FORTIFICATIONS OF THE HUDSON—PROJECT TO SURPRISE SIR HENRY
CLINTON—GENERAL HOWE FORAGES THE JERSEYS—SHIPS AND STORES BURNT AT
BORDENTOWN—PLANS FOR THE NEXT CAMPAIGN—GATES AND MIFFLIN UNDER
WASHINGTON’S COMMAND—DOWNFALL OF CONWAY—LORD NORTH’S CONCILIATORY
BILLS—SENT TO WASHINGTON BY GOVERNOR TRYON—RESOLVES OF
CONGRESS—LETTER OF WASHINGTON TO TRYON—REJOICING AT VALLEY FORGE—THE
MISCHIANZA.
The Highlands of the Hudson had been carefully reconnoitred in the
course of the winter by General Putnam, Governor Clinton, his brother
James, and several others, and subsequently by a committee from the New
York Legislature, to determine upon the most eligible place to be
fortified. West Point was ultimately chosen: and Putnam was urged by
Washington to have the works finished as soon as possible. The general
being called to Connecticut by his private affairs, and being involved
in an inquiry to be made into the loss of Forts Montgomery and Clinton,
Major-general McDougall was ordered to the Highlands, to take command of
the different posts in that department, and to press forward the
construction of the works, in which he was to be assisted by Kosciuszko
as engineer.
Before General McDougall’s arrival, Brigadier-general Parsons had
command at West Point. A letter of Washington to the latter suggests an
enterprise of a somewhat romantic character. It was no less than to
pounce upon Sir Henry Clinton, and carry him off prisoner from his
head-quarters in the city of New York. The general was quartered in the
Kennedy house near the Battery, and but a short distance from the
Hudson. His situation was rather lonely; most of the houses in that
quarter having been consumed in the great fire. A retired way led from
it through a back yard or garden to the river bank; where Greenwich
street extends at present. The idea of Washington was, that an
enterprising party should embark in eight or ten whale-boats at King’s
Ferry, just below the Highlands, on the first of the ebb, and early in
the evening. In six or eight hours, with change of hands, the boats
might be rowed under the shadows of the western shore, and approach New
York with muffled oars. There were no ships of war at that time on that
side of the city; all were in the East River. The officers and men to be
employed in the enterprise were to be dressed in red, and much in the
style of the British soldiery. Having captured Sir Henry, they might
return in their swift whale-boats with the flood tide, or a party of
horse might meet them at Fort Lee. “What guards may be at or near his
quarters, I cannot say with precision,” writes Washington, “and
therefore shall not add any thing on this score. But I think it one of
the most practicable, and surely it will be among the most desirable and
honorable things imaginable to take him prisoner.”
The enterprise, we believe, was never attempted. Colonel Hamilton is
said to have paralyzed it. He agreed with Washington that there could be
little doubt of its success; “but, sir,” said he, “have you examined the
consequences of it?” “In what respect?” asked the general. “Why,”
replied Hamilton “we shall rather lose than gain by removing Sir Henry
from the command of the British army, because we perfectly understand
his character; and by taking him off we only make way for some other,
perhaps an abler officer, whose character and dispositions we have to
learn.” The shrewd suggestions of his aide-de-camp had their effect on
Washington, and the project to abduct Sir Henry was abandoned.[131]
The spring opened without any material alteration in the dispositions of
the armies. Washington at one time expected an attack upon his camp; but
Sir William was deficient in the necessary enterprise; he contented
himself with sending out parties which foraged the surrounding country
for many miles, and scoured part of the Jerseys, bringing in
considerable supplies. These forays were in some instances accompanied
by wanton excesses and needless bloodshed; the more unjustifiable, as
they met with feeble resistance, especially in the Jerseys, where it was
difficult to assemble militia in sufficient force to oppose them.
Another ravaging party ascended the Delaware in flat-bottomed boats and
galleys; set fire to public storehouses in Bordentown containing
provisions and munitions of war; burnt two frigates, several privateers,
and a number of vessels of various classes, some of them laden with
military stores. Had the armed vessels been sunk according to the
earnest advice of Washington, the greater part of them might have been
saved.
A circular letter was sent by Washington on the 20th to all the general
officers in camp, requesting their opinions in writing, which of three
plans to adopt for the next campaign: to attempt the recovery of
Philadelphia; to transfer the war to the north and make an attempt on
New York; or to remain quiet in a secure and fortified camp,
disciplining and arranging the army until the enemy should begin their
operations; then to be governed by circumstances.
Just after the issue of this circular, intelligence received from
Congress showed that the ascendency of the cabal was at an end. By a
resolution of that body on the 15th, Gates was directed to resume the
command of the Northern department, and to proceed forthwith to Fishkill
for that purpose. He was invested with powers for completing the works
on the Hudson, and authorized to carry on operations against the enemy
should any favorable opportunity offer, for which purposes he might call
for the artificers and militia of New York and the Eastern States: but
he was not to undertake any expedition against New York without
previously consulting the commander-in-chief. Washington was requested
to assemble a council of major-generals to determine upon a plan of
operations, and Gates and Mifflin, by a subsequent resolution, were
ordered to attend that council. This arrangement, putting Gates under
Washington’s order, evinced the determination of Congress to sustain the
latter in his proper authority.
Washington in a reply to the President of Congress, who had informed him
of this arrangement, mentioned the circular he had just issued. “There
is not a moment to be delayed,” observed he, “in forming some general
system, and I only wait the arrival of Generals Gates and Mifflin to
summon a council for the purpose.” The next day (24th) he addressed a
letter to Gates, requesting him, should he not find it inconvenient, to
favor him with a call at the camp, to discuss the plan of operations for
the campaign. A similar invitation was sent by him to Mifflin; who
eventually resumed his station in the line.
And here we may note the downfall of the intriguing individual who had
given his name to the now extinguished cabal. Conway, after the
departure of Lafayette and De Kalb from Albany, had remained but a short
time in the command there, being ordered to join the army under General
McDougall, stationed at Fishkill. Thence he was soon ordered back to
Albany, whereupon he wrote an impertinent letter to the President of
Congress, complaining that he was “boxed about in a most indecent
manner.”
“What is the meaning,” demanded he, “of removing me from the scene of
action on the opening of the campaign? I did not deserve this burlesque
disgrace, and my honor will not permit me to bear it.” In a word, he
intimated a wish that the president would make his resignation
acceptable to Congress.
To his surprise and consternation, his resignation was immediately
accepted. He instantly wrote to the president, declaring that his
meaning had been misapprehended; and accounting for it by some
orthographical or grammatical faults in his letter, being an Irishman,
who had learnt his English in France. “I had no thoughts of resigning,”
adds he, “while there was a prospect of firing a single shot, and
especially at the beginning of a campaign which in my opinion will be a
very hot one.”
All his efforts to get reinstated were unavailing, though he went to
Yorktown to make them in person. “Conway’s appointment to the
inspectorship of the army, with the rank of major-general, after he had
insulted the commander-in-chief,” observes Wilkinson, “was a splenetic
measure of a majority of Congress, as factious as it was ill-judged.”
They had become heartily ashamed of it; especially as it had proved
universally unpopular. The office of inspector-general with the rank of
major-general, with the proper pay and appointments, were, at
Washington’s recommendation, voted by them on the 6th of May to Baron
Steuben, who had already performed the duties in so satisfactory a
manner.
NOTE.
As General Conway takes no further part in the events of this history,
we shall briefly dispose of him. Disappointed in his aims, he became
irritable in his temper, and offensive in his manners, and frequently
indulged in acrimonious language respecting the commander-in-chief,
that was highly resented by the army. In consequence of some dispute
he became involved in a duel with General John Cadwalader, in which he
was severely wounded. Thinking his end approaching, he addressed the
following penitential letter to Washington.
PHILADELPHIA, _23 July, 1778_.
SIR:—I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and
take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done,
written, or said any thing disagreeable to your Excellency. My career
will soon be over, therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my
last sentiments. You are in my eyes the great and good man. May you
long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these States, whose
liberties you have asserted by your virtues.
I am, with the greatest respect, &c.,
THOMAS CONWAY.
Contrary to all expectation, he recovered from his wound; but, finding
himself without rank in the army, covered with public opprobrium, and
his very name become a byword, he abandoned a country in which he had
dishonored himself, and embarked for France in the course of the year.
The capture of Burgoyne and his army was now operating with powerful
effect on the cabinets of both England and France. With the former it
was coupled with the apprehension that France was about to espouse the
American cause. The consequence was Lord North’s “Conciliatory Bills,”
as they were called, submitted by him to Parliament, and passed with but
slight opposition. One of these bills regulated taxation in the American
colonies, in a manner which, it was trusted, would obviate every
objection. The other authorized the appointment of commissioners clothed
with powers to negotiate with the existing governments; to proclaim a
cessation of hostilities; to grant pardons, and to adopt other measures
of a conciliatory nature.
“If what was now proposed was a right measure,” observes a British
historian, “it ought to have been adopted at first and before the sword
was drawn; on the other hand, if the claims of the mother country over
her colonies were originally worth contending for, the strength and
resources of the nation were not yet so far exhausted as to justify
ministers in relinquishing them without a further struggle.”[132]
Intelligence that a treaty between France and the United States had
actually been concluded at Paris, induced the British minister to hurry
off a draft of the bills to America, to forestall the effects of the
treaty upon the public mind. General Tryon caused copies of it to be
printed in New York and circulated through the country. He sent several
of them to General Washington, 15th April, with a request that they
should be communicated to the officers and privates of his army.
Washington felt the singular impertinence of the request. He transmitted
them to Congress, observing that the time to entertain such overtures
was past. “Nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can possibly
do. A peace on other terms would, if I may be allowed the expression, be
a peace of war. The injuries we have received from the British nation
were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can
never be forgotten.” These and other objections advanced by him met with
the concurrence of Congress, and it was unanimously resolved that no
conference could be held, no treaty made with any commissioners on the
part of Great Britain, until that power should have withdrawn its fleets
and armies, or acknowledged in positive and express terms the
independence of the United States.
On the following day, April 23d, a resolution was passed recommending to
the different States to pardon, under such restrictions as might be
deemed expedient, such of their citizens as, having levied war against
the United States, should return to their allegiance before the 16th of
June. Copies of this resolution were struck off in English and German,
and enclosed by Washington in a letter to General Tryon, in which he
indulged in a vein of grave irony.
“SIR,—Your letter of the 17th and a triplicate of the same were duly
received. I had the pleasure of seeing the drafts of the two bills,
before those which were sent by you came to hand; and I can assure you
they were suffered to have a free currency among the officers and men
under my command, in whose fidelity to the United States I have the
most perfect confidence. The enclosed Gazette, published the 24th at
Yorktown, will show you that it is the wish of Congress that they
should have an unrestrained circulation.[133]
“I take the liberty to transmit to you a few printed copies of a
resolution of Congress of the 23d instant, and to request that you
will be instrumental in communicating its contents, so far as it may
be in your power, to the persons who are the objects of its
operations. The benevolent purpose it is intended to answer will, I
persuade myself, sufficiently recommend it to your candor. I am, Sir,”
&c.
The tidings of the capitulation of Burgoyne had been equally efficacious
in quickening the action of the French cabinet. The negotiations, which
had gone on so slowly as almost to reduce our commissioners to despair,
were brought to a happy termination, and on the 2d of May, ten days
after the passing by Congress of the resolves just cited, a messenger
arrived express from France with two treaties, one of amity and
commerce, the other of defensive alliance, signed in Paris on the 6th of
February by M. Girard on the part of France, and by Benjamin Franklin,
Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee on the part of the United States. This last
treaty stipulated that, should war ensue between France and England, it
should be made a common cause by the contracting parties, in which
neither should make truce or peace with Great Britain without the
consent of the other, nor either lay down their arms until the
independence of the United States was established.
These treaties were unanimously ratified by Congress, and their
promulgation was celebrated by public rejoicings throughout the country.
The 6th of May was set apart for a military fête at the camp at Valley
Forge. The army was assembled in best array; there was solemn
thanksgiving by the chaplains at the head of each brigade; after which a
grand parade, a national discharge of thirteen guns, a general _feu de
joie_, and shouts of the whole army, “Long live the King of France—Long
live the friendly European Powers—Huzza for the American States.” A
banquet succeeded, at which Washington dined in public with all the
officers of his army, attended by a band of music. Patriotic toasts were
given and heartily cheered. “I never was present,” writes a spectator,
“where there was such unfeigned and perfect joy as was discovered in
every countenance. Washington retired at five o’clock, on which there
was universal huzzaing and clapping of hands—‘Long live General
Washington.’ The non-commissioned officers and privates followed the
example of their officers as he rode past their brigades. The shouts
continued till he had proceeded a quarter of a mile, and a thousand hats
were tossed in the air. Washington and his suite turned round several
times and cheered in reply.” Gates and Mifflin, if in the camp at the
time, must have seen enough to convince them that the commander-in-chief
was supreme in the affections of the army.
On the 8th, the council of war, ordered by Congress, was convened; at
which were present Major-generals Gates, Greene, Stirling, Mifflin,
Lafayette, De Kalb, Armstrong and Steuben and Brigadier-generals Knox
and Duportail. After the state of the forces, British and American,
their number and distribution, had been laid before the council by the
commander-in-chief, and a full discussion had been held, it was
unanimously determined to remain on the defensive, and not attempt any
offensive operation until some opportunity should occur to strike a
successful blow. General Lee was not present at the council, but
afterwards signed the decision.
While the Conciliatory Bills failed thus signally of their anticipated
effect upon the Congress and people of the United States, they were
regarded with indignation by the royal forces in America, as offering a
humiliating contrast to the high and arrogant tone hitherto indulged
towards the “rebels.” They struck dismay too into the hearts of the
American royalists and refugees; who beheld in them sure prognostics of
triumph to the cause they had opposed, and of mortification and trouble,
if not of exile, to themselves.
The military career of Sir William Howe in the United States was now
drawing to a close. His conduct of the war had given much
dissatisfaction in England. His enemies observed that every thing gained
by the troops was lost by the general; that he had suffered an enemy
with less than four thousand men to reconquer a province which he had
recently reduced, and lay a kind of siege to his army in their
winter-quarters;[134] and that he had brought a sad reverse upon the
British arms, by failing to co-operate vigorously and efficiently with
Burgoyne.
Sir William, on his part, had considered himself slighted by the
ministry; his suggestions, he said, were disregarded, and the
reinforcements withheld which he considered indispensable for the
successful conduct of the war. He had therefore tendered his
resignation, which had been promptly accepted, and Sir Henry Clinton
ordered to relieve him. Clinton arrived in Philadelphia on the 8th of
May, and took command of the army on the 11th.
Sir William Howe was popular among the officers of his army, from his
open and engaging manners; and, perhaps, from the loose rule which
indulged them in their social excesses. A number of them combined to
close his inglorious residence in Philadelphia by a still more
inglorious pageant. It was called the MISCHIANZA (or Medley), a kind of
regatta and tournament; the former on the Delaware, the latter at a
country-seat on its banks.
The regatta was in three divisions; each with its band of music, to
which the oarsmen kept time.
The river was crowded with boats, which were kept at a distance from the
squadrons of gayly decorated barges, and the houses, balconies, and
wharves along the shore, were filled with spectators.
We forbear to give the fulsome descriptions of the land part of the
Mischianza furnished by various pens; and will content ourselves with
the following, from the pen of a British writer who was present. It
illustrates sufficiently the absurdity of the scene.
“All the colors of the army were placed in a grand avenue three hundred
feet in length, lined with the king’s troops, between two triumphal
arches, for the two brothers, the Admiral Lord Howe and the General Sir
William Howe, to march along in pompous procession, followed by a
numerous train of attendants, with seven silken Knights of the Blended
Rose, and seven more of the Burning Mountain, and fourteen damsels
dressed in the Turkish fashion, to an area of one hundred and fifty
yards square, lined also with the king’s troops; for the exhibition of a
tilt and tournament, or mock fight of old chivalry, in honor of those
two heroes. On the top of each triumphal arch was a figure of Fame
bespangled with stars, blowing from her trumpet, in letters of light,
_Tes lauriers sont immortels_ (Thy laurels are immortal).” On this
occasion, according to the same writer, “men compared the importance of
Sir William’s services with the merit he assumed, and the gravity with
which he sustained the most excessive praise and adulation.”
The unfortunate Major André, at that time a captain, was very efficient
in getting up this tawdry and somewhat effeminate pageant. He had
promoted private theatricals during the winter, and aided in painting
scenery and devising decorations. He wrote a glowing description of the
Mischianza, in a letter to a friend, pronouncing it as perhaps the most
splendid entertainment ever given by any army to their general. He
figured in it as one of the Knights of the Blended Rose. In a letter
written to a lady, in the following year, he alludes to his preparations
for it as having made him a complete milliner, and offers his services
to furnish her supplies in that department.
At the time of this silken and mock heroic display, the number of
British chivalry in Philadelphia was nineteen thousand five hundred and
thirty, cooped up in a manner by an American force at Valley Forge,
amounting, according to official returns to eleven thousand eight
hundred men. Could any triumphal pageant be more ill-placed and
ill-timed!