STRUENSEE'S APOLOGY.
THE TRAVELLING DOCTOR--COUNT HOLCK--THE FOREIGN TOUR--STRUENSEE
AT COURT--THE QUEEN'S CONFIDENCE--THE MUTUAL FRIEND--THE HOLSTEIN
PROGRESS--HOLCK DISMISSED--THE MINISTRY--THE KING'S ADVISERS--COUNT
VON RANTZAU--THE RUSSIAN ALLIANCE--THE NEW CABINET--STRUENSEE'S
ADVICE--THE CABINET MINISTER--EDUCATION OF THE PRINCE ROYAL.
The two advocates for the prosecution and defence of Struensee having
thus alleged everything that could ruin the prisoner; the first, by
exciting the temper of the judges with malicious insinuations; the
second, by most shamefully neglecting his duty, as I think has been
sufficiently proved, Uldall had a right of reply to Wiwet's last
diatribe. As he declined to avail himself of it, however, the next step
taken was to hand in the prisoner's own defence--a defence written,
be it borne in mind, under the most appalling circumstances. It was
in a dungeon, with fetters on his hands and feet, and an iron collar
round his neck, fastened to a chain clenched in the wall, that the
unfortunate Struensee drew up this hopeless appeal, only a few days
before he was dragged to the scaffold.
STRUENSEE'S APOLOGY.
Nothing is more difficult, and perhaps it is utterly impossible to give
a clear and correct account and explanation of the motives, causes,
and intentions, which originated every single event and action in a
situation such as mine was at court. This has been demanded of me,
however, and I have explained myself to the royal commission in my
answers to the questions laid before me for this purpose in such a way
as the nature of things permitted. But it is very possible that now
and again obscurities, mistakes, and probably apparent contradictions,
may have crept in. For this I hope to compensate by a conscientious
statement of the motives, opportunities, and causes, that produced the
events in which I took part, or which I alone occasioned, and I will
run the risk of my narrative either serving as my apology, or rendering
me even more criminal.
For this object, I must show in what manner I acquired the credit which
established my former fortune, how I behaved under it, and to what
purpose I employed it.
I must confess that an indefatigable activity, the most accurate
attention, and the most careful use of the opportunities and
advantages which offered themselves to me, or which I obtained by my
own efforts, contributed more to my fortune than mere accident did.
Still, what is commonly called fortune was not the chief object of my
desire, or at least I regarded it as a more remote consequence. I had
chosen a path by which to attain fortune, but was determined sooner to
let it slip than to employ improper means in acquiring it.
A desire to be useful, and to perform actions which might have a
wide-spread influence on the welfare of the society in which I lived,
alone occupied my mind. My residence at Altona offered me but little
opportunity for this, and my friends at that day, among whom Counts
Rantzau-Ascheberg, Brandt, and Holck, were the most effective, at
length succeeded in removing me to a wider scene of action.
Although some of these friends fancied they could detect in me
abilities which rendered me fitted for other enterprises than those for
which a physician has a vocation, still I felt so great a liking for my
profession that I should have permanently restricted myself to it, had
not other circumstances eventually called me away from it.
With this opinion I came to court, and I found it the more necessary to
confirm myself in it, when I saw that everybody at court entertained
suspicions, even if not prejudices, against me.
During the king's foreign tour I employed myself with nothing, and
turned my attention to nothing, but matters concerning the state of the
king's health, and as his Majesty frequently gave me opportunities to
be in his presence, I tried, as far as was possible, to render myself
useful by reading and conversation. Politics were entirely excluded,
and if anything of the sort arose it was remote, and without the
slightest reference to the posture of affairs at that day. At that time
I was quite ignorant of them; I restricted myself to what I had before
me, and even avoided acquiring information from the king, or other
persons. I broke off my correspondence with my friends, or it concerned
merely unimportant things. Everything that I did had reference to the
person of the king, and among such I reckon that during the tour I
frequently opposed Count Holck, and contradicted him in things which I
considered wrong, or which had an influence on the king's person. But
my only object was to weaken the count's excessive power over the will
of the king by encouraging his Majesty to pay attention to himself, to
think and reflect about what would most enhance his welfare, without
blindly trusting to the advice of others. However, I did not attempt to
injure Count Holck personally, although a very convenient opportunity
presented itself in Paris, when the king was very angry with the count,
when Count Brandt came to Paris without my knowledge, and various other
circumstances at the time spoke against Count Holck.
It is easy to see how little adapted this conduct was to make a
fortune. Nor did I even use the favourable opportunity I had during
the tour either to ask or obtain anything to my advantage personally
from the king, or through other persons; and I only owe it to the
kindness of Privy Councillors von Bernstorff and von Schimmelmann that
I followed the king to Copenhagen with a salary of 1,000 dollars, and
received a gratification of 500 dollars for the journey.
1769. My mode of acting, and the objects of my attention were, during
the first six months after the king's return, the same as on the tour.
I had attached myself exclusively to his Majesty's person, and took
an interest in nothing that did not immediately affect it. I merely
employed the influence which the king's confidence gave me over his
mind, in drawing his attention to his real benefit, in arousing a
pleasure in occupation, and in giving a certain regular course to his
mode of living.
With this object I always said to the king, with the greatest
conscientiousness and without reservation, everything that I considered
true and serviceable, without allowing myself to be checked by the fear
of losing his favour, though I frequently gained the experience, that
this conduct caused him to be cool with me, which happened the more
easily, because the officiousness of those who merely sought the king's
favour was never idle on such occasions. The king will remember how
this was more especially the case, when I represented to him the evil
consequences which arise from a premature, excessive, and unregulated
enjoyment of certain sensual pleasures, and when I tried to prevent his
Majesty from making certain painful, injurious, and useless attempts
on his person, and attempted to bring him back from certain false,
unfounded ideas which were deleterious to his happiness.
At this time I stood in connexion with nobody at court but Count Holck
and Chamberlain von Warnstedt, and that only so far as they could have
influence over the king. The former was reserved with me; the latter
gave me from time to time his confidence, which I employed to suggest
to him principles and ideas which I felt assured would prove useful to
the king, if he repeated them to his Majesty on the occasions which he
had.
When the court resided for the summer at Frederiksberg, I could not
help making various acquaintances, being implicated in several affairs,
and acquiring a more certain knowledge of the intentions of those who
were at court at this time. This did not take place, however, till
toward the end of the summer. There were at this time three principal
parties at court: that of Count Holck, that of Count Fritz Moltke,[93]
and that of Frau von Gabel. The first held its ground through the
favour of Count Holck and _liaisons_ in the ministry, or rather through
the unwillingness to injure the favourite. The second tried to procure
a support through the authority of the queen, and trusted to the
influence of the Russian minister, but wished to get Warnstedt and
myself on their side. Of the third, it can hardly be said to have been
a party, as it consisted of Frau von Gabel alone.
The latter merely sought, through the impression which she strove
to produce upon the king's mind, to tear him out of the fetters of
dependence, in which she imagined his Majesty was bound. The second of
the parties strove, on the other hand, as may be easily conjectured, to
remove Count Holck. But I must confess that under these circumstances
my sense and inclination made me principally incline to the views of
Frau von Gabel, as they fully agreed with mine, and I gave this lady
credit for honourable sentiments. Still, I did not agree with her on
two points:--(1) That she absolutely insisted on removing Count Holck,
which I considered unnecessary if the king could be imbued with more
correct and permanent sentiments, as in that case Count Holck's credit
would fall away of itself, and, besides, an old favourite would be less
injurious than a new one; and (2) I was always of opinion that the sole
and right mode of rendering the king truly happy, was to do away with
his _éloignement_ from the queen, and to establish a mutual affection
between them.
Frau von Gabel believed that she had been insulted by the queen, and
seemed desirous not to seek her favour again, until she could be useful
to her Majesty through the influence she had gained over the king's
heart. I tried to convince the Moltke party, as far as they granted
me their confidence, how little hope they could have of overthrowing
Count Holck, or of deriving any advantage from it; and to how many
unpleasantnesses the queen would be exposed if they employed their
power in removing the count before the king's confidence was gained;
and hence I considered it the best course to live in unity and peace.
In any case, I did not consider myself at liberty to act against Count
Holck, and though I was not satisfied with his conduct, I thought that
this ought to be left to the king alone.
1770. Even in the following winter when, owing to the misunderstandings
between Count Holck and the Russian minister, it would have been an
easy task to overthrow the former, I did everything in my power to
support him; and, in this affair, always spoke to the king in Count
Holck's favour, although, in other respects, I told the king the truth
of the affair, and Count Holck gave it a _tournure_ which I could not
approve.
In the year 1769, when, toward the end of the summer and afterwards, I
had frequent opportunities of speaking with the queen, and her Majesty
confided to me her thoughts about her situation, I found that she was
excessively discontented with it; had no hopes of ever being happy with
her consort; and could expect no peace or contentment from the existing
state of affairs.
This condition of mind was maintained, and even more excited, by
the continued reports and repulsive representations which the queen
received of everything that occurred. The object of her repugnance,
however, was not the king, but solely Count Holck, whom she regarded
as the originator of all the unpleasantness that befell her. What she
personally suffered from the king did not affect her greatly; and
she merely tried to protect herself against it by a greater reserve,
which, however, only heightened their mutual coldness and estrangement.
My situation, under these circumstances, was extremely embarrassing;
while, on the one hand, the queen confided to me her dissatisfaction,
on the other I was a constant witness of the discontent, anger,
and desire of the king to free himself from everything that was
repulsive to him. I therefore followed the principle which I have ever
entertained, that their mutual felicity depended on their union; for
I was obliged to give them both advice, and I considered myself bound
to do everything that lay in my power to promote their satisfaction.
Although I had but little hope of effecting it, I acted accordingly. I
sought to make the queen understand, and firmly impress on her mind,
that it was to her own good, and the sole way of making her situation
agreeable, if she strove to acquire the king's confidence, and this
could only be effected by kindness, counsel, attention, and exertion
to make her company as pleasant as possible to the king. I begged
the queen not to listen to insinuations against the king, however
slight they might be, and though made with a good purpose, but to
be quiet, and watch and examine for herself. I strove to reduce, or
entirely remove, her repugnance to Count Holck. The latter, also,
did all he knew to render himself agreeable to the queen; but his
exertions generally produced an opposite effect, and the prejudice
against him was so strong that nothing could overpower it. On the other
hand, I strove to induce the king to be polite to the queen, without
considering it necessary to be so ceremonious and respectful with her
as he had grown to be since his return from the foreign tour, and which
often degenerated into irony, to which the queen was more susceptible
than to want of attention and of familiarity between them. There was
one point on which the inclinations of the king and queen agreed, and
this aided the most to maintain the concord in which they afterwards
lived. This consisted in the circumstance that both were excessively
wearied of their mode of life at the time, and wished that they could
lay aside their rank. This was the reason of many of the alterations
introduced at court eventually. Count Holck had lost his credit long
before the journey to Holstein, and only maintained himself by old
associations, and because no one exactly tried to injure him with the
king. He dealt himself the last blow, when he appointed young Hauch as
page of the bed-chamber to the king, in order to supplant Warnstedt.
From this time forth, the favour of the latter increased; Count Holck
proposed the Holstein progress, in order, as I believe, to sustain
himself, and this very thing caused his downfall.
The queen was constantly of opinion that no peace or security
could be hoped for at court so long as Count Holck remained at it,
although I tried to convince her that it was not advantageous for the
king's character and mind to try and remove on the first favourable
opportunity that offered itself those persons to whom his Majesty had
granted his favour and confidence, but that it would be better that
he should become thoroughly acquainted with these persons, and that
this was the surest way to disarm all favourites. Moreover, I did not
consider Count Holck dangerous for the king's person, because he no
longer possessed any influence over the king's mind.
In order, however, to pacify the queen, I proposed to her two
remedies,--to have Count Brandt at court, and to recall Privy
Councillor Count von Rantzau to Copenhagen. Both gentlemen were
agreeable to the king; and the latter would be useful in balancing the
power of the ministry, whom the queen feared, because she thought they
might restore Count Holck's credit, by the removal of those persons who
stood in his way. All this was designed to acquire security at court,
without forming any intentions or plan for the eventual changes in the
ministry. The queen had not the slightest inclination for governing
or interfering in affairs of state; she merely wished for peace and
security. Count Brandt joined the court in Schleswig; Count Rantzau at
Traventhal. Count Holck received his dismissal because the king wished
it; but the persons about his Majesty did their share in effecting it.
From this time, other scenes took place, and changes occurred the
motives and reasons for which I will state presently. But I will first
remark, that the credit I had hitherto enjoyed merely consisted in
the king's personal confidence in me; that I employed the influence
I possessed solely in matters which had immediate reference to the
king's person, and that my private fortunes were of the following
nature:--I was Councillor of Conference and Reader, with a salary
of 1,500 dollars. I had debts amounting to between 4,000 and 5,000
dollars, which I had formerly contracted in Altona and upon the foreign
progress, and had never received any extraordinary present from the
king, except the before-mentioned 500 dollars and a horse. I had not
asked anything for my friends, except an addition of 400 dollars for
Count Brandt, unless I take into consideration that I had twice aided
in inducing the king to make Count Holck a present of 10,000 thalers.
On the recall of Counts Brandt and Rantzau, no one, as I have stated,
of those who took part in it thought of the changes that afterwards
took place, or that any of the ministers would be removed. As concerns
myself, however, I do not deny that I, without feeling any personal
aversion or repugnance to any one of the ministers, was rather disposed
against, than in favour of, the administration. Long before I came to
court I had been filled with thoughts against it, and I had never found
a reason to doubt the trustworthiness, integrity, patriotic will, and
disinterestedness of the persons and reports from which I derived them.
I was also confirmed in my opinion by what I heard in this respect in
Copenhagen, and partly remarked. The following points were the chief
ones alleged against the administration of that day.[94]
1. It had grown into a principle, through habit, to keep the king aloof
from affairs, and try to deprive him of all inclination for them, by
increasing his governmental labours by superfluous mechanical tasks,
and by not bringing matters forward simply and distinctly. Every matter
of importance was wrapped up in long-winded phrases and declamations,
which led the king into unnecessary details; he was rarely left the
choice between two opinions, but was led to decide for the one which
had been previously adopted by the ministers; and lastly, his attention
was drawn to trivial matters, and for this reason more important ones
produced less impression upon him.
2. The king had so little personal authority, that he had no will
of his own, even in the poorest trifles, and was even ruled in his
domestic life. Hence those persons were always ruined who attached
themselves to him, and possessed his taste, inclination, and
confidence; while, on the other hand, others held their ground for whom
he entertained exactly opposite feelings.
3. Favour and intrigue were mixed up in everything. The most important
dignities and offices were given to courtiers whose sole merit was
having been pages, and the other appointments were bestowed on
creatures and lackeys of personages and families who supported each
other in power.
4. A perfect anarchy prevailed, as no one would, or dared, to use his
authority, for fear of injuring himself. Everybody was striving to
acquire influence in other departments beside his own. Subordination
was nowhere to be found: everything resolved itself into consultations,
giving advice, investigations, modifications, and expedients. The
subordinates, instead of carrying out the orders they received, only
strove to raise difficulties, objections, and counter-propositions.
5. The finances were ruined--not through the expenses the king
incurred (although many of the latter were unnecessary, as, for
instance, the colonists, the costly factories, the forced development
of the arts, taste, and luxury, far beyond the resources of the
country, the disproportionate augmentation of the army, and the support
of a commerce which was not adapted to the nature of the country, while
its true and natural industry was neglected), but in consequence of
the prevalent disorder, the worthless operations, and the manœuvres so
often carried on for private objects.
6. The influence of foreign courts and their ministers had been for
some time past great and oppressive. As the mainspring in negociations
is complaisance, nought but a dependence could result from this, which
could not be compensated by any resulting benefit. As a rule, more
expense and attention was devoted to this portion of the business of
the state than the nature and circumstances of the country required.
7. Lastly, the great and small offices, distinctions, and honorary
titles, were too numerous for the size of the state, too oppressive for
the country, and, at the same time, valueless. Everybody wished to live
and enrich himself at the cost of the king; there was no impulse among
the nobility to serve his Majesty with their fortune and strength, and
in the other classes no inclination to seek self-support in industry.
I will not decide how far these reproaches are founded, but for my part
I was convinced of their truth by everything I afterwards experienced,
though without accusing one or the other minister personally of being
the cause. In matters of state, success in most cases decides the
value of an administration, in the present case it decided against it.
When I acquired influence in affairs through the king's confidence, my
design merely was to induce his Majesty to examine into them himself,
and for this reason I believed it was necessary that the king should
have about him other persons holding opinions opposed to those of the
then existing ministry. If, afterwards, alterations and resolutions
with this object followed more rapidly, this was caused rather by the
personal sentiments of the king, and by accidental circumstances,
than by any regular resolution or plan--at least, as far as concerned
myself. With regard to the king's wishes successive steps were
necessary, for his Majesty was more than too willing to undertake
such changes. On my joining the king, I found his mind, temper, and
inclination full of aversion from the ministry, and this always
remained so. If, for my part, I did not try to change his sentiments so
far as my conviction admitted, on the other hand, prior to the Holstein
progress, I did not strive to imbue the king with any favourable idea
of the persons belonging to the opposite party. It is well known that
his Majesty, from the beginning of his reign, desired changes in the
ministry. In addition to the above-mentioned dislikes, which were more
or less impressed on the king's mind, his Majesty had others which
he felt personally, as--1. The ministry attracted to themselves the
prestige of the government, and nothing was left him but the title
and burden of representation. 2. Affairs in Denmark were so confused
and damaged, and the want of money was so great, that nothing good or
great could be effected. 3. The influence of the foreign ministers
was excessive, of which his Majesty had on several occasions obtained
personal experience. 4. The Holstein negociation was onerous in the
way it was carried on, and it had been employed at various times to
divert the king from certain resolutions, when other reasons would
probably have been sufficient and better. 5. Nothing could be more
embarrassing to the king than to preside at the council twice a week,
and I believe the reason for this lay in the fact that his Majesty,
from his childhood, had felt a certain respect and sort of fear of it,
which, in the course of time, had grown into a habit. As this feeling
was not based on his confidence, while his real sentiments and the
impressions received contradicted it, such a dislike could be easily
aroused. The king would say at times, "When I am of a different opinion
from the council, I at once notice a restlessness on all faces; solemn
representations ensue, and I am obliged to hold my tongue." 6. The king
had been spoken to at times about economy in matters affecting him
personally, such as comedies, hunting, &c., and his Majesty believed
that such an economy ought to be commenced in other outlays. And 7.
The king was excessively displeased with the results of the Algerine
expedition.
Such was the disposition of the king on his return from Holstein,
and it may be easily supposed that those persons who had his ear did
nothing to alter it. Their attention was principally directed to the
effects and measures which the presence of Count von Rantzau would
produce. Count von Bernstorff had handed in a memorial to the king
on this subject at Traventhal. Count von Rantzau answered it, and
declared that he would not interfere in the Holstein negociations,
or attempt to oppose them; while, on the other hand, the former
(Count Bernstorff) would seek to remove disagreeable impressions at
the Russian court. Unfortunately, Count von Bernstorff alluded in
his speeches, and on other occasions, to the enemies of the Russian
alliance. This occasioned his dismissal, and the changes ensuing from
it. I cannot remember that any special steps were taken to bring
the latter about. With the king, as I have remarked, there were no
difficulties to overcome: those persons to whom he listened at that
time were prepared for the changes, and agreed in them. Nor can I state
how far the remarks of those who were for the measure had an effect
on the king's mind, especially with reference to Count von Rantzau.
This I know, that at the time I read to his Majesty several letters
and memorials about the general position of affairs; that I received
considerable encouragement and support in the matter, and employed it
in accordance with my convictions; that no one was formally consulted
on the subject, and that the king prepared its execution and the
arrangements himself in my presence. The king drew up all the measures
in his own hand. At times I previously prepared rough drafts on the
principal heads of an affair, which his Majesty altered or retained as
he thought proper. More frequently, however, his Majesty wrote them out
of his own head. The cabinet secretary corrected, and the king read,
the document through once again ere it was copied and completed. I
sealed the letters in the presence of the king in the cabinet. I rarely
showed the rough drafts to any one beforehand, and if it took place,
it was to Counts Rantzau and Brandt. People now entertained the best
hopes that everything would go on well. The king worked with pleasure,
and read everything connected with the affairs of state. In order to
keep his Majesty to this, and to arrange the mode of his occupation in
accordance with his taste, the following principles were adopted, and I
always strove to act in accordance with them so far as it depended on
myself:--
1. The king would retain the final decision in affairs.
2. All reports were to be made in writing, and the king's resolutions
made known in the same way.
3. The officials would try to render their reports distinct, short, and
free from divergences, in order that they might contain the material
points alone, so that the different matters in which the king was to
decide might be distinctly expressed and explained in the extract.
4. In cases where the king found it necessary to ask the advice of
others, his Majesty would either take the opinion of the colleges,
or appoint a commission for the purpose, but everything, as far as
possible, was to be done by the ordinary departments.
5. The colleges would try, so far as the nature of the matter allowed,
to discuss and report affairs in a similar form.
6. As the king did not wish to interfere in the details of carrying
out affairs, but expected this to be done by the colleges, the latter
were invited to follow the same style in business, to urge their
subordinates to do the same, and to make the latter responsible.
7. Everything would be decided upon settled principles.
8. Finally, the business of the departments would be kept distinct, so
that each would manage its own affairs for itself, and one department
have no influence over the other, save through the king alone. Their
number would also be reduced, so that there should be only one
department for each branch of business.
As regards the affairs, the king laid down the following general
rules:--
1.--_The Foreign Department._
(_a_) The king would seek no further influence at foreign courts
than the position of his kingdoms and their commerce required.
(_b_) He would save all the expense which the ostentation of numerous
ministers at foreign courts entailed; and
(_c_) Tolerate no influence over the internal affairs of his kingdoms
or elsewhere.
(_d_) He would adhere faithfully to the Russian alliance, but did
not wish the latter court to found its security on accidental
circumstances, but trust to the integrity of his conduct, of which
the king had given the empress very evident proofs recently.
(_e_) His Majesty would not expend more money on the Swedish affair
than was stipulated by treaty, and not interfere in the private
quarrels in that country.
With regard to the last two points, the king himself read everything
that could be urged for and against them, and afterwards decided
himself, as his Majesty previously possessed no settled opinion or
conviction.
2.--_The Finances._
(_a_) There was to be only one college, which would expedite all the
business connected with the department.
(_b_) Order and economy were the sole means of restoring the
finances, to the exclusion of all projects which were not based on
those principles.
(_c_) All the royal resources would flow into the general treasury,
and thence be distributed to the other departments, so that the king
might more easily survey the state of his revenues.
(_d_) Efforts would be made to simplify the collection of the taxes
for the relief of the subjects.
(_e_) The usual payments in kind would be converted into pecuniary
payments, in order to encourage the industry of the countrymen, and
remove the existing abuses.
(_f_) The expenses of the state would be kept entirely distinct from
the private outlay for the king and the royal family.
(_g_) Those factories which, owing to the nature of the country, were
not self-supporting, would not be maintained at the expense of the
king, and the support of others would merely be reduced to bounties,
so that the king might not have any share in them; which was also
regulated with reference to commerce.
(_h_) The crown domains would be farmed out.
(_i_) At the beginning of each year the budget expenses would be
settled, and not exceeded during the year.
(_k_) The pensions, which were quite disproportionate in comparison
with the amount of the king's revenue, would undergo a certain
reduction.
If in this branch reforms and reductions have taken place or are
intended, it will be easily discovered how greatly the nature of the
finances requires such.
3.--_Justice._
(_a_) The king would not decide in any cause until it had been
properly tried by the courts of law.
(_b_) The number of law courts would be reduced, as every man, no
matter his rank, must be regarded as a citizen in the sight of the
law.
(_c_) The judges would receive no fees, and the forms of proceeding
would be abridged.
4. Concerning the army, I refer to the memorial found among my
papers, which alludes to it.
5. As regards the navy, it was arranged:--
(_a_) That the strength of the fleet was not to be sought in an
increase of the number of vessels, but in those existing being kept
in a good state and thoroughly equipped.
(_b_) That the storing up of everything required for a bombardment is
correct in principle.
6.--_The Court._
(_a_) Everything superfluous and only belonging to ostentation was to
be cut down, and only that retained which served for amusement.
(_b_) The amusements and parties would be arranged after the
taste and opinion of the king and queen, without regard to other
considerations.
In addition to these there are many other principles which I repeated
to the king, and strove to impress on his mind. I will mention some
of them, as they will serve to clear up several points.
1. It is injurious to occasion a great affluence of persons to court
through the hope of making their fortunes, for it ruins private
individuals, renders the provinces poor, and the royal treasury in the
end has to bear the loss.
2. It is better for the nobility to live on their estates if they
wish to be idlers, and if they seek government appointments they must
pass through the lower stages. Only valid reasons could produce an
exception, but not favour or several years' residence at court.
3. The king, in filling up posts, ought to trust to the proposals of
the departments, but pay no heed to supplications and recommendations
at court.
4. His Majesty would grant no reversions, survivor-ships, exclusive
privileges, or other liberties, which encroach on the rights of the
subjects; and
5. At least for the first year grant no "characters" and distinctions
which were not really connected with the office held.
6. No pensions should be granted except in extraordinary cases, and no
alms bestowed at court; but instead of it, the poor should be liberally
remembered.
7. Copenhagen could not be made great and prosperous by luxury and an
increase of the number of consumers to the detriment of the provinces,
but by real industry and promotion of the foreign trade. Rich people
must be attracted to the capital by the agreeable mode of life there.
8. Morals cannot be improved by police laws, and such are opposed to
the liberty of men, as their moral actions, in so far as they have no
immediate influence on the peace and security of society, should be
left to education and the lessons and exhortations of the clergy; for
the secret vices produced by coercion are frequently the worst, and
create hypocrites.
These principles can be employed in forming an opinion how far it was
useful or injurious to the king's affairs that his Majesty granted
me his confidence. I readily acknowledge that after the time when
the council was abolished affairs were not conducted in the proper
form. But this was the very thing which some of those who gave advice
desired; for it was hoped thus to give the king a prestige if a great
many orders were issued from the cabinet, and cabinet orders passed
without consulting the colleges. Others, on the contrary (Lieutenant
General von Gähler,) were of an opposite opinion, and disapproved of
it. The former advisers pleased the king; but I found that the latter
were in the right, and hence I tried to draw his Majesty's attention
more especially to the regulation of the departments. Equally little
could I give my approval to the proposition (especially of Count
Rantzau) that the affairs prepared by the heads of departments should
be forwarded to the cabinet, and issued thence without making the
author's name known. On this head countless insinuations, memoirs, and
propositions, were sent in. I tried, as far as I could, to prevent
this mode of conducting business, and only those orders emanated from
the cabinet which concerned the form of the colleges, or established
great general rules. In some cases it was also done in order to please
the king's taste, and, as I willingly acknowledge, to give a prestige
to the cabinet. Of such a nature were the instructions of Baron von
Gyldencrone and Falckenskjold's mission, of which no one knew anything
but the cabinet before they were determined on, except that I spoke
with the latter officer generally about the affair. If afterwards
so many decrees were issued from the cabinet, this had its origin
in the ordinary course of business, and the representations of the
colleges, or they concerned matters about which a report was requested
in the cabinet. It was my wish to regulate the cabinet business after
a certain form and rule, and to reduce it. Hence I calculated that
no one ought to have any influence over it, except in so far as his
office gave him a right, and that this should be effected by the
representation of his department, or a direct report to the king. I
understood to what confusion it would give rise if I listened to all
the insinuations and suggestions laid before the king, and carried them
out through the cabinet. I was therefore induced to take great care not
to speak with any one about affairs unconnected with his department,
and I directed my attention solely to information that reached the
cabinet through ordinary channels. This conduct injured me personally,
though it might be advantageous to the affairs, for it drew on me a
suspicion that I was distrustful and reserved, and unwilling to accept
any good advice. By degrees several persons were suspected of exerting
an influence over me, but I can declare that no one ever possessed
such an ascendancy, and that the only person to whom I gave unlimited
confidence was Count Brandt. Still, I can assert that I said but
little, even to Count Brandt, about the affairs, and the rest shared my
confidence only in isolated instances. In the affairs I had no secrets
affecting myself, and the other matters I could not and would not
confide to any one but Count Brandt. I wished that persons in business
matters should act according to their convictions, and not look to
me. For this reason, I believed it requisite for the king formally to
declare that his Majesty had entrusted the cabinet business to me, so
that it might not appear as if I had usurped it. This occasioned the
cabinet decree of July 14, 1771, which is so greatly brought against
me, and is said to be opposed to the _Lex Regia_. I will honestly
declare my intentions and principles.
1. I am free to confess that I tried to concentrate the royal authority
in the cabinet, in accordance with the above-mentioned form and
principles.
2. I had frequently remarked that royal orders were given by persons
who had an opportunity to approach his Majesty, without having any
other justification for doing so, than the fact that they had spoken
with the king on the matter. This might give rise to many abuses,
which I tried to prevent by having every direct order copied in a
register. The persons who executed them were thus rendered secure, and
the king knew who was answerable for the execution.
3. Instead of such orders not being brought under the king's notice, as
was formerly the case, his Majesty saw them three or four times.
4. The king signed them in the extract, which was kept in the cabinet,
or on the representations of the department, which reported receipt of
the order.
5. No department could have any influence over another, except through
the king, and there was a copy of it in the cabinet.
6. The king found no difficulty in carrying out what he pleased, and I
was ever of opinion, and had always heard, that in a sovereign state
the form should be kept as simple as possible: that good principles,
and the desire to act well, were the best means to keep a king from
abusing his power: and that other difficulties impeded the execution
of great and useful plans, without preventing the results of a bad
appliance of the authority.
7. All the time I was minister, the cabinet orders were sent to
the colleges and heads of departments. The latter could then raise
objections especially in cases where such regulations were contrary to
the laws and earlier royal resolutions.
8. I thus acquired no personal authority, except in so far as the king
granted me his confidence.
9. I thus deprived myself of the means of mis-applying the king's
confidence to designs opposed to his interests, and if I had any such
designs, of which I am not conscious, however, they can be very easily
detected in the copies preserved in the cabinet.
10. As regards the king's signature, several persons, especially
Councillor of Conference Schumacher, know what his Majesty thought of
it, and that this was the reason why all the cabinet orders were not
signed by the king.
Although I have thus declared with the greatest truthfulness the
sentiments with which I employed the king's confidence, I do not
venture to decide how far, on the whole, the changes that resulted were
advantageous or injurious. The result must prove this, and for this the
time during which they have existed is too short.
So much, however, I believe I may assert, that the economic
arrangements at court, as well as the management of the royal privy
treasury, were advantageous, and will produce considerable savings: and
further, that the financial system is established on a sound basis, as
the price of corn in Copenhagen this winter will prove, how far correct
measures were taken in that matter;--that all the expenses of the last
year have been paid, and the resources which the extraordinary ones
required, were not oppressive for the country;--that the arrangement
of the Chanceries and Colleges of Justice is advantageous;--that the
persons whom I proposed as officials, three or four excepted, as I
might be mistaken about them, possessed the requisite ability for what
they were employed in;--and lastly, that there has been no delay in the
settlement of business. It was unavoidable that defects should have
crept in here and there, which I certainly felt, but could not possibly
prevent. If private persons have suffered, the intention always was to
employ such persons again, and give them compensation.
If the undertaking has failed through incorrect measures, or want of
support, I will confess that I deserve all the reproaches that may
be made me in consequence, as it is sufficient that it has not been
carried out. The king alone can decide how far my advice has had an
influence on his personal comfort, and the examination will prove how
far the results have been injurious on the whole. At the beginning I
was encouraged by my friends: but when it had grown too late to draw
back, I lost them. If it be possible in such a situation as mine was,
for a man to act without personal motives and impartially, I tried to
do so, and so much the less did I believe that I should deserve the
general hatred. On this account I was indifferent to all the menaces
that were spread against me in public. I suspected even less, that I
should be seriously accused of wishing to sustain myself against the
opinion and will of the king, and of entertaining dangerous designs
against his Majesty's person. As concerns the first charge, I do not
know whether the king ever had the wish, or formed a resolution of
discharging me. Everything I could employ to sustain myself in the
king's favour was that I strove to be agreeable to his Majesty. Besides
this, the influence of the queen was the only thing on which I could
calculate. During the last half year, Count Brandt lost the king's
confidence. Etats-rath Reverdil had no personal _liaisons_ with me, and
would assuredly not have allowed me to support myself in an improper
manner. I did not know page Schack personally, before he was attached
to the king: the king said but little about Berger, and, besides, all
the valets were still attached to his Majesty whom I found there, and
they were under very slight or no obligations to me. These persons will
know whether I asked of them information as to what the king said,
or services to my advantage. If I had wished to prevent his Majesty
from forming a speedy decision (about my dismissal) in consequence of
insinuations made to him, I could only trust to the repugnance which
such a thing would meet with in his mind, because there were countless
opportunities, which I could neither prevent, nor attempted to prevent,
and at least I ought to have made more certain of the sentiments of
the persons who were about the king. Besides, the king had formerly
dismissed several persons who were about him, and it would have been
very easy for him to find means for doing the same with me, if he had
wished it, and how could I have opposed it?
Equally improbable is the other charge that I entertained designs
against the king's person. With every one prejudiced against me,
without a party, even hated by the public, how could I have formed the
idea of undertaking such a thing? and if I had formed it, how could I
take such bad measures? All my security consisted in the person of the
king and his authority. Whose authority could have been substituted for
that of the king? The regulations which aroused suspicion were hardly
sufficient to check the disturbances and a revolt of the populace
if such had broken out; and it would have been quite impossible to
carry out a plan which must displease the people. At least, there
is no political probability in all this that such an idea existed.
And what moral reason could arouse suspicion against those persons,
who must necessarily have been acquainted with it, that they would
have been capable of forming such a detestable resolution? A careful
investigation, on the contrary, will prove the excellent sentiments
all my friends entertained for the king's person. I do not deny that
measures were taken to check any violent attacks of the people; and I
do not believe that a government would be justified in allowing changes
in its administration to be effected by such means.
If everything which I have said conscientiously and in accordance with
the truth about the intentions and motives of my actions be carefully
examined, more political faults and moral errors will be found in my
conduct than crimes worthy of punishment. Those persons who knew me,
and watched me closely, can judge and bear witness how far I have
spoken the truth. If I had sought money and personal distinctions, my
situation afforded much easier ways of acquiring them than the one I
selected. The desire of making my fortune was a more remote impulse,
and I merely wished to owe it to the services I rendered the king. My
readiness to carry out whatever the king desired, and his Majesty's
willingness to accept my advice, cannot justify me, but they serve
as my excuse, even if, through my error, evil results for the king's
interest were produced by them.
I appeal to the memory and feeling of the king whether the changes I
carried out or occasioned produced an unpleasant impression on his
Majesty, and I know of no disorders which originated from them. For
the dissatisfaction of individuals is of no effect in this matter.
It was ever my opinion that I owed the king alone an account of my
actions, and it was easy to explain them to the king as the affairs
came so repeatedly before him. Not a trace will be found that I wished
to exercise an influence over the representations of the departments,
or give a false appearance to affairs, as in my time every deputy of
a college was allowed to give his vote. The first changes occurred in
the vicinity of the king, and it would certainly not have been wise
to begin with the council and the court, if his Majesty's conviction,
will, and assent, had not agreed with it. No one was prevented from
attending court but Count Laurvig; nor was any one sent from Copenhagen
with orders not to return; or any dismissed minister prevented from
having an audience of the king.
All those persons whom I knew to have lost their liberty through their
employment about the king's person, or who were forbidden to reside in
Copenhagen, were liberated on my representations. No private cause was
ever decided or protected by the cabinet. Count Rantzau's affair with
the agent Bodenhoff will prove how little influence friendship had.
If, in custom-house disputes, in royal contracts, and in cases which
were clear, the royal resolution was carried out on the representation
of a college, any man who considered himself injured by it was at
liberty to seek justice in the ordinary course. I do not believe that
in this any inclination to despotism will be found. Despotism, in my
opinion, consists in the king deciding about the rights, liberties,
fortunes, and lives of his subjects arbitrarily, without examination,
and without regard to established forms. Those royal officials who were
dismissed through the changes received pensions, and would have the
first claim to vacancies. If any one was dismissed from a college for
proved negligence, unfaithfulness, or other offences, I did not believe
that a judicial process was requisite, which could only take place if
he deserved further punishment; and every man was at liberty to defend
himself legally, if injustice had been dealt to him by the college.
I have the following remarks to make about the education of the crown
prince. I derived the principles on which it was established from the
king's wishes, and the queen desired and herself carried them out. The
crown prince, when the system was commenced, had a weak constitution,
a tendency to rickets, a great deal of obstinacy, continually cried,
would not walk alone, but must always be carried, attached himself
to certain persons, would not play by himself, but must have people
to sing and dance to him, and had been taught a certain fear of the
queen, as his nurses used to threaten that his mamma would come if he
were not good. In order to prevent all this, the following means were
employed:--his royal highness only had simple food given him, gruel,
bread, water, rice, milk, and afterwards potatoes, but all cold. At
first, he was bathed twice or thrice a day in cold water, and at last
went daily into his bath of his own accord. Last winter, he remained
in a cold room when he was not with the queen, was only lightly clad,
and went nearly the whole of the previous winter without shoes or
stockings. He was allowed to do everything that he could effect with
his own strength, but when he cried or obstinately desired anything
which was not absolutely necessary, it was not given him, but he did
not, on that account, receive any punishment, scolding, or threats;
on the other hand, he was never pacified by soothing. He played alone
with his companion, and no distinction was made between them, and they
helped one another at meals and in undressing. They climbed, broke,
and did what they pleased, but everything with which they might hurt
themselves was kept from them. They generally remained alone, even
in the dark. If they hurt themselves they were not pitied, and if
they quarrelled, they made it up between themselves, for the lackeys
were forbidden speaking or playing with them. The prince's education
was to begin in his sixth or seventh year. Up to that time it was
considered sufficient to allow his ideas and abilities to be developed
by habit and experience. The result has been, that the crown prince's
constitution is now as strong and good as might be naturally expected.
His royal highness has never been ill, except in a few trifling cases;
he got over the inoculation for the small-pox with the greatest ease;
he knows the use and employment of his limbs, as is suited to his age;
he dresses and undresses himself, can go up and down stairs without
assistance, and knows how to guard himself from injury. He has none
of that timidity which arises from repeated warnings, is not shy in
society, obstinate, or capricious. If mental knowledge, or a morality
which is based on assumed customs, is left out of the question, little
will be missed in the prince royal, which can be demanded from a child
of five years of age. If it is advantageous that a prince should have
his first education in common with that of all other men, that he
should acquire the strength which such a ripe training produces, that
he should know how to do little matters for himself, without growing
accustomed to be dependent on others; that he should not at too early
an age learn the external insignia of his rank, which might render
him lax in his duties, or imbue him with a vanity which would have
eventually to be checked by moral principles; and if, lastly, that mode
of education is the best in early years which is nearest to the natural
one, I believe that the one applied to the crown prince will not be
considered absurd. The only punishment inflicted on him was that he had
no breakfast, or was left by himself in a room if he was naughty.
As regards the alleged forgery of the document to prove the receipt
of the 60,000 dollars from the king, I declare most sacredly that I
intended no fraud in drawing it up, and was not guilty of forgery;
that, before his Majesty signed the document, I wrote the whole account
in his presence, and that I expressly asked the king for 50,000 dollars
for Count Brandt and for myself, and his Majesty granted them; and that
I could not notice at this time, nor when he signed the document, the
slightest disinclination on the part of the king to our receiving such
a sum. With the same certainty I can declare that everything which this
memoir contains relating to the motives and inducements of my actions,
and the occurrences in which I took part, has been most conscientiously
recorded by me, as well as my memory enabled me to recall it. This was
not the place to speak about morality, hence I shall not be suspected
of having wished to bring forward anything in my excuse in this respect.
_Postscript._
Perhaps it will not be superfluous to add an accurate and definite
explanation of my sentiments with regard to the Russian alliance. I
was ever of opinion that the king ought to maintain it, and although
I was not at first so convinced as I afterwards was of the advantage
of the Holstein negociation, still my advice was not to listen to any
other propositions in this matter, and to carefully avoid arousing
any suspicion of the sort at the Russian court. The insinuations and
opinions of others, especially of Count Rantzau, produced but slight
impression on me, and much less did I follow them. They were to the
effect that we ought not to trust solely to the Russian court, but draw
nearer to others, especially the Swedish.
I never noticed any inclination of the sort in Lieutenant-General von
Gähler. Since Easter of last year I have never spoken on the subject
with any one but the minister of foreign affairs. As regards the
Swedish alliance, I believed that it was advantageous, if the king only
took that part which the treaty with Russia obliged him to do, but not
seek any other influence, especially the influence of money.
These are the true principles on which I acted, although I at times
thought and said that the Russian alliance is not the only resource for
Denmark, and that it was not well to sacrifice all other considerations
to it.
STRUENSEE.
_April 14, 1772._
This apology, though obscure in some parts, is decidedly clever and
modest. In any ordinary court of justice it ought to have produced its
effect, and the minister who could not be condemned for mere errors of
judgment, ought to have been acquitted. But it was the old story of the
wolf and the lamb, and the bought judges were of opinion that any rope
was good enough to hang a dog.
END OF VOL. II.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 93: Moltke, elder son of the favourite of Frederick V., had
but little ambition, but he was ruled by Mademoiselle d'Eyben, first
lady-in-waiting on the queen, and this lady was not without ambition,
or sense, or disposition for intrigue. Moltke died suddenly, which
disconcerted this party: for Mademoiselle d'Eyben, being ugly, could
not easily fill up his place.--_Mémoires de Falckenskjold_, p. 181.]
[Footnote 94: The repetition was unavoidable here without breaking the
entire sequence of the report of this remarkable trial. I was obliged
partly to incorporate Struensee's apology with my text in the first
instance, and now find that I am compelled to make room for it here
again. I hope my readers will forgive me, in consideration that I have
really made very few attempts at "padding" throughout my narrative,
and have rather let facts speak for themselves than take advantage
of the constant opportunities for fine writing which have presented
themselves.]
INDEX TO VOL. II., HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL.
A.
Administration, the new one, and its members, 129.
Adeler, major von, 56.
Adultery, on the law of, 237, 250.
Ahrenfeld, major von, a favourite of the guards, 74.
Army, changes in the, 55.
"Atticus," his libellous attacks on the British ministry, 172;
his condemnation of Caroline Matilda and Struensee, 172, 173;
his scandalous charges, 175.
B.
Bang, lawyer in the exchequer court, engaged against the queen, 213;
his indictment and recapitulation of charges, 214-229;
selected for defending Brandt, 255.
Berger, professor, his attendance on the king, 59;
his arrest, 112;
his treatment in prison, and his examination before the privy
council, 201.
Bering, Magnus (_see_ BERINGSKJOLD).
Beringskjold, von, joins in a conspiracy against Struensee, 84-102;
his position and character, 90;
his baptismal name, _ib._;
his rewards, 125;
his punishment, 142.
Bernstorff, count von, his opposition to count Rantzau, 345.
Biälke, von, marshal of the court, 16, 139.
Body guard, its dismissal justified, 307.
Braëm, Conferenz-rath, sends anonymous admonitory letters to Brandt,
3, 17;
one of the judges for the trial of Struensee, 179;
his threats and abuse, _ib._
Brandt, count, anonymous warning letter sent to, 3;
his levities, 15, 16;
receives a second anonymous letter, 17;
his letter of complaint to Struensee, 27;
Struensee's letter to, 34;
his treacherous proposals for arresting Struensee, 47-49;
his duty to find the king amusement, 60;
exposed to his Majesty's mad freaks, 61;
his personal conflict with the king, 62;
appointed master of the wardrobe, 63;
his arrest, 109;
his wretched cell, 110;
cruelly treated in prison, 148;
his conduct, 150;
his curiosity about matters of gallantry, 182, _note_;
his examination before the privy council of state, 184;
his character, 185;
his apparent conversion, _ib._;
was he a hypocrite? 186;
Dr. Hee's character of him, 187;
the Fiscal General's statements respecting, 261, 262;
account of his fight with the king, 278.
Bruhn, the queen's maid, 218, 219.
Budget, the, 349.
Bülow, baron von, 15, 53, 97, 123;
expelled the kingdom, 143;
his opinion of Struensee's confession, 181.
Bute, earl of, libellous attack on, 173, 174.
C.
Cabinet, business of the departments under the king's supervision,
according to Struensee's statement, 346 _et seq._;
plan of conducting the business, 353;
its orders emanated from the king, 355.
CAROLINE MATILDA, the ladies of her court, and her court amusements,
64, 65;
conspiracy against, 84-104; her arrest, 113;
her firmness and desperate courage, 114, 115;
variations in the accounts of her arrest, and the different
authorities, 116, _note_;
committed to the fortress of Kronborg, 117;
her profound grief and despair, 117, 118;
her harsh treatment, 118;
her miserable apartments at Kronborg, 119 _et note_;
persecution and arrests of her friends and adherents, 141 _et seq._;
her two maids of honour expatriated, 143;
sensation caused in England by her arrest, 158 _et seq._;
her defence, 162;
vigorous appeal by Junius on behalf of, 171;
attacks on, and defence of, 175;
her treatment fiendish and cruel, 177;
her trial, 203 _et seq._;
her suite composed of spies and gaolers, 203;
her letters to Sir R. Keith, 205;
letter to the king, 206;
commission appointed to examine her, 207;
her fatal confession, 211;
Lawyer Bang's indictment of, 213 _et seq._;
his recapitulation of charges and accusations against her, and
prayer for a divorce, 214-229;
her advocate Uldall, 231;
and his defence, 233-250;
appeal to the king in her favour, 251;
the sentence passed upon her, 254.
Carstenskjold, major von, 56;
his rewards, 126.
Charles, prince of Hesse, his account of Caroline Matilda's
arrest, 116 _note_.
Chemnitz, the preacher, insults the imprisoned queen, 203, 204.
CHRISTIAN VII., his insane amusement, 59, 60;
his pugnacious propensities, 60-62;
surprised by the conspirators, who compel him to
sign orders for the arrest of Struensee and others, 103, 104;
the conspiracy having succeeded, he makes his appearance in state,
drawn by eight white horses, 120;
a helpless tool in the hands of the new government, 128;
his pretended indictment of the queen, and suit for a divorce,
213-229;
had no idea of the value of money, 319;
his cabinet regulations, and the general rules laid down by
him, 346 _et seq._
Christiansborg palace, commission of inquisition sit daily for the
trial of state prisoners, 152.
Christianity, beneficial effects of, 199.
Clergy, their bitterness against the fallen ministry, 130.
Coffee-house scandal, 161.
Commission of Inquisition, appointed to try the state prisoners,
151, 152.
Commission, general, appointed as a supreme court to try the cause of
the king against the queen, and pass sentence, 212;
members of the court, _ib._;
appoint lawyer Bang to undertake the king's cause, and Uldall, of
the supreme council, the cause of the queen, 213.
Conspiracy, secretly brooding, 81;
leaders found in the higher circles, 84;
their names, _ib._;
forged document employed, 85;
preparations of the conspirators, 98 _et seq._;
the conspirators surprise the king in his bed, 102;
compel him to sign orders for arresting Struensee and others,
103, 104;
completely successful, the principal officers of state having been
arrested and imprisoned, 119.
Copenhagen, dissatisfaction of the people at, 8 _et seq._
(see DENMARK, and STRUENSEE).
Council of State, Struensee's abolition of the, 282.
Court, amusements of the, 64, 65, 83, 136, 137;
great changes at, 138;
rules to be observed at, 350, 351.
Court parties, Struensee's notices of, 333.
Crown Prince, Struensee's treatment of the, 279.
D.
D'Alembert's admiration of Voltaire, 200.
De Flaux's account of Caroline Matilda's apartments at Kronborg, 119.
DENMARK, alarming preparations against insurrection, 67;
public dissatisfaction, 68;
meeting of the royal guards, 73;
behaviour of the citizens, 75;
a formidable conspiracy against Struensee and his government, which
terminates with the arrest and imprisonment of the queen, 84,
107, 120;
tumultuous proceedings, 121, 122;
the new administration, 129;
public thanks offered in all the churches, 130;
police regulations for preventing mobs and street riots, 140;
violent persecutions and punishments, 148;
the _Lex Regia_, 155, 156;
state trials of the queen, Struensee, and others, 178 _et seq._;
sentence passed upon the queen, 254;
state of the kingdom, 257;
and of parties, 341, 342;
general dissatisfaction in, 344.
Dieden, baron, the Danish envoy at St. James's, 168.
Dockyard men, of Copenhagen, their complaints, 11, 12.
Doctrinaire school, Struensee's state paper on the, 34-47.
Düval, captain C., 141.
E.
Eickstedt, colonel von., joins in a conspiracy against Struensee,
84-102;
his position and character, 89;
appointed commandant of the city, 104;
arrests his brother officers, colonels Falckenskjold and
Hesselberg, 110;
arrests Justiz-rath Struensee and Professor Berger, 112;
his promotions, 125.
England, sensation caused in, by the arrest of Queen Caroline
Matilda, 158 _et seq._
Eyben, Fräulein von, the queen's lady in waiting, 220, 221, 243.
F.
Falckenskjold, colonel von, his advice
to Struensee, 13, 14, 51, 52;
his conversation with Brandt, 17;
arrested, 110;
transferred to the navy prison, 111;
his treatment in prison, and his examination before the privy
council, 201;
his opinion of Struensee's trial, 318.
Falckenskjold, Captain von, his rewards, 125.
Fanatical preachers, 204.
Finances, Struensee's alleged malversation of the, 289, 308;
his brother appointed deputy of the, 290;
the forgery, 291, 308, 309, 319;
general rules for conducting the, 348.
Flying corps, disbandment of the, 55.
Foot guards, disbandment of the, 69;
mutiny of the, 71.
Foreign affairs, Struensee's view of, 365.
Foreign department, rules for conducting the, 347.
Forgery, attributed to Struensee, 291, 308, 309;
Reverdil's evidence on, 319;
Struensee's explanation, 364.
Frederick, prince, joins in a conspiracy against Struensee, 84-102;
incident connected with, 95.
Frederick III., of Denmark, 325.
Frederiksberg, residence of the Danish court, 66;
march of the mutinous guards to, 73.
G.
Gabel, Esther, her father's house destroyed by the populace, 121, 122.
Gabel, Frau von, her influential position at court, 334, 335.
Gähler, Frau von, arrested, 143.
Gähler, general von, refuses to join in the disbandment of the foot
guards, 70;
brings a written discharge for the guards, 74;
his arrest, 112.
George III., Von der Osten's insidious communication to, 166;
his reply to King Christian's letter, 167;
declines to interfere actively on behalf of the Queen of Denmark,
168;
attacked by Junius, 169, 170.
Grimm, baron, 83, _note_.
Guards, mutiny of the, 71;
march to Frederiksberg, 73;
discharged, 74;
supplied with provisions by the citizens, 75;
disbanded, 77;
mutiny caused by Struensee's disbandment of the, 287, 288.
Gude, general von, commander of the garrison, 67;
his character, 67 _note_;
arrested, but afterwards set at liberty, 143.
Guldberg, Owe Hörg, secretary to Prince Frederick, 84;
biographical notices of, 86;
his person and character, 87;
leader of a conspiracy against Struensee, 84, 88, 92;
surprises the king in his palace, 102;
his drawn up orders for the arrest of seventeen persons, 104;
chief councillor of the conspirators, 127;
the most influential man in the government, 157.
H.
Hansen, admiral, his examination before the privy council, 202.
Hansen, the preacher, insults the imprisoned queen, 204.
Hee, rev. Dr., 185, 186;
his character of Count Brandt, 187.
Hesselberg, colonel von, arrested, 110;
treatment of in prison, and his examination before the privy
council, 201.
Hirschholm, royal breakfasts at, 321.
Hobe, lieutenant-general von, commandant of the citadel, 178;
examination of state prisoners taken before him, 178 _et seq._
Holck, count, present to, 321;
frequently opposed by Struensee, 331;
intrigues against, 334, 335;
the queen's aversion to, 337, 338.
Holstein, countess von, 97, 98.
Horn, the queen's maid, 218, 219.
Horse guards, disbandment of the, 69.
Huth, von, his reward, 126.
I.
Incendiary placards at Copenhagen, 8.
Italian actresses, their house destroyed by the mob, 123.
J.
Jacobi, appointed reader to the king, 146.
Jessen, Jacob, joins in the conspiracy against Struensee, 92, 94, 102;
his rewards, 126.
Juliana Maria, dowager queen, her plot for overthrowing Struensee,
7, 52;
conspiracy formed by, 14;
heads the conspiracy, 84-104;
causes which induced her to undertake it, 85;
surprises the king in his bed, 102;
induces him to sign the orders for arresting Struensee and others,
103;
fulsome laudations of, 132, 135;
Reverdil's interview with, 145;
her insults to the queen, 203.
Junius, his attack on Lord North and George III., 169;
his denunciation of the Danes, 170, 171;
his vigorous appeal on behalf of Caroline Matilda, 171.
Justice, general rules for the administration of, as laid down by
Struensee, 350.
K.
Kaas, admiral, 53.
Keith, col. Sir R. M., English envoy at Copenhagen, remonstrates with
Struensee on his public conduct, 78, 79;
denounces war against Denmark if the queen were injured, 158;
demands a private audience of the king, 167;
the proposed interview defeated by the Danish ministers, _ib._;
reveals the jugglery practised to deceive the British court, 168;
Caroline Matilda's letter to, 205;
he warns her of the arrival of the Commission, and advises her as
to her conduct, 208.
King's prerogative, 154;
and supremacy, 306.
Köller, von, joins in a conspiracy against Struensee, 84-102;
his position and character, 88;
incident connected with, 96;
vested with full powers for preserving order, 104;
arrests Struensee, 106, 107;
arrests General Gähler, 112;
his
promotions, 125;
to be henceforth distinguished as Köller-Banner, _ib._;
chosen as companion for amusing the sovereign, 128.
Kronberg, fortress of, 117;
the queen committed to the, _ib._;
her miserable apartments, 119, _note_.
L.
Langebeck, Justiz-rath, the historian, his pamphlets against
Struensee, 50, 135.
Law, immutability of the, 286.
Le Texier, master of the revels, 97.
Lersker, chamberlain, assaulted by the mutineers, 71.
Lersner, master of the hounds, arrested, 141.
Lex Regia, of Denmark, 155, 156;
concedes sovereignty but not despotism to the king, 285;
laws of the, 305, 306.
Lühe, Frau von der, favourite of the queen, 252.
Lüxdorph, Conferenz-rath, 8.
M.
Man, is he a machine?, 192.
Materialism, 190.
Matilda, Order of, 269.
Minister of state, duty of the, 283.
Moltke, elder son of the favourite of Frederick V., 333, _note_.
Münter, rev. Dr., his bitterness against Struensee and the fallen
ministry, 130, 131;
his visit to Struensee, 187;
his theologico-philosophical conversations with Struensee in
prison, 188 _et seq._
Mutiny of the guards, 73.
N.
Nobility of Denmark, their lukewarmness, 342.
North, lord, Junius's bitter attack on, 171;
his indecisive conduct, 176.
Numsen, colonel von, 49;
transferred to Jütland, 55.
O.
Oboe, lieutenant, his examination before the privy council, 202.
Osten, von der, his treacherous proposals for arresting Struensee, 49;
his betrayal of the plan, 50;
persuades the queen to submission when arrested, 115, 116;
his principal talent, espionage, 146;
appointed minister for foreign affairs, 156;
his intriguing conduct, 166.
P.
Palace guard, the, 53, 76.
Pamphleteers, restrictions on, 58.
Peter III. of Russia, his overthrow, 90.
Philosophical hero, the, 189.
Press, freedom of the, 50;
restrictions on the, 59.
Prince Royal, education of the, 313, 262.
Privy Council of State, established, 152, 153;
the members, 153, 156;
Struensee's examination before the, 178 _et seq._;
Brandt's examination, 184;
examination of the different prisoners, 201, 202.
Public opinion, Struensee's indifference to, 357.
Q.
Queen Dowager. (_See_ JULIANA MARIA.)
Queen's bouquet, Struensee's sale of the, 292.
R.
Rantzau-Ascheberg, count, remonstrates with Struensee, 81;
joins in a conspiracy against him, 84-102;
his position and character, 88;
his vacillation, 99;
his intention to betray the conspiracy, 100;
pretends a fit of the gout, _ib._;
surprises the king in bed, 103;
undertakes the arrest of the queen,
Caroline Matilda, 113;
the resistance he meets with, 114, 115;
his promotions, 125;
appointed minister for the army, 156;
his opposition to Count Bernstorff, 345.
Reverdil, his character as an honest man, 50;
his political honesty, 83;
insult to, 96;
his arrest, 144;
his interview with the queen dowager, 145;
leaves Copenhagen, and enters the service of the Helvetic republic,
where he remains until his death, 146;
his visit to London, and his statement respecting the Danish envoy,
168;
his remark on Brandt, 182, _note_;
his appeal to the king in Caroline Matilda's favour, 251;
his defence of Struensee, 319.
Römeling, admiral, appointed minister for the army, 156.
Rönpstorff, major von, arrests the town commandant and Justiz-rath
Struensee, 112;
his reward, 126.
Royal family of England, their successive mortifications, 162.
Rumohr, Herr von, 11.
S.
Sailors, Norwegian, their threatening demonstration, 9;
obtain redress, 10;
sent on furlough, 56.
Sames, colonel von, 66;
arrests Count Brandt, 109;
his rewards, 126.
Schack, von, the king's page, 59-66;
appointed reporter for the treasury, 156;
selected to lay before the queen Struensee's confession, which
she precipitately signs, 209, 211.
Schimmelmann, Frau von, 97.
Schimmelmann, baron, tirade against, 163.
Schiötte, Frau, evidence of, on the queen's trial, 240.
Schlemann, lieutenant, 98.
Schulin, count, his house and library destroyed by the mob, 121, 122.
Silk weavers of Copenhagen, their complaints, 11.
Sorgenfrie police, 55.
Sprengtporten, baron von, the Swedish envoy, 80.
Staffeldt, privy councillor von, dismissed, 52, 53.
State prisoners, examination of, before the privy council of state,
178-202.
Struensee, Adam, his fatherly letter to his son, 194.
STRUENSEE, Count Frederick, conspiracy for effecting his overthrow,
7, 14;
his weakness, 10;
Falckenskjold's advice to, 13, 14;
Brandt's letter of complaint to, 27;
his letter to Brandt, a long state paper of the doctrinaire school,
34-47;
Brandt's treacherous proposals for arresting him, 47, 49;
anonymous attacks on, 50;
his indifference to popular clamour, 51;
dismisses several officials of high standing, 52;
adopts measures of security, 54 _et seq._;
his disbandment of the horse and foot guards, 69;
his intentions defeated, 78;
his political blindness and obstinacy, 80, 81;
all parties leagued against him, 82;
conspiracy organised for his overthrow, 84 _et seq._;
orders for his arrest, 105;
arrested, 107;
his miserable cell, 108;
bitter pamphlets published against, 132, 135, 136;
persecution and arrests of his adherents, 141 _et seq._;
cruelly treated in prison, 149;
his despair, 150;
his examination before the privy council of state, 178 _et seq._;
his firmness, 179;
his confession, 180;
his base conduct, 181;
his dishonourable disclosures, 182;
his lame defence, 183;
his habits in prison, 184;
his friends, 193;
the Rev. Dr. Münter's visit to, and their theologico-philosophical
conversations, 187 _et seq._;
a fatherly letter to, 194;
his conversion, 198, 200;
effects of Christianity on, 199;
the Fiscal General's indictment of, 256;
recapitulation of Struensee's life, character, and alleged crimes,
258-294;
his "inhuman" impudence, 275;
his treatment of the crown prince, 279;
his abolition of the council of state, 282;
his disbandment of the guards, 287;
his malversation of the finances, 289;
an accomplice in selling her Majesty's costly bouquet, 292;
the manner in which evidence was raked up
against the unfortunate ex-minister, 295;
defended by the lawyer Uldall, 298-316;
Reverdil's defence of, 319;
his written defence and apology, 329;
his auto-biographical notices, 330 _et seq._;
his position and influence at court, 337-340;
his charge of the different departments of state, 347 _et seq._;
his cabinet orders, 355;
his indifference to public opinion, 357;
a friend to the liberty of the subject, 361.
Struensee, Justiz-rath, arrested, 112;
his treatment in prison, 151;
his examination before the privy council, 201;
eventually becomes the Prussian minister of finances, 141.
Struensee, lieutenant, banished the kingdom, 141;
receives an appointment in Prussia through the interest of
his brother, _ib._
Sturtz, councillor of legation, arrested, 112, 148.
Suhm, von, the historian, drives the dowager queen into a
conspiracy, 85;
his bitterness against Struensee and the fallen ministry, 131, 132;
his fulsome panegyric on the queen dowager and her son, 132;
his warning appeal to the king, 133;
issues a violent pamphlet, 134.
T.
Tacitus, extract from his "Annals" applied to Struensee, 83, _note_.
Theatre, fearful alarm caused by the crying of a child, 138, 139.
Thott, colonel, appointed reporter for the two chanceries, 156.
Treld, the town captain, 119.
Tyge-Rothe, literary cynicism of, 135.
U.
Uldall, lawyer, of the supreme court,
appointed to defend the queen, 213;
his consultation, 229;
his defence of the queen, 233-250;
omission in the defence, 250;
selected for defence of Struensee, 255;
his defence, 298-316;
his lukewarmness, 316;
the advocate Wiwet's reply to, 322.
V.
Voltaire, D'Alembert's admiration of, 200.
W.
Wales, princess dowager of, her illness, 160;
her death, 164;
her character, 164, 165.
Walpole, Horace, his reflections on the successive mortifications of
the royal family, 160;
anecdote related by, 168, _note_.
Warnstedt, chamberlain von, recalled to court, 59.
Winslöw, the celebrated anatomist, 259, _note_.
Winterfeldt, captain, 11, 14.
Wiwet, Fiscal General, receives the king's orders to indict Struensee
and Brandt, 255;
his form of indictment, 256;
his recapitulation of Struensee's life and character, 258 _et seq._;
his ungenerous insults, 259, _note_;
his reply, lawyer Uldall, 322.
Wraxall, Mr. N., his notices respecting the arrest of Caroline
Matilda, 116, _note_.
Z.
Zeeland dragoons, take the place of the disbanded guards, 56.
LONDON:
LEWIS AND SON, PRINTERS, SWAN BUILDINGS, MOORGATE STREET.
* * * * *
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| Transcriber Notes: |
| |
| P.2. Added missing footnote anchor to the letter. |
| P.49. 'chesnuts' changed to 'chestnuts'. |
| P.110. 'Hesselbberg' changed to 'Hesselberg'. |
| P.129. 'ap-appointed' changed to appointed'. |
| P.178. 'favourate' changed to 'favourite'. |
| P.267. 'sufficent' changed to 'sufficient'. |
| P.368. 'Commision' changed to 'Commission'. |
| P.369. Falckenskjold, colonel von, his conversation with Brandt |
| is p. 17, added to index. |
| P.373. 'qeeen' changed to 'queen'. |
| Fixed various punctuation. |
| |
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