LAFAYETTE DETACHED TO KEEP WATCH ON PHILADELPHIA—HIS POSITION AT
BARREN HILL—PLAN OF SIR HENRY TO ENTRAP HIM—WASHINGTON ALARMED FOR
HIS SAFETY—STRATAGEM OF THE MARQUIS—EXCHANGE OF GENERAL LEE AND
COLONEL ETHAN ALLEN—ALLEN AT VALLEY FORGE—WASHINGTON’S OPINION OF
HIM—PREPARATIONS IN PHILADELPHIA TO EVACUATE—WASHINGTON’S MEASURES
IN CONSEQUENCE—ARRIVAL OF COMMISSIONERS FROM ENGLAND—THEIR
DISAPPOINTMENT—THEIR PROCEEDINGS—THEIR FAILURE—THEIR MANIFESTO.
Soon after Sir Henry Clinton had taken the command, there were symptoms
of an intention to evacuate Philadelphia. Whither the enemy would thence
direct their course was a matter of mere conjecture. Lafayette was
therefore detached by Washington, with twenty-one hundred chosen men and
five pieces of cannon, to take a position nearer the city, where he
might be at hand to gain information, watch the movements of the enemy,
check their predatory excursions, and fall on their rear when in the act
of withdrawing.
The marquis crossed the Schuylkill on the 18th of May, and proceeded to
Barren Hill, about half way between Washington’s camp and Philadelphia,
and about eleven miles from both. Here he planted his cannon facing the
south, with rocky ridges bordering the Schuylkill on his right; woods
and stone houses on his left. Behind him the roads forked, one branch
leading to Matson’s Ford of the Schuylkill, the other by Swedes’ Ford to
Valley Forge. In advance of his left wing was McLane’s company and about
fifty Indians. Pickets and videttes were placed in the woods to the
south, through which the roads led to Philadelphia, and a body of six
hundred Pennsylvania militia were stationed to keep watch on the roads
leading to White Marsh.
In the mean time Sir Henry Clinton, having received intelligence through
his spies of this movement of Lafayette, concerted a plan to entrap the
young French nobleman. Five thousand men were sent out at night, under
General Grant, to make a circuitous march by White Marsh, and get in the
rear of the Americans; another force under General Grey was to cross to
the west side of the Schuylkill, and take post below Barren Hill, while
Sir Henry in person was to lead a third division along the Philadelphia
road.
The plan came near being completely successful, through the remissness
of the Pennsylvania militia, who had left their post of observation.
Early in the morning, as Lafayette was conversing with a young girl, who
was to go to Philadelphia and collect information, under pretext of
visiting her relatives, word was brought that red coats had been
descried in the woods near White Marsh. Lafayette was expecting a troop
of American dragoons in that quarter, who wore scarlet uniforms, and
supposed these to be them; to be certain, however, he sent out an
officer to reconnoitre. The latter soon came spurring back at full
speed. A column of the enemy had pushed forward on the road from White
Marsh, were within a mile of the camp, and had possession of the road
leading to Valley Forge. Another column was advancing on the
Philadelphia road. In fact, the young French general was on the point of
being surrounded by a greatly superior force.
Lafayette saw his danger, but maintained his presence of mind. Throwing
out small parties of troops to show themselves at various points of the
intervening wood, as if an attack on Grant was meditated, he brought
that general to a halt, to prepare for action, while he with his main
body pushed forward for Matson’s Ford on the Schuylkill.
The alarm guns at sunrise had apprised Washington that the detachment
under Lafayette was in danger. The troops at Valley Forge were instantly
under arms. Washington, with his aides-de-camp and some of his general
officers, galloped to the summit of a hill, and anxiously reconnoitred
the scene of action with a glass. His solicitude for the marquis was
soon relieved. The stratagem of the youthful warrior had been crowned
with success. He completely gained the march upon General Grant, reached
Matson’s Ford in safety, crossed it in great order, and took a strong
position on high grounds which commanded it. The enemy arrived at the
river just in time for a skirmish as the artillery was crossing. Seeing
that Lafayette had extricated himself from their hands, and was so
strongly posted, they gave over all attack, and returned somewhat
disconcerted to Philadelphia; while the youthful marquis rejoined the
army at Valley Forge, where he was received with acclamations.
The exchange of General Lee for General Prescott, so long delayed by
various impediments, had recently been effected; and Lee was reinstated
in his position of second in command. Colonel Ethan Allen, also, had
been released from his long captivity in exchange for Colonel Campbell.
Allen paid a visit to the camp at Valley Forge, where he had much to
tell of his various vicissitudes and hardships. Washington, in a letter
to the President of Congress suggesting that something should be done
for Allen, observes: “His fortitude and firmness seem to have placed him
out of the reach of misfortune. There is an original something about him
that commands admiration, and his long captivity and sufferings have
only served to increase, if possible, his enthusiastic zeal. He appears
very desirous of rendering his services to the States, and of being
employed; and at the same time, he does not discover any ambition for
high rank.”
In a few days, a brevet commission of colonel arrived for Allen; but he
had already left camp for his home in Vermont, where he appears to have
hung up his sword; for we meet with no further achievements by him on
record.
Indications continued to increase of the departure of troops from
Philadelphia. The military quarters were in a stir and bustle; effects
were packed up; many sold at auction; baggage and heavy cannon embarked;
transports fitted up for the reception of horses, and hay taken on
board. Was the whole army to leave the city, or only a part? The former
was probable. A war between France and England appeared to be impending:
in that event, Philadelphia would be an ineligible position for the
British army.
New York, it was concluded, would be the place of destination; either as
a rendezvous, or a post whence to attempt the occupation of the Hudson.
Would they proceed thither by land or water? Supposing the former,
Washington would gladly have taken post in Jersey, to oppose or harass
them, on their march through that State. His camp, however, was
encumbered by upwards of three thousand sick; and covered a great amount
of military stores. He dared not weaken it by detaching a sufficient
force; especially as it was said the enemy intended to attack him before
their departure.
For three weeks affairs remained in this state. Washington held his army
ready to march toward the Hudson at a moment’s warning; and sent General
Maxwell with a brigade of Jersey troops, to co-operate with
Major-general Dickinson and the militia of that State, in breaking down
the bridges and harassing the enemy, should they actually attempt to
march through it. At the same time he wrote to General Gates, who was
now at his post on the Hudson, urging him to call in as large a force of
militia as he could find subsistence for, and to be on the alert for the
protection of that river.
In the mean time, the commissioners empowered under the new Conciliatory
Bills to negotiate the restoration of peace between Great Britain and
her former colonies, arrived in the Delaware in the Trident ship-of-war.
These were Frederick Howard, Earl of Carlisle; William Eden (afterwards
Lord Ackland), brother of the last colonial governor of Maryland; and
George Johnstone, sometimes called commodore, from having served in the
navy, but more commonly known as Governor Johnstone, having held that
office in Florida. He was now a member of Parliament, and in the
opposition. Their secretary was the celebrated Dr. Adam Ferguson, an
Edinburgh professor; author of a Roman History, and who in his younger
days (he was now about fifty-five years of age) had been a “fighting
chaplain at Fontenoy.”
The choice of commissioners gave rise to much criticism and cavil;
especially that of Lord Carlisle, a young man of fashion, amiable and
intelligent, it is true, but unfitted by his soft European habits for
such a mission. “To captivate the rude members of Congress,” said
Wilkes, “and civilize the wild inhabitants of an unpolished country, a
noble peer was very properly appointed chief of the honorable embassy.
His lordship, to the surprise and admiration of that part of the New
World, carried with him a green ribbon, the gentle manners, winning
behavior, and soft insinuating address of a modern man of quality and a
professed courtier. The muses and graces with a group of little laughing
loves were in his train, and for the first time crossed the
Atlantic.”[135]
Mr. Eden, by his letter still in existence,[136] appears to have been
unkindly disposed towards America. Johnstone was evidently the strongest
member of the commission. Fox pronounced him “the only one who could
have the ear of the people in America,” he alone had been their friend
in Great Britain, and was acquainted with the people of Pennsylvania.
The commissioners landed at Philadelphia on the 6th of June, and
discovered, to their astonishment, that they had come out, as it were,
in the dark, on a mission in which but a half confidence had been
reposed in them by government. Three weeks before their departure from
England, orders had been sent out to Sir Henry Clinton to evacuate
Philadelphia and concentrate his forces at New York; yet these orders
were never imparted to them. Their letters and speeches testify their
surprise and indignation at finding their plan of operations so
completely disconcerted by their own cabinet. “We found every thing
here,” writes Lord Carlisle, “in great confusion; the army upon the
point of leaving the town, and about three thousand of the miserable
inhabitants embarked on board of our ships, to convey them from a place
where they think they would receive no mercy from those who will take
possession after us.”
So Governor Johnstone, in speeches subsequently made in Parliament: “On
my arrival, the orders for the evacuation had been made public—the city
was in the utmost consternation: a more affecting spectacle of woe I
never beheld.” And again: “The commissioners were received at
Philadelphia with all the joy which a generous people could express. Why
were you so long a-coming? was the general cry. Do not abandon us.
Retain the army and send them against Washington, and the affair is
over. Ten thousand men will arm for you in this province, and ten
thousand in the lower counties, the moment you take the field and can
get arms. The declarations were general and notorious, and I am
persuaded, if we had been at liberty to have acted in the field, our
most sanguine expectations would have been fulfilled.”
The orders for evacuation, however, were too peremptory to be evaded,
but Johnstone declared that if he had known of them, he never would have
gone on the mission. The commissioners had prepared a letter for
Congress, merely informing that body of their arrival and powers, and
their disposition to promote a reconciliation, intending quietly to
await an answer; but the unexpected situation of affairs occasioned by
the order for evacuation, obliged them to alter their resolution, and to
write one of a different character, bringing forward at once all the
powers delegated to them.
On the 9th June, Sir Henry Clinton informed Washington of the arrival of
the commissioners, and requested a passport for their secretary, Dr.
Ferguson, the historian, to proceed to Yorktown bearing a letter to
Congress. Washington sent to Congress a copy of Sir Henry’s letter, but
did not consider himself at liberty to grant the passport until
authorized by them.
Without waiting the result, the commissioners forwarded, by the ordinary
military post, their letter, accompanied by the “Conciliatory Acts” and
other documents. They were received by Congress on the 13th. The letter
of the commissioners was addressed “to His Excellency, Henry Laurens,
the President and others, the members of Congress.” The reading of the
letter was interrupted; and it came near being indignantly rejected, on
account of expressions disrespectful to France; charging it with being
the insidious enemy of both England and her colonies, and interposing
its pretended friendship to the latter “only to prevent reconciliation
and prolong this destructive war.” Several days elapsed before the
Congress recovered sufficient equanimity to proceed with the despatches
of the commissioners, and deliberate on the propositions they contained.
In their reply, signed by the president (June 17th), they observed, that
nothing but an earnest desire to spare further effusion of blood, could
have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so
disrespectful to his most Christian Majesty, or to consider propositions
so derogatory to the honor of an independent nation; and in conclusion,
they expressed a readiness to treat as soon as the King of Great Britain
should demonstrate a sincere disposition for peace, either by an
explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the States, or by the
withdrawal of his fleets and armies.
We will not follow the commissioners through their various attempts,
overtly and covertly, to forward the object of their mission. We cannot,
however, pass unnoticed an intimation conveyed from Governor Johnstone
to General Joseph Reed, at this time an influential member of Congress,
that effectual services on his part to restore the union of the two
countries might be rewarded by ten thousand pounds sterling, and any
office in the colonies in His Majesty’s gift. To this, Reed made his
brief and memorable reply: “I am not worth purchasing; but such as I am,
the King of Great Britain is not rich enough to do it.”
A letter was also written by Johnstone to Robert Morris, the celebrated
financier, then also a member of Congress, containing the following
significant paragraph: “I believe the men who have conducted the affairs
of America incapable of being influenced by improper motives; but in all
such transactions there is risk; and I think that whoever ventures,
should be assured, at the same time, that honor and emolument should
naturally follow the fortune of those who have steered the vessel in the
storm and brought her safely into port. I think Washington and the
President have a right to every favor that grateful nations can bestow,
if they could once more unite our interest, and spare the miseries and
devastation of war.”
These transactions and letters being communicated to Congress, were
pronounced by them daring and atrocious attempts to corrupt their
integrity, and they resolved that it was incompatible with their honor
to hold any correspondence or intercourse with the commissioner who made
it; especially to negotiate with him upon affairs in which the cause of
liberty was concerned.
The commissioners, disappointed in their hopes of influencing Congress,
attempted to operate on the feelings of the public, at one time by
conciliatory appeals, at another by threats and denunciations. Their
last measure was to publish a manifesto recapitulating their official
proceedings; stating the refusal of Congress to treat with them, and
offering to treat within forty days with deputies from all or any of the
colonies or provincial Assemblies; holding forth, at the same time, the
usual offers of conditional amnesty. This measure, like all which had
preceded it, proved ineffectual; the commissioners embarked for England,
and so terminated this tardy and blundering attempt of the British
Government and its agents to effect a reconciliation—the last attempt
that was made.
Lord Carlisle, who had taken the least prominent part in these
transactions, thus writes in the course of them to his friend, the witty
George Selwyn, and his letter may serve as a peroration. “I enclose you
our manifesto, which you will never read. ’Tis a sort of dying speech of
the commission; an effort from which I expect little success. * * * *
Every thing is upon a great scale upon this continent. The rivers are
immense; the climate violent in heat and cold; the prospects
magnificent; the thunder and lightning tremendous. The disorders
incident to the country make every constitution tremble. We have nothing
on a great scale with us but our blunders, our misconduct, our ruin, our
losses, our disgraces and misfortunes, that will mark the reign of a
prince, who deserves better treatment and kinder fortunes.”