Uvira is much frequented on account of its cheapness; it is the great

northern depôt for slaves, ivory, grain, bark-cloth, and ironware, and,

in the season, hardly a day elapses without canoes coming in for

merchandise or provisions. The imports are the kitindi, salt, beads,

tobacco, and cotton cloth. Rice does not grow there, holcus and maize

are sold at one to two fundo of common beads per masuta or small

load,--perhaps sixteen pounds,--and one khete is sufficient during the

months of plenty to purchase five pounds of manioc, or two and even

three fowls. Plantains of the large and coarse variety are common and

cheap, and one cloth is given for two goodly earthen pots full of

palm-oil. Ivory fetches its weight in brass wire: here the merchant

expects for every 1000 dollars of outfit to receive 100 farasilah (3500

lbs.) of large tusks, and his profit would be great were it not

counterbalanced by the risk and by the expense of transport. The prices

in the slave-mart greatly fluctuate. When business is dull, boys under

ten years may be bought for four cloths and five fundo of white and blue

porcelains, girls for six shukkah, and as a rule at these remote places,

as Uvira, Ujipa, and Marungu, slaves are cheaper than in the market of

Ujiji. Adults fetch no price, they are notoriously intractable, and

addicted to desertion. Bark-cloths, generally in the market, vary from

one to three khete of coral beads. The principal industry of the Wavira

is ironware, the material for which is dug in the lands lying at a

little distance westward of the lake. The hoes, dudgeons, and small

hatchets, here cost half their usual price at Ujiji. The people also

make neat baskets and panniers, not unlike those of Normandy, and pretty

bowls cut out of various soft woods, light and dark: the latter are also

found, though rarely, at Ujiji and in the western islets.

A gale appeared to be brewing in the north--here the place of

storms--and the crews, fearing wind and water, in the afternoon insisted

upon launching their canoes and putting out to sea at 10 A.M. on the 6th

May. After touching at the stages before described, Muikamba, Ngovi and

Murivumba of the anthropophagi, we crossed without other accidents but

those of weather--the rainy monsoon was in its last convulsions--the

western branch or supplementary channel separating the Lake from the

island of Ubwari. Before anchoring at Mzimu, our former halting-place,

we landed at a steep ghaut, where the crews swarmed up a ladder of rock,

and presently returned back with pots of the palm-oil, for which this

is the principal depôt.

On the 10th May the sky was dull and gloomy, the wind was hushed, the

“rain-sun” burnt with a sickly and painful heat; the air was still and

sultry, stifling and surcharged, while the glimmerings of lurid

lightning and low mutterings from the sable cloud-banks lying upon the

northern horizon, cut by light masses of mist in a long unbroken line,

and from the black arch rising above the Acroceraurian hills to the

west, disturbed at times the death-like silence. Even the gulls on the

beach forefelt a storm. I suggested a halt, but the crews were now in a

nervous hurry to reach their homes,--impatience mastered even _their_

prudence.

We left Mzimu at sunset, and for two hours coasted along the shore. It

was one of those portentous evenings of the tropics--a calm before a

tempest--unnaturally quiet; we struck out, however, boldly towards the

eastern shore of the Tanganyika, and the western mountains rapidly

lessened on the view. Before, however, we reached the mid-channel, a

cold gust--in these regions the invariable presage of a storm--swept

through the deepening shades cast by the heavy rolling clouds, and the

vivid nimble lightning flashed, at first by intervals, then incessantly,

with a ghastly and blinding glow, illuminating the “vast of night,” and

followed by a palpable obscure, and a pitchy darkness, that weighed upon

the sight. As terrible was its accompaniment of rushing, reverberating

thunder, now a loud roar, peal upon peal, like the booming of heavy

batteries, then breaking into a sudden crash, which was presently

followed by a rattling discharge like the sharp pattering of musketry.

The bundles of spears planted upright amidships, like paratonnerres,

seemed to invite the electric fluid into the canoes. The waves began to

rise, the rain descended, at first in warning-drops, then in torrents,

and had the wind steadily arisen, the cockle-shell craft never could

have lived through the short, chopping sea which characterises the

Tanganyika in heavy weather. The crew, though blinded by the showers,

and frightened by the occasional gusts, held their own gallantly enough;

at times, however, the moaning cry, “O my wife!” showed what was going

on within. Bombay, a noted Voltairian in fine weather, spent the length

of that wild night in reminiscences of prayer. I sheltered myself from

the storm under my best friend, the Mackintosh, and thought of the

far-famed couplet of Hafiz,--with its mystic meaning I will not trouble

the reader:--

“This collied night, these horrid waves, these gusts that sweep the

whirling deep!

What reck they of our evil plight, who on the shore securely sleep?”

Fortunately the rain beat down wind and sea, otherwise nothing short of

a miracle could have preserved us for a dry death.

That night, however, was the last of our “sea-sorrows.” After floating

about during the latter hours of darkness, under the land, but uncertain

where to disembark, we made at 7 A.M., on the 11th May, Wafanya, our

former station in ill-famed Urundi. Tired and cramped by the night’s

work, we pitched tents, and escaping from the gaze of the insolent and

intrusive crowd, we retired to spend a few hours in sleep.

I was suddenly aroused by Mabruki, who, rushing into the tent, thrust my

sword into my hands, and exclaimed that the crews were scrambling into

their boats. I went out and found everything in dire confusion. The

sailors hurrying here and there, were embarking their mats and

cooking-pots, some were in violent parley with Kannena, whilst a little

knot was carrying a man, mortally wounded, down to the waters of the

Lake. I saw at once that the affair was dangerous. On these occasions

the Wajiji, whose first impulse is ever flight, rush for safety to their

boats and push off, little heeding whom or what they leave behind. We

therefore hurried in without delay.

When both crews had embarked, and no enemy appeared, Kannena persuaded

them to reland, and proving to them their superior force, induced them

to demand, at the arrow’s point, satisfaction of Kanoni, the chief, for

the outrage committed by his subjects. During our sleep a drunken

man--almost all these disturbances arise from fellows who have the “_vin

méchant_”--had rushed from the crowd of Warundi, and, knobstick in hand,

had commenced dealing blows in all directions. Ensued a general mêlée.

Bombay, when struck, called to the crews to arm. The Goanese, Valentine,

being fear-crazed, seized my large “Colt” and probably fired it into the

crowd; at all events, the cone struck one of our own men below the right

pap, and came out two inches to the right of the backbone. Fortunately

for us he was a slave, otherwise the situation would have been

desperate. As it was, the crowd became violently excited, one man drew

his dagger upon Valentine, and with difficulty I dissuaded Kannena from

killing him. As the crew had ever an eye to the “main chance,” food,

they at once confiscated three goats, our store for the return voyage,

cut their throats, and spitted the meat upon their spears:--thus the

lamb died and the wolf dined, and the innocent suffered and the

plunderer was joyed, the strong showed his strength and the weak his

weakness, according to the usual formula of this sublunary world.

Whilst Kannena was absent, on martial purposes intent, I visited the

sole sufferer in the fray, and after seeing his wound washed, I forbade

his friends to knead the injured muscles, as they were doing, and to

wrench his right arm from side to side. A cathartic seemed to have a

beneficial effect. On the second day of his accident he was able to

rise. But these occurrences in wild countries always cause long

troubles. Kannena, who obtained from Sultan Kanoni, as blood-money, a

small girl and a large sheep, declared that the man might die, and

insisted upon my forthwith depositing, in case of such contingency,

eight cloths, which, should the wound not prove fatal, would be

returned. The latter clause might have been omitted; in these lands,

_nescit_ cloth _missa reverti_. As we were about to leave Ujiji, Kannena

claimed for the man’s subsistence forty cloths,--or as equivalent, three

slaves and six cloths--which also it was necessary to pay. A report was

afterwards spread that the wretch had sunk under his wound. Valentine

heard the intelligence with all that philosophy which distinguishes his

race when mishaps occur to any but self. His prowess, however, cost me

forty-eight dollars, here worth at least £100 in England. Still I had

reason to congratulate myself that matters had not been worse. Had the

victim been a Mjiji freeman, the trouble, annoyances, and expense would

have been interminable. Had he been a Mrundi, we should have been

compelled to fight our way, through a shower of arrows, to the boats;

war would have extended to Ujiji, and “England,” as usual, would have

had to pay the expenses. When Said bin Salim heard at Kazeh a distorted

account of this mishap--of course it was reported that “Haji Abdullah”

killed the man--he hit upon a notable device. Lurinda, the headman of

Gungu, had often begged the Arab to enter into “blood-brotherhood” with

him, and this had Said bin Salim pertinaciously refused, on religious

grounds, to do. When informed that battle and murder were in the wind,

he at once made fraternity with Lurinda, hoping to derive protection

from his spear. His terrors afterwards persuaded him to do the same with

Kannena: indeed at that time he would have hailed a slave as “Ndugu

yango!” (my brother!)

When Kannena returned successful from his visit to Kanoni, we prepared

to leave Wafanya. The fierce rain and the nightly drizzle detained us,

however, till the next morning. On the 11th May we paddled round the

southern point of Wafanya Bay to Makimoni, a little grassy inlet, where

the canoes were defended from the heavy surf.

After this all was easy. We rattled paddles on the 12th May, as we

entered our “patrie,” Nyasanga. The next night was spent in Bangwe Bay.

We were too proud to sneak home in the dark; we had done something

deserving a Certain Cross, we were heroes, braves of braves; we wanted

to be looked at by the fair, to be howled at by the valiant. Early on

the morning of the 13th May we appeared with shots, shouts, and a

shocking noise, at the reed-lined gap of sand that forms the ghaut of

Kawele. It was truly a triumphal entrance. All the people of that

country-side had collected to welcome the crew, women and children, as

well as men, pressed waist-deep into the water to receive friend and

relative with becoming affection:--the gestures, the clamour, and the

other peculiarities of the excited mob I must really leave to the

reader’s imagination; the memory is too much for me.

But true merit is always modest; it aspires to Honor, not honours. The

Wagungu, or whites, were repeatedly “called for.” I broke, however,

through the sudant, strident, hircine throng, and regaining, with the

aid of Riza’s strong arm, the old Tembe, was salaamed to by the

expectant Said bid Salim and the Jemadar. It felt like a return home.

But I had left, before my departure, with my Arab chargé-d’affaires,

four small loads of cloth, and on inspecting the supplies there remained

only ten shukkah. I naturally inquired what had become of the 110

others, which had thus prematurely disappeared. Said bin Salim replied

by showing a small pile of grain-bags, and by informing me that he had

hired twenty porters for the down-march. He volunteered, it is true, in

case I felt disposed to finish the Periplus of the Lake, to return to

Kazeh and to superintend the transmission of our reserve supplies; as,

however, he at the same time gave me to understand that he could not

escort them back to Ujiji, I thanked him for his offer, and declined it.

We had expended upwards of a month--from the 10th April to the 13th May,

1858--in this voyage fifteen days outward bound, nine at Uvira, and nine

in returning. The boating was rather a severe trial. We had no means of

resting the back; the holds of the canoes, besides being knee-deep in

water, were disgracefully crowded;--they had been appropriated to us and

our four servants by Kannena, but by degrees, he introduced in addition

to the sticks, spears, broken vases, pots, and gourds, a goat, two or

three small boys, one or two sick sailors, the little slave-girl and the

large sheep. The canoes were top-heavy with the number of their crew,

and the shipping of many seas spoilt our tents, and besides, wetted our

salt, and soddened our grain and flour; the gunpowder was damaged, and

the guns were honeycombed with rust. Besides the splashing of the

paddles and the dashing of waves, heavy showers fell almost every day

and night, and the intervals were bursts of burning sunshine.

The discomfort of the halt was not less than that of the boat. At first

we pitched tents near the villages, in tall, fetid grass, upon ground

never level, where stones were the succedanea for tent-pegs stolen for

fuel, and where we slept literally upon mire. The temperature inside was

ever in extremes, now a raw rainy cold, then a steam-bath that damped us

like an April shower. The villagers, especially in the remoter

districts, were even more troublesome, noisy, and inquisitive, than the

Wagogo. A “notable passion of wonder” appeared in them. We felt like

baited bears: we were mobbed in a moment, and scrutinised from every

point of view by them; the inquisitive wretches stood on tiptoe, they

squatted on their hams, they bent sideways, they thrust forth their

necks like hissing geese to vary the prospect. Their eyes, “glaring

lightning-like out of their heads,” as old Homer hath it, seemed to

devour us; in the ecstasy of curiosity they shifted from one Muzungu to

his “brother,” till, like the well-known ass between the two bundles of

hay, they could not enjoy either. They were pertinacious as flies, to

drive them away was only to invite a return; whilst, worst grief of all,

the women were plain, and their grotesque salutations resembled the

“encounter of two dog-apes.” The Goanese were almost equally honoured,

and the operation of cooking was looked upon as a miracle. At last my

experience in staring enabled me to categorise the infliction as

follows. Firstly, is the stare furtive, when the starer would peep and

peer under the tent, and its reverse, the stare open. Thirdly, is the

stare curious or intelligent, which, generally accompanied with

irreverent laughter regarding our appearance. Fourthly, is the stare

stupid, which denoted the hebete incurious savage. The stare discreet is

that of sultans and great men; the stare indiscreet at unusual seasons

is affected by women and children. Sixthly, is the stare flattering--it

was exceedingly rare, and equally so was the stare contemptuous.

Eighthly, is the stare greedy; it was denoted by the eyes restlessly

bounding from one object to another, never tired, never satisfied.

Ninthly, is the stare peremptory and pertinacious, peculiar to crabbed

age. The dozen concludes with the stare drunken, the stare fierce or

pugnacious, and finally the stare cannibal, which apparently considered

us as articles of diet. At last, weary of the stare by day, and the tent

by night, I preferred inhabiting a bundle of clothes in the wet hold of

the canoe; this, at least, saved the trouble of wading through the

water, of scrambling over the stern, and of making a way between the two

close lines of grumbling and surly blacks that manned the

paddle-benches; whenever, after a meaningless halt, some individual

thought proper to scream out “Safári!” (journey!)

Curious to say, despite all these discomforts our health palpably

improved. My companion, though still uncomfortably deaf, was almost

cured of his blindness. When that ulcerated mouth, which rendered it

necessary for me to live by suction--generally milk and water--for

seventeen days, had returned to its usual state, my strength gradually

increased. Although my feet were still swollen by the perpetual wet and

by the painful funza or entozoon, my hands partially lost their

numbness, and the fingers which before could hold the pen only for a few

minutes were once more able freely to write and sketch. In fact, I date

a slow but sensible progress towards a complete recovery of health from

the days and nights spent in the canoe and upon the mud of the

Tanganyika Lake. Perhaps mind had also acted upon matter; the object of

my mission was now effected, and this thought enabled me to cast off the

burden of grinding care with which the imminent prospect of a failure

had before sorely laden me.

The rainy monsoon broke up on the 14th May, the day after my return to

Kawele, and once more, after six months of incessant storm-wind and

rain, clouds and mists, we had fine, cool mornings, clear warm sun, and

deliciously cold nights. The climate became truly enjoyable, but the

scenery somewhat lost its earlier attractions. The faultless, regular,

and uniform beauty, and the deep stillness of this evergreen land did

not fail to produce that strange, inexplicable melancholy of which most

travellers in tropical countries complain. In this Nature all is

beautiful that meets the eye, all is soft that affects the senses; but

she is a Siren whose pleasures soon pall upon the enjoyer. The mind,

enfeebled perhaps by an enervating climate, is fatigued and wearied by

the monotony of the charms which haunt it; cloyed with costly fare, it

sighs for the rare simplicity of the desert. I have never felt this

sadness in Egypt and Arabia, and was never without it in India and

Zanzibar.

Our outfit, as I have observed, had been reduced to a minimum. Not a

word from Snay bin Amir, my agent at Kazeh, had arrived in reply to my

many missives, and old Want began to stare at us with the stare

peremptory. “Wealth,” say the Arabs, “hath one devil, poverty a dozen,”

and nowhere might a caravan more easily starve than in rich and fertile

Central Africa. Travellers are agreed that in these countries “baggage

is life:” the heartless and inhospitable race will not give a handful of

grain without return, and to use the Moslem phrase, “Allah pity him who

must beg of a beggar!” As usual on such occasions, the Baloch began to

clamour for more rations--they received two cloths per diem--and to

demand a bullock wherewith to celebrate their Eed or greater Festival.

There were several Arab merchants at Kawele, but they had exhausted

their stock in purchasing slaves and ivory. None in fact were so rich as

ourselves, and we were reduced to ten shukkah, ten fundo of coral beads,

and one load of black porcelains, which were perfectly useless. With

this pittance we had to engage hammals for the hammock, to feed

seventy-five mouths, and to fee several Sultans; in fact, to incur the

heavy expenses of marching back 260 miles to Unyanyembe.

Still, with an enviable development of Hope, Said bin Salim determined

that we should reach Kazeh unfamished. We made the necessary

preparations for the journey, patched tents and umbrella, had a grand

washing and scouring day, mended the portmanteaus, and ground the grain

required for a month’s march, hired four porters for the manchil,

distributed ammunition to Said bin Salim and the Baloch, who at once

invested it in slaves, and exchanged with Said bin Majid several pounds

of lead for palm-oil, which would be an economy at the Malagarazi Ferry.

For some days past rumours had reached here that a large caravan of

Wanyamwazi porters, commanded by an Arab merchant, was approaching

Kawele. I was not sanguine enough to expose myself to another

disappointment. Suddenly on the 22d May, frequent musket shots announced

the arrival of strangers, and at noon the Tembe was surrounded with

boxes and bales, porters, slaves, and four “sons of Ramji,” Mbaruko,

Sangora, Khamisi, and Shehe. Shahdad the Baloch, who had been left

behind at Kazeh in love, and in attendance upon his “brother,” Ismail,

who presently died, had charge of a parcel of papers and letters from

Europe, India, and Zanzibar. They were the first received after nearly

eleven months, and of course they brought with them evil tidings,--the

Indian mutinies. _En revanche_, I had a kindly letter from M. Cochet,

Consul of France, and from Mr. Mansfield, of the U.S., who supplied me

with the local news, and added for my edification a very “low-church”

Tract, the first of the family, I opine, that has yet presented itself

in Central Africa. Mr. Frost reported that he had sent at once a letter

apprising me of Lieut.-Colonel Hamaton’s death, and had forwarded the

medical supplies for which I indented from K’hutu: these, as has been

explained, had not reached me. Snay bin Amir also informed me that he

had retained all the packages for which he could find no porters; that

three boxes had been stolen from his “godown;” and finally, that the

second supply, 400 dollars-worth of cloth and beads, for which I had

written at Inenge and had re-written at Ugogo and other places, was

hourly expected to arrive.

This was an unexpected good fortune, happening at a crisis when it was

really wanted. My joy was somewhat damped by inspecting the packs of the

fifteen porters. Twelve were laden with ammunition which was not wanted,

and with munitions _de bouche_, which were: nearly half the bottles of

curry-powder, spices, and cognac were broken, tea, coffee, and sugar,

had been squeezed out of their tin canisters, and much of the rice and

coffee had disappeared. The three remaining loads were one of American

domestics,--sixty shukkahs--and the rest contained fifteen

coral-bracelets and white beads. All were the refuse of their kind: the

good Hindoos at Zanzibar had seized this opportunity to dispose of their

flimsy, damaged, and unsaleable articles. This outfit was sufficient to

carry us comfortably to Unyanyembe. I saw, however, with regret that it

was wholly inadequate for the purpose of exploring the two southern

thirds of the Tanganyika Lake, much less for returning to Zanzibar,

_viâ_ the Nyassa or Maravi Lake, and Kilwa, as I had once dreamed.

I received several visits from our old companion, Muhinna bin Sulayman

of Kazeh, and three men of his party. He did not fail to improve the

fact of his having brought up my supplies in the nick of time. He

required five coil-bracelets and sixteen pounds of beads as my share of

the toll taken from him by the Lord of the Malagarazi Ferry. For the

remaining fifteen coil-bracelets he gave me forty cloths, and for the

load and a half of white beads he exchanged 880 strings of blue

porcelains--a commercial operation by which he cleared without trouble

35 per cent. Encouraged by my facility, he proposed to me the propriety

of paying part of the kuhonga or blackmail claimed from new comers by

Rusimba and Kannena. But facility has its limits: I quietly objected,

and we parted on the best of terms.

[Illustration: A Mnyamwezi.

A Mjiji.

Mugungu Mbaya, “the wicked white man.”

A Mgogo.

Ferry Boat on the Malagarazi River.

A Mzaramo.]

CHAP. XV.

THE TANGANYIKA LAKE AND ITS PERIPLUS.

The Tanganyika Lake, though situated in the unexplored centre of

Intertropical Africa, and until 1858 unvisited by Europeans, has a

traditionary history of its own, extending through more than three

centuries.

“Accounts of a great sea in the interior of Africa obtained (partially

from native travellers) at Congo and Sofala,” reached the Portuguese

settlements on both shores of the continent.[6] The details of de

Barros (first printed in 1852), whilst affording substantially correct

details, such as the length of the Lake--100 leagues--the capability of

navigation, and the one large island--Ubwari--are curiously intermingled

with the errors of theoretical conclusion. Subsequently Pigafetta

(1591), writing upon the authority of Portuguese inquirers, affirms that

there is but one lake (the N’yassa) on the confines of Angola and

Monomotapa, but that there are two lakes (the Nyassa and the

Tanganyika), not lying east and west, as was supposed by Ptolemy of

Alexandria, but north and south of each other, and about 400 miles

asunder, which give birth to the Nile. From that epoch dates the origin

of our modern misconceptions concerning the Lake Region of Central

Intertropical Africa. The Nyassa and the Tanganyika were now blended,

then separated, according to the theories or the information of the

geographer; no explorer ventured to raise from the land of mystery the

veil that invested it; and the “Mombas Mission” added the colophon by

confounding, with the old confusion, the Nyanza or Ukerewe, a third

lake, of which they had heard at Mombasah and elsewhere. It is not

wonderful then that Dr. Vincent suspected the existence or the place of

the Central Lake, or that the more ignorant popularizers of knowledge

confounded the waters of the Nyassa and the Ngami.[7]

The Lake Regions of Central Africa: A Picture of Exploration, Vol. 2 · 第 9 / 37 段