THE EVER VICTORIOUS ARMY.
The appointment of any English officer would have led to some
improvement in the direction of the Chinese Imperial forces assembled
for the suppression of the Taeping rebellion; but the nature of the
operations to be carried out, which were exclusively the capture of a
number of towns strongly stockaded and protected by rivers and canals,
rendered it specially necessary that that officer should be an
engineer. In addition to the advantages of his scientific training,
Major Gordon enjoyed the benefit of the preliminary course he had gone
through under General Staveley. He had seen the Taepings fight, and
something also of the defence and capture of their positions. He had
also thoroughly mastered the topographical features of the region in
and beyond which he was about to conduct military operations. There is
little doubt that he assumed the command with a plan of campaign
already decided upon in his brain. The Taepings with whom he had to
deal derived their power and importance from the possession of
Soochow, and from their access to several ports whence they obtained
arms and ammunition. Therefore the capture of that city and the
cutting off of their supplies represented his principal objects. Very
much had to be accomplished before Soochow could be even approached,
and the main object of Gordon's first campaign was the capture of
Quinsan, which he saw would be far more suitable as headquarters for
him and his force than the existing one at Sungkiang. Even before that
could be attempted many matters had to be arranged. Not only had Major
Gordon to relieve more than one beleaguered loyal garrison, but he had
to establish his authority over his own force, which was on the verge
of mutiny and clamouring for the return of Burgevine. His own opinion
of that force was given in the following letter to a military
friend:--
"I hope you do not think that I have a magnificent army. You
never did see such a rabble as it was; and although I think I
have improved it, it is still sadly wanting. Now both officers
and men, although ragged and perhaps slightly disreputable, are
in capital order and well disposed."
Before entering on these matters the following letter to his mother
will be read with interest, as showing what was in Gordon's mind at
the time he assumed the command. The letter was written on 24th March
1863, the day before he rode over to Sungkiang to take up his command.
"I am afraid you will be much vexed at my having taken the
command of the Sungkiang force, and that I am now a mandarin. I
have taken the step on consideration. I think that anyone who
contributes to putting down this rebellion fulfils a humane task,
and I also think tends a great deal to open China to
civilization. I will not act rashly, and I trust to be able soon
to return to England; at the same time, I will remember your and
my father's wishes, and endeavour to remain as short a time as
possible. I can say that, if I had not accepted the command, I
believe the force would have been broken up and the rebellion
gone on in its misery for years. I trust this will not now be the
case, and that I may soon be able to comfort you on this subject.
You must not fret on this matter. I think I am doing a good
service.... I keep your likeness before me, and can assure you
and my father that I will not be rash, and that as soon as I can
conveniently, and with due regard to the object I have in view, I
will return home."
Major Gordon rode over to Sungkiang, situated on the line of the
thirty-mile radius from Shanghai, on 25th March, and the following
morning he inspected his force. He delivered a brief address, stating
that there was no intention to dismiss any of them, and that so long
as they behaved well he would carefully uphold their rights and
interests. These words had a tranquillising effect, and Major Gordon's
assumption of the command might be described as being then ratified by
the Ever Victorious Army. The good he effected was very nearly undone
two days later by the civil magistrate hanging some soldiers for
marauding. After the affair looked like becoming serious, Gordon
succeeded in pacifying his men and restoring order. In this state of
affairs it was most desirable that no time should be lost in resuming
active operations, and the Taeping successes at Taitsan and Fushan
rendered them doubly necessary.
The first task entrusted to Major Gordon was the relief of Chanzu,
which was closely assailed by the Taepings and believed to be on the
point of surrendering. Chanzu lies some distance south of Fushan and
west of Taitsan, and its garrison at this time was composed of
Taepings who had deserted their comrades and joined the Imperial
forces. Several attempts had been made to relieve it, but without
success, and Gordon was urged by his Chinese colleagues to signalise
his assumption of the command by carrying out this most desirable and
necessary task. The best means of approaching it was by the river, and
on 31st March Gordon accordingly sailed from Shanghai to the mouth of
the Fushan Creek. His force numbered about 1200 men, and included 200
artillery with four 12-pounders and one 32-pounder. The enemy had
constructed some stockades at Fushan, outside the ruined city of that
name, and Gordon attacked these on the 4th April. He began with a
heavy bombardment, and when he ordered the advance the Taepings,
disheartened by his fire, evacuated their positions and retired with
very little loss to either side. Gordon then marched on Chanzu, ten
miles south of Fushan, and reached it without further fighting. The
relief of Chanzu being thus effected, Gordon hastened back to
Sungkiang, where he arrived little more than a week after he left it.
The success and swiftness of this movement greatly impressed Li Hung
Chang, who publicly recorded his great satisfaction at the very
different manner in which the new commander transacted business from
Burgevine.
In a letter to the British Consul at Shanghai, Mr Markham, Li wrote:--
"The officer Gordon having received command of the Ever
Victorious Army, having immediately on doing so proceeded to
Fushan, working day and night, having worked harmoniously with
the other generals there, having exerted himself and attacked
with success the walled city of Fushan and relieved Chanzu, and
at once returned to Sungkiang and organised his force for further
operations to sweep out the rebels, having proved himself
valiant, able, and honest, I have congratulated myself and
memorialised his Imperial Majesty to confer on him the dignity
and office of Tsung-ping (Brigadier-General), to enable me to
consider him as part of my command. Again, since Gordon has taken
the command, he has exerted himself to organise the force, and
though he has had but one month he has got the force into shape.
As the people and place are charmed with him, as he has already
given me returns of the organisation of the force, the formation
of each regiment, and the expenses ordinary and extraordinary in
the clearest manner, wishing to drill our troops and save our
money, it is evident that he fully comprehends the state of
affairs."
On his return to Sungkiang, Major Gordon devoted himself to the
thorough reorganisation of his force. He began by abolishing the
system of rewards for the capture of towns, and he forbade plundering
on pain of death. These were strong steps to take with a force such as
that he had under him, but he succeeded in making them acceptable by
increasing the pay of the men, and by substituting on his staff
English officers--the services of a few being lent him by the
commanding officer at Shanghai--for the adventurers who had followed
Ward and Burgevine. The total strength of the force was fixed at 4000
men, and his artillery consisted of four siege and two field
batteries. The men were paid regularly by a Chinese official appointed
by Li Hung Chang, and the cost to the Chinese Government averaged
L20,000 a month. At the same time, Gordon collected a pontoon train
and practised his men in all the work of attacking fortified places
before he ventured to assume the offensive. He also organised a
flotilla of small steamers and Chinese gunboats capable of navigating
the canals and creeks which traversed the province of Kiangsu in all
directions. Of these the principal was the steamer _Hyson_--a
paddle-wheel vessel drawing 3-1/2 feet of water, armed with a
32-pounder in her bow, and a 12-pounder at her stern, and possessing
the faculty of moving over the bed of a creek on her wheels--and it
took a very active and prominent part in the subsequent operations.
The strategy on which Major Gordon at once decided, and from which he
never deviated, was to cut off the Taeping communications with the sea
and the river Yangtsekiang, whence they were able to obtain supplies
of ammunition and arms from little-scrupulous foreign traders. The
expulsion of the Taepings from the Shanghai district and from Ningpo
had done something towards the success of this project, but they still
held Hangchow and the line of the Yangtsekiang to within ten miles of
the entrance of the Woosung River on which Shanghai stands. The loss
of Fushan and Chanzu had made an indent in this territory, and in
order to complete this breach in the Taeping position, Gordon had
decided and made all his plans to attack Quinsan, when he was
compelled to defer it in consequence of the following incident.
The rude repulse at Taitsan had been, it will be recollected, the
culminating misfortune of the force before Gordon's assumption of the
command, but a Chinese army under Li Hung Chang's brother, San Tajin,
continued to remain in the neighbourhood of the place. The Taeping
commander laid a trap for him, into which he fell in what was, for a
Chinese officer fully acquainted with the fact that treachery formed
part of the usages of war in China, a very credulous manner. He
expressed a desire to come over, presents and vows were exchanged, and
at a certain hour he was to surrender one of the gates. The Imperial
troops went to take possession, and were even admitted within the
walls, when they were suddenly attacked on both flanks by the
treacherous Taepings. Fifteen hundred of San Tajin's men were killed
or captured, and he himself was severely wounded. In consequence of
this reverse, the main Chinese army, under General Ching, a brave but
inexperienced officer, could not co-operate with Gordon against
Quinsan, and it was then decided that Gordon himself should proceed
against Taitsan, and read the triumphant foe at that place a lesson.
It was computed that its garrison numbered 10,000 men, and that it had
several European deserters and renegades among its leaders, while the
total force under Gordon did not exceed 3000 men. Their recent
successes had also inspired the Taepings with confidence, and, judging
by the previous encounters, there seemed little reason to anticipate a
satisfactory, or at least a speedy issue of the affair for the
Imperialists. That the result was more favourable was entirely due to
Gordon's military capacity and genius.
Major Gordon acted with remarkable and characteristic promptitude. He
only heard of the catastrophe to San Tajin on 27th April; on 29th
April, after two forced marches across country, he appeared before
Taitsan, and captured a stockade in front of one of its gates. Bad
weather prevented operations the next day, but on 1st May, Gordon
having satisfied himself by personal examination that the western gate
offered the best point of attack, began the bombardment soon after
daybreak. Two stone stockades in front of the gate had first to be
carried, and these, after twenty minutes' firing, were evacuated on
part of Gordon's force threatening the retreat of their garrison back
to the town. The capture of these stockades began and ended the
operations on that day. The next morning Gordon stationed one regiment
in front of the north gate to cut off the retreat of the garrison in
that direction, and then resumed his main attack on the west gate. By
this time he had been joined by some of his gunboats, and their fire,
aided by the artillery he had with him, gradually made a good
impression on the wall, especially after the guns had been drawn as
near as 200 yards to it. The breach was then deemed sufficiently
practicable; the gunboats went up the creek as near the walls as
possible, and the two regiments advanced to the assault. The Taepings
fought desperately in the breach itself, and no progress was made. It
is probable that a reverse would have followed had not the howitzers
continued to throw shells over the wall, thus inflicting heavy losses
on the Taepings, who swarmed in their thousands behind. At that
critical moment Gordon directed another regiment to escalade the wall
at a point which the Taepings had left unguarded, and the appearance
of these fresh troops on their flank at once decided the day, and
induced the Taeping leaders to order a retreat. The Taepings lost
heavily, but the loss of the Ever Victorious Army was in proportion
equally great. The latter had twenty men killed and 142 wounded, one
European officer killed and six wounded. But the capture of Taitsan
under all the circumstances was an exceptionally brilliant and
decisive affair. With it may be said to have begun the military
reputation of the young commander, whose admirable dispositions had
retrieved a great disaster and inflicted a rude blow on the confidence
of a daring enemy.
From Taitsan he marched to Quinsan; but his force was not yet
thoroughly in hand, and wished to return to Sungkiang, in accordance
with their practice under Ward of spending their pay and prize-money
after any successful affair before attempting another. Gordon yielded
on this occasion the more easily because he was impressed by the
strength of Quinsan, and also because his ammunition had run short.
But his trouble with his men was not yet over, and he had to face a
serious mutiny on the part of his officers. For improved economy and
efficiency Gordon appointed an English commissariat officer, named
Cookesley, to control all the stores, and he gave him the rank of
lieutenant-colonel. This gave umbrage to the majors in command of
regiments, who presented a request that they should be allowed the
higher rank and pay of lieutenant-colonel; and when this was refused
they sent in their resignations, which were accepted. The affair was
nearly taking a serious turn, as the troops refused to march; but
Gordon's firmness overcame the difficulty. Two of the majors were
reinstated, and the others dismissed, but this incident finally
decided Gordon to change his headquarters from Sungkiang to some place
where the bad traditions of Ward and Burgevine were not in force. The
active operations now undertaken against Quinsan served to distract
the attention of the men, and to strengthen their commander's
influence over them. General Gordon's own description of this affair
is well worth quoting:--
"The force arrived at their old camping ground near the east gate
of Quinsan on the evening of 27th of May. General Ching had
established some five or six very strong stockades at this place,
and, thanks to the steamer _Hyson_, had been able to hold them
against the repeated attacks of the rebels. The line of rebel
stockades was not more than 800 yards from his position. The
force encamped near the stockades; and at daybreak of the 28th
the 4th and 5th Regiments, with the field artillery, moved to
attack them. The right stockade was attacked in front, and its
right flank turned, on seeing which the rebels retreated. They
were in large force, and had it not been for the numerous bridges
they had constructed in their rear, they would have suffered
much, as the pursuit was pressed beyond the north gate close up
to a stockade they held at the north-east angle of the city.
Captain Clayton, 99th Regiment, a very gallant officer who had
gained the goodwill and admiration of every one of the force, was
unfortunately wounded in the attack, and died some months
afterwards of his wounds. Our loss was two killed and sixteen
wounded.
"General Ching was now most anxious to get me to attack the east
gate on the following day. His object was that he had written to
the Futai Li, who had in turn passed the statement on to Peking,
to say that he had his stockades on the edge of the ditch, and
merely wanted a boat to get into the city. This he showed by a
plan. The east gate looked, if possible, more unpromising than it
did before, and I declined to attack it without reconnoitring the
other side of the city. Accordingly, the next day, 29th May, I
went in the _Hyson_ with General Ching and Li Hung Chang to
reconnoitre the west side, and after three hours' steaming came
within 1000 yards of the main canal, which runs from the west
gate of Quinsan to Soochow. At the junction of the creek we came
up with this main canal at the village of Chunye. This place is
eight miles from Quinsan, and twelve from Soochow. The only road
between these two places runs along the bank of the creek. The
rebels had here on its bank two stockades of no great strength,
and about 500 yards inland, they had, near the village of Chunye,
a very strong stone fort. About 1000 yards from the stockades the
creek was staked across. At the time of our arrival large numbers
of troops were passing towards and from Soochow with horsemen,
etc. We opened fire on them and on their boats. The rebels seemed
perfectly amazed at seeing us, and were ready for a run. General
Ching was as sulky as a bear when he was informed that I thought
it advisable to take these stockades the next day, and to attack
on this side of the city.
"At dawn on 30th May the 4th Regiment, 350 strong, with field
artillery, all in boats and _Hyson_, accompanied by some fifty
Imperial gunboats, started for Chunye. The Imperial gunboats
started some hours previous, but had contented themselves with
halting one and a half miles from the stockades. The whole
flotilla--some eighty boats, with their large white sails and
decorated with the usual amount of various-coloured flags, with
the _Hyson_ in the middle--presented a very picturesque sight,
and must have made the garrison of Quinsan feel uncomfortable, as
they could see the smallest move from the high hill inside the
city, and knew, of course, more than we did of the importance of
the stockades about to be attacked.
"At noon we came up to the stakes before alluded to, and landed
the infantry. The Imperial gunboats, now very brave, pulled up
the stakes, and a general advance with the steamer and troops
was made. The rebels stood for a minute, and then vacated the
stockades and ran. The reason of the rebels defending these
stockades so badly was on account of the ill-feeling between the
chiefs in charge of Quinsan and Chunye, and the neglect of the
former to furnish rice to the latter.
"The _Hyson_ [with Gordon on board] now steamed up towards
Soochow at a slow pace, owing to the innumerable boats that
crowded the creek, which, vacated by their owners, were drifting
about with their sails up in every direction. The rebels were in
clusters along the bank, marching in an orderly way towards
Soochow. The _Hyson_ opened fire on them and hurried their
progress, and, hanging on their rear, kept up a steady fire till
they reached Ta Edin, where a large arch bridge spanned the
creek, and where the rebels had constructed a splendid stone
fort. We expected that the rebels would make a stand here, but
they merely fired one shot, which was answered by a shell from
the _Hyson_, which went into the embrasure, and the rebels
continued their flight. It became rather hazardous to pass this
fort and leave it unoccupied, with the number of armed rebels who
were between Chunye and Ta Edin. The _Hyson_, moreover, had no
force on board of any importance. There were with me five or six
Europeans and some thirty Chinamen--gunners, etc. However, six of
us landed, and held the fort somehow till more Imperialists came
up, while the _Hyson_ pushed on towards Soochow.
"The _Hyson_ continued the pursuit, threading her way through the
boats of all descriptions which crowded the creek, and harassing
the rear of the rebel columns which extended along the road for
over a mile. About two miles from Ta Edin another stone fort was
passed without a shot being fired; this was Siaon Edin.
Everything was left in the forts by the rebels. Soon after
passing this place the steamer headed some 400 rebels, and
Captain Davidson ran her into the bank, and took 150 of them
prisoners on board the _Hyson_--rather a risk, considering the
crew of that vessel and her size. Soon after this four horsemen
were descried riding at full speed about a mile in rear of the
steamer. They came up, passed the steamer amid a storm of
bullets, and joined the rebel column. One of them was struck off
his horse, but the others coolly waited for him, and one of them
stopped and took him up behind him. They deserved to get off.
About three miles further on another stockade of stone was passed
at a broken bridge called Waiquaidong, and the pursuit was
carried on to about three-quarters of a mile from Soochow. It was
now getting late (6 P.M.), and we did not know if the rebels in
our rear might not have occupied the stockades, in which case we
should have had to find another route back. On our return we met
crowds of villagers, who burnt at our suggestion the houses in
the forts at Waiquaidong and Siaon Edin, and took the boats that
were in the creek.
"We met many boats that had appeared deserted on our passing up
sailing merrily towards Soochow, but which, when they saw the red
and green of the steamer and heard her whistle, were immediately
run into the bank and were deserted. Just before Siaon Edin was
reached we came on a large body of rebels, who opened a sharp
fire of rifles on us striking the gun twice. They had got under
cover of a bridge, which, however, after a short delay, we
managed to enfilade with a charge of grape and thus cleared them
out. We then steamed into the bank and took in more prisoners.
Four chiefs, one a Wang, galloped past on horseback; and although
not two yards from the steamer, they got away. The Wang got
shoved into the water and lost his pony. A party of rebels were
encamped in Siaon Edin, not dreaming of any further annoyance for
that night, and were accordingly astonished to hear the steamer's
whistle, and rushed out in amazement, to meet a shell at the
entrance, which killed two of them. The steamer now pushed on to
Ta Edin, and found it unoccupied; while waiting there to collect
some of the prisoners, about 200 rebels came so suddenly on the
steamer that we were obliged to whistle to keep them off till the
gun could be got ready.
"It was now 10.30 P.M., and the night was not very clear. At this
moment the most tremendous firing and cheering was heard from
Chunye, and hurried our progress to that place. Just before we
reached it a gunboat disarranged the rudder, and then we were
dodging about from side to side for some ten minutes, the firing
and cheering going on as before. At last we got up to the
junction of the creek, and steaming through the Imperial, and
other boats, we came on the scene of action. The gunboats were
drawn up in line, and were firing as fast as they could. The
stone fort at the village was sparkling with musketry, and at
times astounding yells burst forth from it. The _Hyson_ blew her
whistle, and was received with deafening cheers from the
gunboats, which were on the eve of bolting. She steamed up the
creek towards Quinsan, and at the distance of 200 yards we saw a
confused mass near a high bridge. It was too dark to distinguish
very clearly, but on the steamer blowing the whistle the mass
wavered, yelled, and turned back. It was the garrison of Quinsan
attempting to escape to Soochow, some seven or eight thousand
men.
"Matters were in too critical a state to hesitate, as the mass of
the rebels, goaded into desperation, would have swept our small
force away. We were therefore forced to fire into them, and
pursue them towards Quinsan, firing, however, very rarely, and
only when the rebels looked as if they would make a stand. The
steamer went up to about a mile from Quinsan, and then returned.
Several officers landed and took charge of the prisoners who were
extended along the bank, and at 4 A.M., 31st May, everything was
quiet. The _Hyson_ had fired some eighty or ninety rounds during
the day and night; and although humanity might have desired a
smaller destruction, it was indispensably necessary to inflict
such a blow on the garrison of Soochow as would cause them not to
risk another such engagement, and thus enable us to live in peace
during the summer--which it indeed did, for the rebels never came
on this road again. Their loss must have been from three to four
thousand killed, drowned, and prisoners. We took 800, most of
whom entered our ranks. They lost all their arms and a very large
number of boats. At 5 A.M. on 31st May the troops at Chunye and
the _Hyson_ moved towards Quinsan, and found the remainder of the
force who had been left at the east gate already in the city. The
possession of Quinsan was of immense importance in a strategical
point of view. The circumference of its walls is some five miles,
but they are very inferior. Its ditch is over forty yards wide,
and from the nature of the creeks around it would prove very
difficult to take. The high hill enclosed within its walls would
enable the slightest move to be seen, and if two or three guns
were placed on the spurs of this hill it would form a very
formidable citadel. The rebels did not know its importance till
they lost it."
Such was the capture of Quinsan, told in the simple words of its
captor. It confirmed the reputation gained by the fall of Taitsan, and
proved that the new commander was a man of extraordinary military
intuition as well as energy. There is scarcely room to doubt that if
Gordon had attacked Quinsan where the Chinese commander wished him to
do, at its very strongest point, he would have met with a rude
repulse. By attacking them on the side of Soochow, and by threatening
their communication with that place, he terrified the large garrison
so much that in the end they evacuated the place without resistance.
Gordon himself believed that if the mandarins at the head of the
Imperial army would have consented to support him in immediate
measures for an assault on Soochow, that city would have fallen in the
panic that ensued after the loss of Quinsan. The opportunity being
lost, it will be seen that many months of arduous fighting followed
before the same result was achieved.
The reasons which rendered a change in the headquarters of the force
desirable have already been mentioned, and Major Gordon at once
decided to remove them to Quinsan, a strong and advantageously-placed
position embarrassing to the Taepings, and equally encouraging to the
Imperialists. But if this removal was necessary on grounds of
discipline and policy, it was very unpopular with the men themselves,
who were attached to Sungkiang, where they could easily dispose of
their plunder. They determined to make an effort to get the offensive
order withdrawn, and a proclamation was drawn up by the most
disaffected, who were the non-commissioned officers, and sent to Major
Gordon with an intimation that the artillery would blow all the
officers to pieces unless their demands were complied with. Major
Gordon at once sent for all the non-commissioned officers, who paraded
before him. When he demanded the name of the writer of the
proclamation they were silent. At this Major Gordon announced that
unless the name was given up, he would shoot one out of every five of
them. At this statement the men groaned, when Gordon, noticing the man
who groaned loudest, and shrewdly conceiving him to be a ringleader,
seized him with his own hands, dragged him from the ranks, and ordered
two of his bodyguard to shoot the man on the spot. The order was at
once carried out, and then Gordon, turning to the rest, gave them one
hour to reflect whether they would obey orders, or compel him to shoot
one in every five. Within this time they gave way, and discipline was
restored. Gordon in his official despatch expressed regret for the
man's death, but, as he truly said, "it saved many others which must
have been lost if a stop had not been put to the independent way of
the men." But the matter did not quite end here, for more than 2000
men deserted, but Gordon found no difficulty in filling their places
from his prisoners and the villages round Quinsan. It is worthy of
note that his own bodyguard was mainly composed of Taeping prisoners,
and some of the most faithful of them had been the bearers of the
Snake banners of the rebel Wangs.
Having thus settled the differences within his own force, and having
fully established his own authority, Major Gordon would have
prosecuted the attack on Soochow with vigour, if other difficulties
had not occurred which occupied his time and attention. In the first
place, there was a serious quarrel with General Ching, who was sore
because he had not gained the credit for the capture of Quinsan, and
who did everything he could to hamper and humiliate the force. At last
he went to the length of firing on a column of Gordon's force, and as
he refused all satisfaction, that officer was on the point of marching
to attack him, when Dr--now Sir Halliday--Macartney arrived in his
camp, being sent in a fully accredited manner, and escorted by the
Futai's bodyguard, as a peace messenger from Li Hung Chang. On this
occasion Sir Halliday Macartney first gave evidence of the exceptional
diplomatic tact which he has since evinced in so many important
negotiations, when China derived much advantage from his energy,
ability, and devotion to her cause. The storm then blew over, but the
second affair was more serious. Li Hung Chang became remiss in his
payment of the force, and on 25th July Gordon sent in his formal
resignation. There is every reason to believe that at this moment
Gordon was thoroughly sick of his command, and would willingly have
returned to Europe. The difficulties with his own men, the want of
co-operation, to say nothing of appreciation on the part of the
Chinese authorities, had damped even his zeal in what he reiterated
was the good cause of restoring peace and security to a suffering
people; and in addition to these troubles he had to carry on a
correspondence with anonymous writers, who made many baseless charges
in the Shanghai and Hongkong papers of cruelty against the men under
his command. The English General at Shanghai used all his influence,
however, with the Chinese Governor to pay up the arrears, and with
Gordon to retain the command, because, as he said, there was "no other
officer who combined so many dashing qualities, let alone skill and
judgment."
But the event that really decided Gordon to withdraw his resignation
was the unexpected return of Burgevine. That adventurer had proceeded
to Peking after his dismissal from the command, and obtained some
support from the American minister in pressing his claims on the
Chinese. He had been sent back to Shanghai with letters which,
although they left some loophole of escape, might be interpreted as
ordering Li Hung Chang to reinstate him in the command. This Li,
supported by the English commanding officer at Shanghai, had
resolutely refused to do, and the feud between the men became more
bitter than ever. Burgevine remained in Shanghai and employed his time
in selling the Taepings arms and ammunition. In this way he
established secret relations with their chiefs, and seeing no chance
of Imperial employment he was not unwilling to join his fortunes to
theirs. This inclination was increased by the belief that he might be
able to form a force of his own which would give a decisive turn to
the struggle, and his vanity led him to think that he might pose on
the rebel side as no unequal adversary of Gordon, to whom all the time
he professed the greatest friendship. These feelings arose from or
were certainly strengthened by the representations made by several of
the officers and men whom Gordon had dismissed from his army. They
easily led Burgevine to think that he was not forgotten, and that he
had only to raise his standard to be joined by many of his old men.
A fortnight before Gordon's resignation Dr Macartney--who had some
time before begun his remarkable career in the Chinese service, and of
whom Gordon himself said: "He drilled troops, supervised the
manufacture of shells, gave advice, brightened the Futai's intellect
about foreigners, and made peace, in which last accomplishment his
_forte_ lay"--wrote to him, stating that he had positive information
that Burgevine was enlisting men for some enterprise, that he had
already enrolled 300, and that he had even chosen a special flag for
his force. A few days later Burgevine, probably hearing of this
communication, wrote to Gordon, begging him not to believe any rumours
about him, and stating that he was coming up to see him. Gordon
unfortunately believed in this statement, and as he wished to exhibit
special lenience towards the man whom he had displaced in the command,
he went bail for him, so that he retained his personal liberty when
the Chinese arrested Burgevine's agent Beechy, and wished to arrest
Burgevine himself. On 2nd August Burgevine threw off the mask. At the
head of a band of thirty-two rowdies, he seized the new steamer
_Kajow_ at Sungkiang, and with that vessel hastened to join the
Taepings. The very day that this happened Gordon reached Shanghai for
the purpose of resigning his command, but on the receipt of this
intelligence he at once withdrew his resignation and hastened back to
Quinsan. Apart from public considerations, he felt doubly bound to do
this because Burgevine had not been arrested on his pledged word.
The position was undoubtedly critical, for the prospect of plunder
offered by Burgevine was very attractive to mercenaries like the Ever
Victorious Army, and there was a very real risk that the force at
Quinsan, deprived of its commander, might be induced to desert _en
masse_ under the persuasive promises of Burgevine. When Gordon reached
Quinsan he was so apprehensive as to what might occur that he removed
his heavy artillery and most of his munitions of war to Taitsan, where
General Brown, in command at Shanghai, undertook to see that they were
protected. The situation at Quinsan was full of peril, for although
Burgevine had thrown away a chance, by taking a roundabout instead of
a direct route to Soochow, of striking a decisive blow before Gordon
could get back, the Taeping leader, Mow Wang, had not been so
negligent, and his operations for the recovery of several places taken
by Gordon in the last few days of his command were on the point of
success, when that officer's return arrested the course of his plans.
It must be pointed out that after this date the Taepings fought with
far more skill than before. They had a very considerable European
contingent, probably nearly 300 men, and these served not only as
leaders, but as trainers of the rebel Chinese forces. They had also
obtained some good cannon, and the steamer _Kajow_ proved of material
value on water. Gordon found on his return, therefore, that the
difficulties of the campaign were materially increased. His opponents
were far stronger and more confident, while his own resources remained
unchanged. Gordon tersely summed up the situation in an official
despatch: "There is no knowing what an immense amount of damage might
have been done if the rebels had had a more energetic man than
Burgevine, and it would be as well not to point out the line which
might have been taken."
The first engagements of this more difficult and keenly-contested
phase of the campaign took place at Kahpoo, a place on the canal some
miles south of Soochow. Gordon had taken it a week before he left for
Shanghai, as a sort of parting gift to the Chinese, but when he
arrived there on 9th August he found the garrison hard pressed,
although the _Hyson_ was stationed there--and indeed nothing but his
arrival with a third steamer, the _Cricket_, averted its recapture.
After five days' operations, that do not require description, the
neighbourhood of Kahpoo was cleared of rebels, and Gordon returned to
Quinsan, where the most essential task had to be accomplished of
restoring the discipline of his own force. As some assistance in this
difficult task General Brown lent him the services of 200 Beluches,
whose admirable conduct and splendid appearance went far to restore a
healthy spirit among his own men. At the same time these troops
ensured the safety of Quinsan and also of Gordon himself, at least
against the treachery of Burgevine's sympathisers.
The season of the year, the hottest and most trying of the long
Chinese summer, compelled inaction, and Gordon felt doubly the need of
caution now that he was brought face to face with the most arduous
undertaking of the whole war, viz. the siege and capture of Soochow.
General Ching's headquarters were at Ta Edin, and he had also occupied
in force Waiquaidong, only two miles from the eastern gate of Soochow.
Before the end of September he had pushed on still further, and
erected his stockades within half a mile of that position. At this
moment Gordon, anxious as to what might happen to his too-adventurous
colleague, advanced with his force to his aid, and took up the supreme
direction of the attack on Soochow. As usual, Gordon began by making a
careful examination of the extensive rebel positions at and round
Soochow, and the result of it was that he decided to capture the
stockades and village of Patachiaou, one mile distant from the south
wall of that city. His plan met with easy success, for the Taepings
were not expecting an attack in that quarter, and offered little
resistance.
Easily as they had been driven out of it, the Taepings made a very
determined effort to retake it a few days later, and it was only by
desperate exertions that Gordon succeeded in holding what he had won.
This was the first occasion on which Burgevine and the _Kajow_
steamer, commanded by Captain Jones, "a daring and capable officer,"
to use Gordon's words, came into action. The rebels were extremely
confident for this reason, and also because they had some heavy
artillery. Gordon had to keep to his stockades, and to send the
_Hyson_ out of action from fear of its being damaged by the enemy's
shell, but the Taepings were afraid to come to close quarters, and
eventually retreated before a well-timed _sortie_. In this engagement
Gordon had the co-operation of a French-trained Chinese regiment,
under the command of a gallant officer, Captain Bonnefoy. After this
there was a lull, but Gordon felt too weak to attempt anything serious
against Soochow, and he deprecated all operations until he could
strike an effective blow. In this respect he differed materially from
his Chinese colleague, General Ching, who was most restless and
enterprising, but his ill-directed energy produced no result, and even
assisted the enemy's plans.
At this juncture the Taeping hero Chung Wang arrived from Nanking with
reinforcements, and imparted a new vigour to the defence. But whether
on account of jealousy, or of disappointment at the poor services he
had rendered, it also resulted in the dismissal of Burgevine, an
incident of which some brief account may be given before following the
main course of the campaign. More than one ground of dispute led up to
this conclusion. In the first place, Burgevine was disappointed at
finding several of the rebel Wangs as clever and ambitious as he was,
and they were disappointed at the amount of service and help he could
give them. This feeling culminated in angry scenes, when, on being
sent into Shanghai in disguise to purchase arms with a large sum of
money, he returned to Soochow without either money or weapons. He was
apparently given, as a last chance, the opportunity of regaining his
reputation by entrapping Gordon into the rebel power, and he
thoroughly entered into the scheme, although he failed to carry it
out. On 3rd October--that is to say, two days after the failure to
retake Patachiaou--Burgevine made the first step in this plot by
addressing a letter to Gordon, thanking him for the offer of medicines
he had sent, and offering to meet him whenever he liked to discuss
matters. On the 6th he met Gordon at the stockades, and declared his
willingness to abandon the Taepings and come over with all his force,
including the _Kajow_. He and his companions were guaranteed their
lives, and the arrangement seemed complete. Two days later he had a
second interview with the English officer, when he made the
extraordinary proposition that he and Gordon should join bands,
attack both Taepings and Imperialists, and fight for their own hand.
This mad and unprincipled proposal excited Gordon's anger, but it was
only Burgevine's old filibustering idea revived under unfavourable
conditions. It was while smarting under this rebuff that Burgevine
proposed to Captain Jones a fresh plot for entrapping Gordon, while
he, unsuspecting evil, was engaged in conferences for their surrender;
but to Jones's credit, let it be stated that he refused to have any
part in such black treachery. Thereupon Burgevine attempted to take
Jones's life, either to conceal his own treachery or to enable him to
carry out his interrupted plans. Much delay occurred in carrying out
the project of Burgevine's desertion, and Gordon, rendered specially
anxious to save his and the other foreigners' lives, because one party
had escaped without Burgevine, wrote a strong letter on the subject to
Mow Wang, Chung Wang's chief lieutenant. He also sent him a present of
a pony, at which the rebel chief was so much pleased that he agreed to
release Burgevine, and on 18th October that person appeared at the
outworks of Gordon's position. His personal safety was entirely due to
Gordon's humane efforts, and to the impression that officer had made
on the Taepings as a chivalrous opponent. The American Consul at
Shanghai, Mr Seward, officially thanked Major Gordon for his "great
kindness to misguided General Burgevine and his men." Nearly two years
later this adventurer met the fate he so narrowly escaped on several
occasions. He had been forbidden by his own Consul as well as the
Chinese Government ever to return to China, but in June 1865 he broke
his parole. Before he could be arrested he met with his death by
accident, being drowned when crossing a Chinese river, but rumours
were prevalent that his death was an act of vengeance instigated by
his old enemy the Futai, Li Hung Chang.
The assumption of the supreme command by Chung Wang was soon followed
by those offensive operations which had made that dashing leader the
most famous of all the rebel generals. Gordon and the bulk of his
corps were at Patachiaou, south of Soochow--only General Ching and the
Chinese army were north of that place--and he resolved to attack them
and force his way through to Chanzu, which he wished to recover as
opening a road to the river and the outer world. Gordon divined his
intention, and for some time prevented him carrying it out by making
threatening demonstrations with his gunboats on the western side of
Soochow; but his own attention was soon diverted to another part of
the country where a new and unexpected danger threatened his own
position and communications. A large rebel force, computed to number
20,000 men, had suddenly appeared behind Major Gordon's position and
attacked the Imperial garrison stationed at Wokong, a place on the
canal twelve or thirteen miles south of Soochow. The news that reached
Gordon on 12th October from this quarter was that the garrison, having
been repulsed in a _sortie_ with a loss of several hundred men, could
not hold out many hours. Gordon at once hastened to the rescue at the
head of one of his regiments, and with the invaluable _Hyson_ steamer.
He found his allies quite cowed, afraid even to open the gates of
their stockades to admit him and his men, and the enemy drawn up in
imposing lines at a distance of about 1500 yards. He at once ordered
the attack, and during three hours the engagement was contested in the
most obstinate and spirited manner. The rebels, having their line of
retreat secure, fought bravely. Gordon had to bring up his heavy guns
to within forty yards of the wall before they would gave way, and even
then they stood at the second and third inner stockades. Gordon never
gave them a chance of recovering, but having got them on the run, kept
them at it for a distance of ten miles. This was one of Gordon's
greatest victories in the open field. The Taepings never fought
better, yet with 1000 good Chinese troops Gordon routed more than
20,000 of them.
Chung Wang had begun his march towards Chanzu, but after some slight
successes met with a rude repulse at Monding, where he also lost the
steamer _Kajow_, which was sunk by an accidental explosion. He then
established his headquarters at Wusieh, a place on the Grand Canal,
about twenty-five miles north of Soochow. Here he hoped to effect some
diversion that might relieve the increasing pressure on Soochow
itself.
In the meantime that pressure had greatly increased, owing to the
bolder measures to which Gordon resorted after the European contingent
abandoned the Taeping side. His first step was to attack and capture
the stockades at Wuliungchow, a village two miles west of Patachiaou,
which commanded a passage leading from the Taiho Lake to the south
gate of Soochow. Gordon managed to conceal the real object of his
attack from the Taepings, and to capture the stockades with little
loss. The wet weather and the unexpected nature of the attack
explained this easy success, for the stockades were strong and well
placed. Chung Wang returned from Wusieh with the special object of
retaking them, but he was repulsed with some loss, and then hurried
back to that place. A few days later part of Gordon's force, under
Major Kirkham, was sent to Wokong, which was again being threatened by
the Taepings, and obtained a brilliant success, capturing 1300
prisoners and not fewer than 1600 boats, including sixteen gunboats.
Having achieved this success on the south, Gordon proceeded with his
plans to secure an equally advantageous position on the north side. He
left two regiments at Wuliungchow, which he greatly strengthened, and
with the remainder he went to Waiquaidong, where he proposed to
deliver his attack on the Leeku stockades, only a short distance in
front of the north gate of Soochow. This operation was carried out
with complete success, and it was promptly followed up by the capture
of the rebel positions at Wanti, which enabled the forces round
Soochow to join hands with the other considerable Imperial army that
had been placed in the field by the energy of Li Hung Chang, and
entrusted to the command of his brother, San Tajin. This last force
was opposed to Chung Wang, but although numerically the stronger, the
want of the most rudimentary military knowledge in its commander
reduced this army of 20,000 men to inglorious inaction. At this stage
of the struggle it will be well to sum up in Gordon's own words the
different positions held by the contending forces:--
"We held the Taiho Lake with the steamers the _Hyson_, the
_Tsatlee_, _Firefly_, and 200 men (Imperialists), which cruised
off Moodow, and prevented supplies coming to Soochow up the creek
which leads from that village to the small West Gate, or
Shih-mun, of Soochow, and where they had many actions with the
rebel gunboats. The next great water outlet was closed to the
rebels by our possession with 1000 men (Imperialists) of
Wuliungchow. Off the Pon-mun, or South Gate, the next main water
and road communication to the south was closed to them by our
occupation by 1500 men (Imperialists) of the Patachiaou stockades
on the Grand Canal, south of the south-east angle of Soochow. The
next, which led from the east gate of Soochow to Quinsan, was
closed by Ching's force of 3000 or 4000 men, nearly two miles
from the gate. These men were well posted in strong and
well-constructed stockades. The next position held was Leeku,
where I had one regiment, and at Wanti there was another
regiment. The total force in the stockades was about 8500 men,
leaving for field operation 2500 Imperialists, 2100 of the
Quinsan Corps, and 400 Franco-Chinese. San Tajin had 20,000 to
30,000, in three separate camps. He was utterly incapable for
command of any sort.
"The rebels held Soochow with some 40,000 men in and around the
city. The city of Wusieh held some 20,000 men, and Chung Wang had
at Mahtanchow some 18,000 more. Chung Wang's position was central
between Wusieh and Soochow, some ten miles in advance of the
Grand Canal, so as to be able to give help to either city, and to
attack on the flank any advance made by us on their grand line of
communications by that canal."
The city of Soochow, now so closely beleaguered, was of imposing
appearance. An English traveller who saw it at this time thus
describes it:--
"Further than the eye could penetrate in the misty morning
stretched the grizzled walls of Soochow, a city celebrated for
ages in the history of China for its size, population, wealth,
and luxury, but now stripped of its magnificence, and held by an
army of Taeping banditti against the Imperial forces. To the
right and left, mile after mile, rose the line of lofty wall and
grey turret, while above all appeared not only the graceful
pagodas, which have been for ages the boast of Soochow and the
dense foliage of secular trees--the invariable glory of Chinese
cities--but also the shimmering roofs of newly decorated palaces
confidently occupied by the vainglorious leaders of the
rebellion. The proximity of the rebel line became apparent with
surprising suddenness, for, following their usual custom, they
greeted the rising sun with a simultaneous display of gaudy
banners above the line of their entrenchments. The mud walls they
had thrown up in advance, scarcely distinguishable before, were
now marked out by thousands of flags of every colour from black
to crimson, whilst behind them rose the jangling roll of gongs,
and the murmurs of an invisible multitude."
Had Gordon been free to act, or even if he had possessed authority
over the two Chinese commanders, his plan of campaign would have been
simple and decisive. He would have effected a junction of his forces
with San Tajin; and having overwhelmed Chung Wang and his 18,000 men
with his combined army of double that strength, he would have appeared
at the head of his victorious troops before the bewildered garrison of
Wusieh. He would probably have thus terminated the campaign at a
stroke. Even the decisive defeat of Chung Wang alone might have
entailed the collapse of the cause now tottering to its fall. But
Major Gordon had to consider not merely the military quality of his
allies, but also their jealousies and differences. General Ching hated
San Tajin on private as well as on public grounds. He desired a
monopoly of the profit and honour of the campaign. His own reputation
would be made by the capture of Soochow. It would be diminished and
cast into the shade were another Imperial commander to defeat Chung
Wang and close the line of the Grand Canal. If Gordon detached himself
from General Ching, he could not feel sure what folly that jealous and
impulsive commander might not commit. He would certainly not pursue
the vigilant defence before Soochow necessary to guard the extensive
line of stockades, and to prevent its large garrison sallying out and
assailing his own rear. Gordon had consequently for these
considerations to abandon the tempting idea of crushing Chung Wang and
capturing the towns in the rear of Nanking, and to have recourse to
safer if slower methods.
But if he had to abandon the larger plan, he still stuck tenaciously
to his main idea that the way to capture Soochow was to isolate it,
and above all to sever Chung Wang's communication with it. Several
weeks passed before Gordon could complete the necessary arrangements,
but at last, on 19th November, he left Leeku at the head of the
greater part of his own force and a large contingent of Ching's braves
to attack the stockades at Fusaiquan on the Grand Canal, about four
miles north of Leeku. The Taeping position was a strong one, including
eight separate earthworks, a stone fort, and several stockades. Gordon
said "it was far the best built and strongest position he had yet
seen," but the rebels evacuated it in the most cowardly manner without
attempting the least resistance. Gordon goes on to say: "Our loss was
none killed, and none wounded! We had expected a most desperate
defence. If ever men deserved beheading, the Taeping leaders did on
this occasion." The immediate consequence of this success was that
Chung Wang quitted his camp in face of San Tajin, and, joining the
Wusieh corps, concentrated his whole force for the defence of the
Grand Canal.
Having thus strengthened his position towards the north, Gordon, very
much to Ching's satisfaction, fell in with his views to begin a direct
attack on Soochow itself. For good reasons it was decided that the
north-east angle of Soochow was the weakest, but before it could be
attacked it was necessary to capture the strong stockades which the
rebels had erected in front of the East and North Gates. The East
Gate, or Low Mun, stockades were selected for the first attack, and as
the scene of a reverse to Ching's force on 14th October, the Chinese
commander was specially anxious to capture them. They were exceedingly
formidable, consisting of a line of breastwork, defended at intervals
with circular stockades, and the position was well chosen and strongly
fortified. After reconnoitring it, and obtaining all the information
he could from deserters, Gordon determined on a night attack; but
unfortunately not only were his plans revealed to the Taepings by
traitors in his own camp, but his arrangements miscarried. As is often
the case with night attacks, the plan of attack was not adhered to,
and much confusion followed. The breastwork was carried by a small
part of his troops, but the stockades in its rear were never reached.
Encouraged by Gordon's example, who seemed to be at every point at the
same moment, his men held on to the breastwork, but the supports would
not move up, and when he hastened to the rear to encourage them, the
Taepings under Mow Wang attacked in their turn and manned the
breastwork. There was nothing now to be done but to draw off the
troops, which was executed with comparatively slight loss; but 165
officers and men were killed or wounded--the majority being killed or
missing. This loss would have been much greater if the Taepings had
only had the courage to leave their position, but fortunately they
showed themselves unable to follow up their success. This was Gordon's
first defeat, but it was so obviously due to special causes that it
did not much dishearten his men, or diminish the high reputation he
and his force had gained by thirteen previous victories.
But the necessity to retrieve such a reverse was obvious, and Gordon
collected the whole of his corps for the purpose of capturing the Low
Mun stockades. He also placed his siege guns in position, and began a
heavy bombardment in the morning of 29th November as the preliminary
to attack. On his side, Mow Wang made all his preparations for
defence, which had been rendered the more necessary because there were
dissensions among the Taeping leaders themselves, one of whom, named
Lar Wang, had offered to surrender with his followers to General Ching
on terms. Partly on this account Chung Wang rode into Soochow with a
bodyguard of a few hundred men by the only bridle-path available, and
his presence composed for the moment the quarrels of the Taeping
leaders. But the result depended on the successful defence of the
stockades in front of the East Gate, and Gordon was equally intent on
capturing them. After a short bombardment the breastwork seemed so
knocked about that Gordon ordered a column to advance to the assault,
but it was met by a tremendous fire and compelled to turn back. Then
the bombardment was renewed, and the field-pieces were pushed forward
as far as possible. A second assault was then delivered, but the
creek--fourteen yards across--was too wide for the bridge, and things
again looked black, when the officers boldly jumped into the water,
and their men following, the whole position was captured at a rush.
Once this success was gained, the defence of the Taepings, who had
fought well, collapsed, and stockade after stockade was carried with
little or no loss. Gordon himself, with a mere handful of men,
captured three more stockades and a stone fort that he said could have
held out after all the other positions had fallen. The loss of the
corps in this severe but decisive engagement was heavy, amounting to 6
officers killed, and 3 wounded; 50 men killed, and 128 wounded,
besides 5 Europeans of the Bodyguard. But this assault was decisive,
inasmuch as it was the last that had to be made on the defences of
Soochow before the fall of that place.
At this point it will be appropriate to say something about Gordon's
relations with his own officers, many of whom contemplated, whenever
dissatisfied with their treatment or at prolonged inaction, selling
their cause and services to the Taepings. During the siege he
discovered that Captain Perry had written a letter giving the enemy
information, but Gordon agreed to look over the offence on the
condition that Perry led the next forlorn hope, which happened to be
the affair at the Leeku stockades. Gordon had forgotten the condition,
but Perry remembered it, and led the assault. He was shot in the
mouth, and fell into the arms of his commander, ever at the point of
danger. Perry was the first man killed, and Gordon's epitaph was that
he was "a very good officer." Although Gordon was a strict and even
severe disciplinarian, he was always solicitous of the interests of
the officers who worked under him, and he set apart the greater
portion of his pay in the Chinese service, which had been fixed at
L1,200 a year, for their benefit, more especially for the purchase of
medicine and comforts for the ill or wounded. There was no
exaggeration at all in the statement that he left China without any
savings and as poor as when he reached it.
From the gallant deeds of Gordon and his corps the course of the siege
passes to the intrigues and negotiations between General Ching and Lar
Wang. These had made so much progress that Lar Wang's troops abandoned
the formidable stockades in front of the North Gate, which were
occupied without the least attempt at resistance. Several interviews
took place with the Taeping leaders, and Gordon was present at some of
these, but Li Hung Chang asserts that he was not present at the most
important of them; and that he was not a signatory of the convention
of surrender. He was strongly in favour of good terms being granted to
the rebels, and impressed his views on both Li Hung Chang, who had
come up to the camp to be present at the fall of Soochow, and General
Ching. From both he received the most positive assurances that the
lives of all the Wangs would be spared, and such was no doubt their
intention, but events were too strong for them. The most interesting
of these leaders, with, of course, the exception of Chung Wang, was
Mow Wang, who would have nothing to say to a surrender, and wished to
fight to the death. He was the man who had sent back Burgevine, and
Gordon admired his courage so much that he resolved to spare no effort
to save his life. He asked Li to assign Mow Wang to him, and this
request was granted. Unfortunately all these efforts were thrown away,
for on the 4th December, during a banquet given at Mow Wang's palace,
the other Wangs had fallen upon and murdered that chief, who would
have resisted with all his force their projected surrender of the
place. The next day Lar Wang, who had taken an oath of brotherhood
with General Ching, gave up one of the gates, and his numerous
followers undertook to shave their heads in token of surrender. The
Imperialist troops occupied the gate, and prepared to take possession
of the city, but Gordon would not allow any of his men to leave the
stockades as he foresaw the impossibility of preventing them from
plundering if they were permitted to advance into the city. But he
went and represented the case to Li Hung Chang, and demanded two
months' pay for his men as a reward for their good service, and as
some compensation for the loss of loot. Li replied that he could not
grant the request, and Gordon at once resigned for the second time
during his connection with the Chinese Government. There was serious
risk of an outbreak on the part of the discontented soldiers of the
Ever Victorious Army, but on General Ching providing one month's pay
Gordon used his influence with his men to march quietly back to
Quinsan. The men at first received this order with shouts of
dissatisfaction, and even threatened to attack the Futai Li, but
Gordon succeeded in overcoming their objections, and the worst that
happened was a noisy demonstration as the troops passed Li Hung
Chang's tent, where Gordon and another officer stood on guard.
The Chinese officials were delighted to thus get rid of the Ever
Victorious Army, without which they would never have seen the inside
of Soochow. Its presence diminished their credit and interfered with
the execution of the plans which they had no doubt held throughout all
the negotiations with Lar Wang. Neither Li nor Ching wished Lar Wang
and his colleagues to be saved, and thus allowed to become rivals to
themselves in the race of official honour and wealth. There was
nothing surprising in this, and the only matter for astonishment is
that Lar Wang, well acquainted with the Punic faith of his countrymen,
and with such a black record from the Government point of view, should
have so easily placed faith in the word of his enemies. This was the
more extraordinary because Gordon himself went into the city and saw
Lar Wang at his own house before he left for Li Hung Chang's quarters,
where a banquet had been arranged, and asked him very pressingly
whether he was quite satisfied. Gordon himself seems to have had
suspicions or apprehensions, for he even offered to take him on board
his own steamer with which he was going to cruise in the Taiho Lake.
Lar Wang, however, was quite confident, and said that all was well.
This confidence was doubly unfortunate, for Gordon had excused himself
from the Futai's banquet on the ground that his presence might seem
humiliating to the Taeping leaders, whereas it was the only thing that
could have averted their fate. As Gordon was leaving the city the
Wangs passed him, laughing and talking, and riding apparently unarmed
to the Futai's quarters. The next time Gordon saw them was when he
beheld their headless bodies lying on the river bank near their host's
camp.
Gordon after this walked through the city, as some hours would elapse
before the steamer could get round to the south-west side, where he
intended to embark. While on his way he was joined by Dr Macartney.
They both proceeded to the walls near the Eastern Gate, and on looking
towards the Futai's quarters Gordon noticed a large crowd, but he did
not attach any significance to it. About half an hour later a large
number of Imperial soldiers entered the city, and set up a yell, as
was their custom, and fired off guns. Gordon represented to their
officers that this conduct was against the agreement, and might lead
to disturbance, as the city was still crowded with Taepings. At this
juncture General Ching appeared. As Gordon was supposed to be on his
steamer on his way to the lake, he seemed taken aback, and turned
pale. To Gordon's repeated inquiries as to whether all was well, he
made a rambling statement that Lar Wang had made unreasonable demands,
that he had refused to carry out the exact terms of the surrender, and
finally, that he had run away. Gordon then asked Dr Macartney, as he
knew Chinese, to go to Lar Wang's house, and reassure him if he found
him there, but this statement must be taken in conjunction with the
important narrative I give two pages further on. Gordon went a little
way with General Ching, and then decided to wait at the North Gate for
further intelligence, while the Chinese commander continued his round.
Gordon then began to question his own interpreter as to what he
thought, and on receiving the reply that "there was something
improper," he determined to proceed himself with all speed to Lar
Wang's house. On his way he passed through crowds of excited Taeping
soldiers, and he also met a band of Imperialists laden with plunder.
Lar Wang's palace had been pillaged and gutted, but an uncle of his,
named Wangchi, was there, and he begged Gordon to help him to escort
the females of Lar Wang's family to his own house. Gordon agreed to do
this, but when he reached Wangchi's house, he found five or six
hundred armed men in the courtyard. The doors were closed, and Wangchi
refused to allow either Gordon or his interpreter to leave. During the
night large bodies of excited Taepings, who knew that their chiefs had
been entrapped, although, fortunately, not aware of their murder,
rallied on this spot, and Gordon was thus placed in a position of the
greatest personal peril.
At length leave was given him to send his interpreter, escorted by two
Taepings, to summon his own bodyguard, and to take an order to
another part of his force to seize the Futai and hold him as a hostage
for the safety of the Wangs. The interpreter was attacked on the way
by Imperialists, who wounded him, and tore up Gordon's letters. When
one of the Taeping guides brought back this news Gordon was allowed to
leave himself for the same purpose; but he was arrested on the way by
some Imperialists, detained for several hours, and the morning was far
advanced before he was able to send back his bodyguard for the
protection of Wangchi's house and family. He then moved a further
force into the city, to prevent the massacre that the Imperialists
seemed to be contemplating, and in this task he was gallantly seconded
by Captain Bonnefoy and the Franco-Chinese contingent. Having taken
these steps, Gordon waited near the Eastern Gate for all his steamers,
with which he intended to seize the Futai, and make him give up the
Wangs. At this moment General Ching approached him, but before he
could begin his excuses, "he met with such a storm that he made a
precipitate retreat into the city." Ching then sent an English
officer, one of Gordon's own force, to explain matters, but he did not
know whether the chiefs were alive or dead. He went on to say,
however, that Lar Wang's son was in his tent, and on the boy being
sent for, he said that his father had been executed on the opposite
side of the creek. The steamers had still not arrived, and Gordon
asked one of his lieutenants, Prince F. von Wittgenstein, to cross the
creek in his boat and report what he saw. He returned with the
intelligence that there were nine headless bodies. Gordon then crossed
himself, and identified Lar Wang and several of his companions. There
was consequently no further doubt as to what had happened, or anything
left for Gordon to do than to secure them decent burial. Having done
this he abandoned his trip to the Taiho Lake, and hastened to Quinsan.
The exact mode of this assassination seems to have been as follows:
When the Wangs came out of the city they were met by General Ching,
who did not, however, accompany them to the Futai Li Hung Chang. That
official received them in a stockade near his boat, some conversation
ensued, and then Li left the stockade. Here again reference should be
made to the authoritative narrative that follows. A party of Imperial
troops closed the gates, seized the Wangs, and at once beheaded them.
Li Hung Chang very soon afterwards left his quarters for a different
and remote part of the Imperial camp.