DEIGNED MOVEMENTS OF SIR WILLIAM HOWE—BAFFLING CAUTION OF
WASHINGTON—RUMORED INROADS FROM THE NORTH—SCHUYLER APPLIES FOR
REINFORCEMENTS—RENEWED SCHEMES OF HOWE TO DRAW WASHINGTON FROM HIS
STRONGHOLD—SKIRMISH BETWEEN CORNWALLIS AND LORD STIRLING—THE ENEMY
EVACUATE THE JERSEYS—PERPLEXITY AS TO THEIR NEXT MOVEMENT—A
HOSTILE FLEET ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN—BURGOYNE APPROACHING
TICONDEROGA—SPECULATIONS OF WASHINGTON—HIS PURPOSE OF KEEPING SIR
WILLIAM HOWE FROM ASCENDING THE HUDSON—ORDERS GEORGE CLINTON TO
CALL OUT MILITIA FROM ULSTER AND ORANGE COUNTIES—SENDS SULLIVAN
TOWARDS THE HIGHLANDS—MOVES HIS OWN CAMP BACK TO MORRISTOWN—STIR
AMONG THE SHIPPING—THEIR DESTINATION SURMISED TO BE PHILADELPHIA—A
DINNER AT HEAD-QUARTERS—ALEXANDER HAMILTON—GRAYDON’S RUEFUL
DESCRIPTION OF THE ARMY—HIS CHARACTER OF WAYNE.
The American and British armies, strongly posted, as we have shown, the
former along the heights of Middlebrook, the other beyond the Raritan,
remained four days grimly regarding each other; both waiting to be
attacked. The Jersey militia, which now turned out with alacrity,
repaired, some to Washington’s camp, others to that of Sullivan. The
latter had fallen back from Princeton, and taken a position behind the
Sourland Hills.
Howe pushed out detachments, and made several feints, as if to pass by
the American camp and march to the Delaware; but Washington was not to
be deceived. “The enemy will not move that way,” said he, “until they
have given this army a severe blow. The risk would be too great to
attempt to cross a river where they must expect to meet a formidable
opposition in front, and would have such a force as ours in their rear.”
He kept on the heights, therefore, and strengthened his intrenchments.
Baffled in these attempts to draw his cautious adversary into a general
action, Howe, on the 19th, suddenly broke up his camp, and pretended to
return with some precipitation to Brunswick, burning as he went several
valuable dwelling-houses. Washington’s light troops hovered round the
enemy as far as the Raritan and Millstone, which secured their flanks,
would permit; but the main army kept to its stronghold on the heights.
On the next day came warlike news from the North. Amesbury, a British
spy, had been seized and examined by Schuyler. Burgoyne was stated as
being arrived at Quebec to command the forces in an invasion from
Canada. While he advanced with his main force by Lake Champlain, a
detachment of British troops, Canadians and Indians, led by Sir John
Johnson, was to penetrate by Oswego to the Mohawk River, and place
itself between Fort Stanwix and Fort Edward.
If this information was correct, Ticonderoga would soon be attacked. The
force there might be sufficient for its defence, but Schuyler would have
no troops to oppose the inroad of Sir John Johnson, and he urged a
reinforcement. Washington forthwith sent orders to Putnam to procure
sloops, and hold four Massachusetts regiments in readiness to go up the
river at a moment’s warning. Still, if the information of the spy was
correct, he doubted the ability of the enemy to carry the reported plan
into effect. It did not appear that Burgoyne had brought any
reinforcements from Europe. If so, he could not move with a greater
force than five thousand men. The garrison at Ticonderoga was
sufficiently strong, according to former accounts, to hold it against an
attack. Burgoyne certainly would never leave it in his rear, and if he
invested it, he would not have a sufficient number left to send one body
to Oswego and another to cut off the communications between Fort Edward
and Fort George. Such was Washington’s reasoning in a reply to Schuyler.
In the mean time, he retained his mind unflurried by these new rumors;
keeping from his heights a vigilant eye upon General Howe.
On the 22d, Sir William again marched out of Brunswick, but this time
proceeded towards Amboy, again burning several houses on the way;
hoping, perhaps, that the sight of columns of smoke rising from a
ravaged country would irritate the Americans, and provoke an attack.
Washington sent out three brigades under General Greene to fall upon the
rear of the enemy, while Morgan hung upon their skirts with his
riflemen. At the same time the army remained paraded on the heights
ready to yield support, if necessary.
Finding that Howe had actually sent his heavy baggage and part of his
troops over to Staten Island by a bridge of boats which he had thrown
across, Washington, on the 24th, left the heights and descended to
Quibbletown (now New Market), six or seven miles on the road to Amboy,
to be nearer at hand for the protection of his advanced parties; while
Lord Stirling with his division and some light troops was at Matouchin
church, closer to the enemy’s lines, to watch their motions, and be
ready to harass them while crossing to the island.
General Howe now thought he had gained his point. Recalling those who
had crossed, he formed his troops into two columns, the right led by
Cornwallis, the left by himself, and marched back rapidly by different
routes from Amboy. He had three objects in view: to cut off the
principal advanced parties of the Americans; to come up with and bring
the main body into an engagement near Quibbletown; or that Lord
Cornwallis, making a considerable circuit to the right, should turn the
left of Washington’s position, get to the heights, take possession of
the passes, and oblige him to abandon that stronghold where he had
hitherto been so secure.[31]
Washington, however, had timely notice of his movements, and penetrating
his design, regained his fortified camp at Middlebrook, and secured the
passes of the mountains. He then detached a body of light troops under
Brigadier-general Scott, together with Morgan’s riflemen, to hang on the
flank of the enemy and watch their motions.
Cornwallis, in his circuitous march, dispersed the light parties of the
advance, but fell in with Lord Stirling’s division, strongly posted in a
woody country, and well covered by artillery judiciously disposed. A
sharp skirmish ensued, when the Americans gave way and retreated to the
hills, with the loss of a few men and three field-pieces; while the
British halted at Westfield, disappointed in the main objects of their
enterprise. They remained at Westfield until the afternoon of the 27th,
when they moved toward Spanktown (now Rahway), plundering all before
them, and, it is said, burning several houses; but pursued and harassed
the whole way by the American light troops.[32]
Perceiving that every scheme of bringing the Americans to a general
action, or at least of withdrawing them from their strongholds, was
rendered abortive by the caution and prudence of Washington, and aware
of the madness of attempting to march to the Delaware, through a hostile
country, with such a force in his rear, Sir William Howe broke up his
head-quarters at Amboy on the last of June, and crossed over to Staten
Island on the floating bridge; his troops that were encamped opposite to
Amboy struck their tents on the following day, and marched off to the
old camping ground on the Bay of New York; the ships got under way, and
moved down round the island; and it was soon apparent, that at length
the enemy had really evacuated the Jerseys.
The question now was, what would be their next move? A great stir among
the shipping seemed to indicate an expedition by water. But whither?
Circumstances occurred to perplex the question.
Scarce had the last tent been struck, and the last transport disappeared
from before Amboy, when intelligence arrived from General St. Clair,
announcing the appearance of a hostile fleet on Lake Champlain, and that
General Burgoyne with the whole Canada army was approaching Ticonderoga.
The judgment and circumspection of Washington were never more severely
put to the proof. Was this merely a diversion with a small force of
light troops and Indians, intended to occupy the attention of the
American forces in that quarter, while the main body of the army in
Canada should come round by sea, and form a junction with the army under
Howe? But General Burgoyne, in Washington’s opinion, was a man of too
much spirit and enterprise to return from England merely to execute a
plan from which no honor was to be derived. Did he really intend to
break through by the way of Ticonderoga? In that case it must be Howe’s
plan to co-operate with him. Had all the recent manœuvres of the enemy
in the Jerseys, which had appeared so enigmatical to Washington, been
merely a stratagem to amuse him until they should receive intelligence
of the movements of Burgoyne? If so, Sir William must soon throw off the
mask. His next move, in such case, would be to ascend the Hudson, seize
on the Highland passes before Washington could form a union with the
troops stationed there, and thus open the way for the junction with
Burgoyne. Should Washington, however, on such a presumption, hasten with
his troops to Peekskill, leaving General Howe on Staten Island, what
would prevent the latter from pushing to Philadelphia by South Amboy or
any other route?
Such were the perplexities and difficulties presenting themselves under
every aspect of the case, and discussed by Washington in his
correspondence with his accustomed clearness. In this dilemma he sent
Generals Parsons and Varnum with a couple of brigades in all haste to
Peekskill; and wrote to Generals George Clinton and Putnam; the former
to call out the New York militia from Orange and Ulster counties; the
latter to summon the militia from Connecticut; and as soon as such
reinforcements should be at hand, to despatch four of the strongest
Massachusetts regiments to the aid of Ticonderoga; at the same time the
expediency was suggested to General Schuyler, of having all the cattle
and vehicles removed from such parts of the country which he might think
the enemy intended to penetrate.
General Sullivan, moreover, was ordered to advance with his division
towards the Highlands as far as Pompton, while Washington moved his own
camp back to Morristown, to be ready either to push on to the Highlands,
or fall back upon his recent position at Middlebrook, according to the
movements of the enemy. “If I can keep General Howe below the
Highlands,” said he, “I think their schemes will be entirely baffled.”
Deserters from Staten Island and New York soon brought word to the camp
that transports were being fitted up with berths for horses, and taking
in three weeks’ supply of water and provender. All this indicated some
other destination than that of the Hudson. Lest an attempt on the
Eastern States should be intended, Washington sent a circular to their
governors to put them on their guard.
In the midst of his various cares, his yeoman soldiery, the Jersey
militia, were not forgotten. It was their harvest time; and the State
being evacuated, there was no immediate call for their services; he
dismissed, therefore, almost the whole of them to their homes.
Captain Graydon, whose memoirs we have heretofore had occasion to quote,
paid a visit to the camp at this juncture, in company with Colonel Miles
and Major West, all American prisoners on Long Island, but who had been
liberated on parole. Graydon remarks that, to their great surprise, they
saw no military parade upon their journey, nor any indication of martial
vigor on the part of the country. Here and there a militia man with his
contrasted colored cape and facings; doubtless some one who had received
his furlough, and was bound home to his farm. Captains, majors, and
colonels abounded in the land, but were not to be found at the head of
their men.
When he arrived at the camp, he could see nothing which deserved the
name of army. “I was told, indeed,” remarks he, “that it was much
weakened by detachments, and I was glad to find there was some cause for
the present paucity of soldiers. I could not doubt, however, that things
were going on well. The commander-in-chief and all about him were in
excellent spirits.” The three officers waited on Washington at his
marquee in the evening. In the course of conversation, he asked them
what they conceived to be the objects of General Howe. Colonel Miles
replied, a co-operation with the Northern army by means of the Hudson.
Washington acknowledged that indications and probabilities tended to
that conclusion; nevertheless, he had little doubt the object of Howe
was Philadelphia.
Graydon and his companions dined the next day at head-quarters; there
was a large party, in which were several ladies. Colonel Alexander
Hamilton, who, in the preceding month of April, had been received into
Washington’s family as aide-de-camp, presided at the head of the table,
and “acquitted himself,” writes Graydon, “with an ease, propriety, and
vivacity which gave me the most favorable impression of his talents and
accomplishments.”
We may here observe that the energy, skill, and intelligence displayed
by Hamilton throughout the last year’s campaign, whenever his limited
command gave him opportunity of evincing them, had won his entrance to
head-quarters; where his quick discernment and precocious judgment were
soon fully appreciated. Strangers were surprised to see a youth, scarce
twenty years of age, received into the implicit confidence, and admitted
into the gravest counsels, of a man like Washington. While his uncommon
talents thus commanded respect, rarely inspired by one of his years, his
juvenile appearance and buoyant spirit made him a universal favorite.
Harrison, the “old secretary,” much his senior, looked upon him with an
almost paternal eye, and regarding his diminutive size and towering
spirit, used to call him “the little lion;” while Washington would now
and then speak of him by the cherishing appellation of “my boy.”[33]
The following is Graydon’s amusing account of Wayne, whom he visited at
his quarters. “He entertained the most sovereign contempt for the enemy.
In his confident way, he affirmed that the two armies had interchanged
their original modes of warfare. That for our parts, we had thrown away
the shovel, and the British had taken it up; as they dared not face us
without the cover of an intrenchment. I made some allowance for the
fervid manner of the general, who, though unquestionably as brave a man
as any in the army, was nevertheless somewhat addicted to the vaunting
style of Marshal Villars, a man who, like himself, could fight as well
as brag.”
Graydon speaks of the motley, shabby clothing of the troops. “Even in
General Wayne himself, there was in this particular a considerable
falling off. His quondam regimentals as colonel of the 4th battalion
were, I think, blue and white, in which he had been accustomed to appear
with exemplary neatness; whereas he was now dressed in character for
Macheath or Captain Gibbet, in a dingy red coat, with a black rusty
cravat and tarnished hat.” Wayne was doubtless still rusty from his
campaigning in the north.
Graydon, during his recent captivity, had been accustomed to the sight
of British troops in the completeness of martial array, and looked with
a rueful eye on patriotism in rags. From all that he saw at the camp, he
suspected affairs were not in a prosperous train, notwithstanding the
cheerful countenances at head-quarters. There appeared to be a want of
animated co-operation both on the part of the government and the people.
“General Washington, with the little remnant of his army at Morristown,
seemed left to scuffle for liberty, like another Cato at Utica.”[34]
We will now turn to the North, and lift the curtain for a moment, to
give the reader a glance at affairs in that quarter, about which there
were such dubious rumors.