviour he must have had some Apprehension that they

would cut him off, as he mentions that he was not armed against them.

_De Fonte_ is very express as to the civil Behaviour of those _Indians_

he met with, so contrary to the Character of those whom _de Fuca_ saw.

Therefore those whom _de Fuca_ saw were the _Eskemaux_, who frequent

the mountainous and desolate Parts, and near to the Salt Waters where

they can catch Fish, also the Seal and the Whale, from which they get

many Conveniencies besides what is necessary for their Subsistance; who

are mentioned to be also on other Parts of the Coast of _California_;

are represented as a fierce and barbarous People, who hold no Treaty or

Amity with their Neighbours, who are always in Fear of them.

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