Yet at first it looked as though an accommodation might be reached.

Ladislas, shortly before his death, had proposed to send an embassy to

Rome for the purpose of effecting a reconciliation, and Calixtus III.

had asked of Podiebrad to gratify his vehement desire of seeing

Rokyzana, whose high reputation was well known in Rome. Podiebrad,

moreover, caused himself to be crowned according to the Roman rite;

having no bishop of his own, he borrowed from his son-in-law, Matthias

Corvinus of Hungary, those of Raab and Bacs, to perform his

consecration; in his coronation oath he swore obedience to Calixtus and

his successors, to restore the Catholic religion, and to persecute

heretics; he wrote to Calixtus as a faithful son of the Church, and

obtained from him letters recognizing him as King of Bohemia; he sent

envoys to Rome, who held out promises that Rokyzana would follow, and

settle on a lasting basis the submission of Bohemia. All this was mere

skirmishing for position; but when, a few months later, Calixtus died,

and was succeeded by Æneas Sylvius, who took the name of Pius II., men

might hope that some reasonable accommodation could be reached. Since he

had gone to Basle in the suite of Cardinal Capranica, and had become the

mouth-piece of the antipapal party, influenced, as he himself says, by

cupidity rather than by truth, and inspired by the hostility to the

Church usually felt by the laity, the new pope had been occupied almost

exclusively with German and Bohemian affairs, which he knew better than

any living man; he had taken part in the negotiations resulting in the

Compactata; he was shrewd, clear-headed, and troubled with few scruples,

and, sharing fully in the papal anxiety to unite Christendom against the

Turks, he might be expected to recognize the vital importance of

reconciliation with Bohemia. George made haste to send an embassy to

renew his protestations of obedience, and to ask for the confirmation of

the Compactata. Pius, who took no shame in issuing a solemn bull

condemning and disavowing all his early opinions uttered during his

service with the council, was prepared to break with his own traditions

rather than with those of his predecessors. He gave a dubious response;

George could win his recognition as king by extirpating heresy, and he

promised to send legates. They came, but the pope, although he addressed

George as king and as his dearest son when soliciting his co-operation

in the crusade, shortly afterwards took a step which, with his knowledge

of Bohemia, he knew could not but provoke a rupture. Wenceslas, Dean of

Prague, was a Catholic, and a bitter enemy of Rokyzana, and this man

Pius appointed as administrator of the archbishopric, thus ousting

Rokyzana. All at once was in uproar. Wenceslas endeavored to assert

himself, but the power remained in Rokyzana's hands. George threw into

prison Fantinus, who had been his procurator in the curia, and who had

been sent with a commission as papal orator, and detained him there for

three months. Frederic III., whom George, by a stroke of happy audacity,

had recently liberated from a siege by his rebellious subjects in the

castle of Vienna, interposed, and delayed the explosion of the papal

wrath; but to his earnest request that George should be acknowledged as

king Pius returned an absolute refusal. George was a heretic, incapable

of the crown, and his subjects' oaths of allegiance were void; only by

returning to the Church could he hope to be fitted for the royal

dignity. In June, 1464, Pius, in full consistory, published a bull

reciting all the griefs of the Church against Bohemia, pronouncing the

Compactata void, as never having been confirmed by the Holy See, and

summoning George before him to stand trial for heresy within three terms

of sixty days each. In two months Pius was dead, but his successor, Paul

II., carried forward the proceedings with the old inquisitorial weapons.

Three cardinals were appointed in 1465 to try George as a relapsed

heretic, and summoned him in August, as a private person, to appear

before them within six months for judgment. Without waiting for the

expiration of the term, early in December, Paul issued a bull absolving

all George's subjects from their allegiance, alleging as a reason for

haste that the sentence would grow more difficult by delay. The papal

wrath increased with the obstinacy of the assumed heretic. In 1468

another summons was issued to him to appear before the cardinals for

judgment; and in February, 1469, his name was placed as that son of

perdition, the Hussite George Podiebrad, together with those of Rokyzana

and Gregory of Heimburg, in the curse of the Coena Domini, to be

anathematized thrice a year, in the solemnities of the mass, in all

cathedrals, both in Latin and in the vernacular.[601]

All this was not a mere _brutum fulmen_. It was not difficult to excite

rebellion among turbulent subjects and attacks from ambitious neighbors.

With all his vigor and capacity George found the maintenance of his

position by no means easy. When, in 1468, the German princes had agreed

upon a five years' truce in order to concentrate their energies against

the Moslem, Paul II. threw the empire into confusion by sending the

Bishop of Ferrara to preach a crusade with plenary indulgences against

Bohemia, adding the special favor that all who joined in the preaching

should have the privilege of choosing a confessor, and receiving from

him plenary absolution and indulgence. The kingdom was bestowed upon

Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, who took the cross, and with an army of

crusaders occupied Moravia. A long war ensued, during which George died,

in 1471, released from excommunication on his death-bed, and Ladislas

II., son of Casimir of Poland, was elected as his successor. In 1475 the

rivals came to terms; both were recognized as kings of Bohemia, while

Matthias was to have for life Moravia, Silesia, and the greater part of

Lusatia, and the survivor was to enjoy the whole kingdom. On the death

of Matthias, in 1490, Ladislas recovered the three provinces, and

shortly afterwards added Hungary to his dominions.[602]

Ladislas was a good Catholic, and Sixtus IV., who had aided in his

election, hoped that the opportunity had at last arrived to break down

the stubbornness of the Calixtins. The king made the attempt, but bloody

tumults in Prague, which nearly cost him his life, showed that, slight

as was the difference between Catholic and Utraquist, the old fanaticism

for the cup survived. At length, in 1485, at the Diet of Kuttenberg,

mutual toleration was agreed upon, and Ladislas, who was of easy

disposition, ran no further risks. Thus the anomalous position of

Bohemia, as a member of Latin Christendom, became more remarkable than

ever. The great majority of the people were Calixtins and therefore

heretics, but the Church had to abandon the attempt to coerce them to

salvation. Missionary inquisitors were commissioned from time to time,

but practically their efforts were limited to persuasion and

controversy. Even Pius II., in 1463, felt obliged to caution Zeger, the

Observantine Vicar-general, that his brethren, in dealing with

heretics, should restrain their zeal from the customary curses and

insults, and should try the effect of gentleness and argument. That

these missionaries were mostly Franciscans perhaps explains why the

toleration accorded to Catholics could not be enforced against the

popular prejudices of which the Order was the object. Even George

Podiebrad, in 1460, had permitted the Franciscans to return to Prague,

but their zeal was not to be restrained, and they were expelled in 1468.

Under Ladislas they came again, in 1482, but in the disturbances of the

following year they were glad to escape, their house was levelled to the

ground, and was not rebuilt until 1629. From time to time other

communities were founded at Hradecz, Glatz, and Neisse, but they were

short-lived, and were speedily destroyed by the fanaticism of the

people. As the invention of printing facilitated controversy, polemical

zeal multiplied treatises to prove the iniquity of the Utraquist heresy,

but the Utraquists were not to be converted. They maintained the

Compactata as the charter of their religious independence. When, in

1526, King Louis fell in the disastrous day of Mohacz, and the House of

Austria, in the person of Ferdinand I., obtained the Bohemian throne,

good Catholic though Ferdinand was, he was obliged to pledge himself to

preserve the Compactata.[603]

* * * * *

It is not to be imagined that the teachings of Wickliff and Huss were

wholly forgotten in Utraquist degeneracy. Their real inheritors were the

Taborites, and although these, in their disorderly enthusiasm, vainly

contended against the spirit of the age and disappeared from sight under

the strong hand of Podiebrad, the seed which they had nurtured was not

wholly lost. The profound religious convictions which animated these

poor and simple folk are visible through the satire with which Æneas

Sylvius requited their hospitality in 1451, on the eve of their

suppression. Travelling with some nobles, on a mission from Frederic

III., he was benighted near Mount Tabor, and thought it safer to trust

himself with the enemies of his faith than to pass the hours of darkness

in the open villages. In return for the simple kindliness of his

reception the polished scholar and courtier describes them with the

liveliest ridicule, and with brutal sneers at their poverty. They were

mostly peasants, and as they came forth to greet him in the cold and

rain, many were almost naked, having nothing but a shirt or a sheepskin

to protect them; one had no saddle, another no reins, another no spurs;

this one had lost an eye, that one an arm. Ziska was their patron saint,

whose portrait was painted on the city gates. Though they ridiculed the

consecration of churches, they were very earnest in listening to the

word of God, and if any one was too busy or too lazy to go to the wooden

house where they assembled for preaching he was compelled by stripes.

Though they paid no tithes, they filled their priests' houses with

corn, beer, wood, vegetables, meat, and all the necessaries of life.

Firm as they were in defence of their religious independence, they were

not intolerant, and wide diversity of opinion was allowed among

them.[604]

When such men as these were driven forth and scattered among the people

they were much more likely to make converts than to be converted, and

though lost to sight they were assuredly not false to their convictions.

The reactionary course of Rokyzana and Podiebrad during the succeeding

years could hardly fail to provoke discontent among the more earnest

even of the Calixtins and to furnish fresh disciples and teachers.

Materials existed for a sect representing the doctrines which, a

generation earlier, had set Bohemia aflame; and although when that sect

timidly appeared it prudently and sedulously disavowed all affiliation

with the hated and dreaded Taborites, there can be no doubt that it was,

to a great extent, composed of the same elements.

These new sectaries first present themselves in an organized form in

1457. Earnest, humble Christians, who sought to carry out the doctrines

of Jesus, they differed from the Taborites in a yet closer approach to

Waldensianism, due probably to the influence of Peter Chelcicky, who,

without belonging to them, was yet to some extent their teacher. Like

the Waldenses, they rejected the oath and the sword--nothing would

justify the taking of human life, and consequently they were

non-resistants. Since the time of Constantine and Silvester the Roman

Church had gone astray in the pursuit of wealth and worldly power. The

sacraments were worthless in polluted hands. Priests might hear

confessions and impose penances, but they could not absolve; they could

only announce the forgiveness of God. Purgatory was a myth invented by

cunning priests. As for the mystery of the Eucharist, they prudently

adopted the formula of Peter Chelcicky, which eluded the difficulty by

affirming that the believer receives the body and blood of Christ,

without pretending to explain or daring to discuss the matter. They

ridiculed the superstition of the Calixtins, which exaggerated in the

absurdest fashion the sanctity of the Eucharist, which carried the

sacrament through the streets for adoration, and which held that he

whose eye chanced to fall on it was safe from evil happening for that

day; and they sometimes incurred martyrdom by publicly reproving the

fanatic zeal which regarded the Eucharist as the holiest of idols. On

this basis was founded the brotherhood of love and charity, of patient

endurance and meekness, which represented more nearly the Christian

ideal than anything the world had seen for thirteen centuries. With

extreme simplicity of life there was no exaggeration of asceticism.

Heaven was not to be stormed by mortification of the flesh, but was to

be won by the sedulous discharge of the duties imposed on man by his

Creator, in humble obedience to the divine will, and in pious reliance

on Christ. Such was the "Unitas Fratrum"--the Bohemian or Moravian

Brotherhood--and that a society thus defenceless and unresisting should

endure the savage vicissitudes of that transitional period, and maintain

itself through four hundred years to the present time, shows that force

is not necessarily the last word in human affairs, and that average

human nature is capable of a higher moral development than it has been

permitted to reach under prevailing influences, secular and

spiritual.[605]

At first they seem to have enjoyed the favor of Rokyzana, whose

doctrines they claimed to follow, and whose nephew Gregory was one of

their earliest leaders, along with Michael, priest of Zamberg.

Rokyzana's fluctuating policy, as the archbishopric seemed to approach

or recede, soon led him to hold aloof, and when they drew apart from the

Calixtins and organized themselves as a separate body he had no

objection to see them persecuted. In vain they declared that they were

neither Waldenses nor Taborites--the one was a word of bitter reproach,

the other a terror. When, about 1461, Gregory, with a few companions,

ventured secretly to Prague, they were betrayed as conspiring Taborites

and put to the torture. It shows their state of religious exaltation

that Gregory swooned on the rack and had a beatific vision. It may be

put to the credit of Rokyzana that when he saw his nephew insensible

from the torture he burst into tears, exclaiming, "O my Gregory, I

would I were where thou art!" and that he soon afterwards obtained from

Podiebrad permission for them to settle at Liticz. Here they prospered

amid alternate peace and persecution, their numbers rapidly

increasing.[606]

In retaining all the sacraments they retained belief in the necessity of

apostolical succession for that of ordination; but as the sacraments

were vitiated in unworthy hands, they became oppressed with misgivings

as to the efficacy of the sacerdotal character of their priests, derived

as it was through the Church of Rome. Some of them proposed sending to

the legendary Christians of India, but they met with two men who had

been in the East, and the accounts they received of the Oriental

churches satisfied them that the succession there had been lost. Then

they bethought them of the Greeks, but they met some Greeks in Prague,

and many Bohemians had been in the Levant and Danubian provinces, from

whom they learned that fees were required for ordination, thus rendering

it void through simony; moreover, they heard of three Bohemians who had

been ordained without inquiry as to their morals, which satisfied them

that no true ordination was to be obtained there. Finally they turned to

the Waldenses, of whom there was a community on the Austrian border.

These claimed to descend from the primitive Church; that their ancestors

had separated from Rome when the papacy was secularized under Silvester

by the donation of Constantine, and that they had preserved the

apostolic succession untainted. It remained for the brethren to see

whether it was the will of God that they should organize themselves by

means of these Waldenses. At Lhotka, in 1467, an assembly of about sixty

chosen deputies was held. After fasting and earnest prayer, recourse was

had to the lot, to decide whether they should separate themselves from

the Roman priesthood. The result was affirmative. Then they selected

nine men, from among whom three or two or one should be drawn, or none,

if God so willed it. Twelve cards were taken, on three of which was

written "is," and on nine "is not." These were mingled together, and

a youth was directed to distribute nine of them among the men selected.

All three with "is" proved to have been distributed, and the assembly

devoutly thanked God for showing them the path to follow. Michael of

Zamberg was sent to the Waldensian Bishop Stephen, who investigated his

faith and life, and thanked God, with tears, that it had been vouchsafed

him before he died to see such pious men. After episcopal consecration

Michael returned; careful inquiry was made as to the antecedents of one

of the three elect, named Matthias, and he was duly consecrated as

bishop by Michael, who thereupon laid down both his Waldensian

episcopate and Catholic priesthood, and was again ordained anew by

Matthias.[607]

Thus all connection with Rome was sundered, and intimate relations were

established with the Waldenses. Mutual sympathy and the identity of

their faith drew the two sects together, although the austere virtue of

the Brethren reproached the older heretics with concealing their faith

by attending Catholic mass, with accumulating wealth, and with

neglecting the poor. The Waldenses took the reproof kindly, promised

amendment, and in a short time the two sects united and formed one body.

Although the official name remained the "Unity of the Brethren,"

gradually the despised term of Waldenses came to be recognized, and was

freely used by the body to designate themselves, in their confessions of

faith and apologetic tracts. I have already alluded to the mission which

was sent in 1498 to the Brethren of Italy and France, and to the

increased spirit of vigor and independence which the old Alpine

communities drew from the resolute steadfastness of their new

associates.[608]

Gregory had moulded the Church of the Brethren on the strictest basis.

Members on entering were not, it is true, obliged to contribute their

property to the common fund, but this was frequently done. The closest

watch was kept on the conduct of each, and any dereliction was visited

with expulsion, not to be revoked without evidence of change of heart.

No one was allowed to take an oath, even in court, to hold an office, to

keep an inn, to follow any trade except in the necessaries of life. Any

noble desiring to join was required to lay aside his rank and resign

whatever offices he might hold. In 1479 two barons and several knights

applied for admission, when the rules were strictly enforced, and some

submitted while others withdrew. This rigor at last caused violent

dissensions, and in 1490 the Synod of Brandeis relaxed the rules. The

puritan party recalcitrated and were strong enough to cause a revocation

of this action in a subsequent synod. Much ill-feeling was generated,

until, in 1495, at the Synod of Reichenau, there was mutual forgiveness

and a moderation of the rules. Yet two of the puritan leaders, Jacob of

Wodnan and Amos of Stekna, refused to accept the compromise, and founded

the sect known as Amosites, or the Little Party, which maintained a

separate existence for forty-six years.[609]

During this period the Brethren had been subjected to repeated and

severe persecution. Sometimes driven for refuge to the mountain and

forest, whence they earned the name of Jamnici, or cave-dwellers, they

counted their roll of martyrs who had testified in the dungeon or at the

stake to the strength of their convictions. Yet the little band steadily

grew. In the year 1500 it was deemed necessary to increase the number of

bishops to four. In Bohemia and Moravia they counted between three

hundred and four hundred churches with nearly two hundred thousand

members. There were few villages and scarce any towns in which they were

not to be found, and they had powerful protectors among the nobility,

who, by the enslavement of the peasants in 1487, had become practically

independent and able to shelter them during periods of persecution. The

Brethren were active in education and in the use of the press. Every

parish had its school, and there were higher institutions of learning,

especially at Jungbunzlau and Litomysl. Of the six Bohemian

printing-offices they possessed three, while the Catholics had but one

and the Calixtins two. Of the sixty books issued in Bohemia between 1500

and 1510, fifty were printed by the Brethren.[610]

From this period until the death of Ladislas, in 1516, they were

subjected to intermittent but severe persecution, especially in Bohemia.

Ladislas, in his will, left instructions for their extermination "for

the sake of his soul's salvation and of the true faith;" but the

minority of his son Louis, only ten years old, the breaking-out of

disturbances, and the feuds between Catholic and Calixtin brought them

peace. The exiled pastors returned, the churches were reopened, and

public service was resumed. With the rise of Lutheranism and the

negotiations between the Bohemians and the German Protestants their

history passes beyond our present horizon, except to allude to the

fidelity with which they endured the shocks of the counter-Reformation,

and succeeded in transmitting to our own time the lessons which they had

learned from Peter Waldo and John Wickliff. They brought across the

Atlantic the union of fearless zeal with the gentler Christian virtues,

and in the annals of Pennsylvania the name of Moravian came to represent

all that serves as the firmest and surest foundation of social

organization. Parkman has well indicated the contrast between the

civilizing influence of the kindly Moravian missionaries and the manner

in which their Jesuit rivals were content to substitute the cross as a

fetich in place of the medicine-bag. The same well-directed enthusiasm

endures to the present day. Small as is the Moravian Church, it

maintained in 1885 no less than three hundred and nineteen missionaries

scattered among the remote places of the earth, with over eighty-one

thousand native converts as church members; and the more rugged and

inhospitable the fields of labor the more earnest the zeal of the good

Brethren. But for them the savage coasts of Greenland would be almost

destitute of Christian teaching, and in their truly apostolic work we

may recognize that the blood of the martyrs of Constance was not shed in

vain.[611]

APPENDIX.

I.

EXCOMMUNICATION OF THE MAGISTRATES OF TOULOUSE, JULY 24, 1237.

(Doat, XXI. fol. 146.)

Manifestum eit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris quod nos frater

Stephanus de ordine fratrum Minorum et frater Guilhelmus A. de

ordine fratrum Predicatorum inquisitores instituti ad faciendam

inquisitionem contra hereticos, fautores, receptatores et

deffensores hereticorum Tholose et in tota diocesi Tholosana; cum

per diligentem inquisitionem a nobis factam constiterit nobis R.

Centulli et Sicardum de Tholosa et R. Rogerii et Alamannum de

Roaxio et R. Embruni et Ondradam uxorem Arnaldi Petrarii infectos

esse heretica pravitate, per sententiam diffinitivam eos esse

hereticos condemnaverimus. Petrum de Tholosa vicarium Tholose et

capitularios Tholose diligenter et legitime tam per nos quam per

alios admonuimus ut dictos hereticos caperent et de dictis

hereticis facerent quod est de hereticis faciendum; cumi gitur

vicarius et capitularii, neglectis et contemptis omnibus

supradictis admonitionibus a nobisfactis, non solum non ceperunt

eos nec de terra eos fugaverunt, vel eorum bona occupaverunt ut

tenentur, sed etiam in periculum animarum suarum et in prejudicium

fidei, pacis et ecclesie R. Rogerii et Alamannum de Roaxio

predictos hereticos condemnatos tolerant et sustinent in stratis

publicis circa Tholosam et aliis locis eotum jurisdictioni

subditis, capere viros religiosos et clericos ac eorum bonis

propriis spoliare et ad redemptionem compellere, et vulnerare et

injuriis eos afficere, necnon et viros Catholicos cum clericis

commorantes occidere mutilare et alia mala ceclesiis et

ecclesiasticis viris inferre, maxime cum nos dicti inquisitores

publice excommunicaverimus omnem hominem tam virum quam mulierem

tanquam fautorem et deffensorem hereticorum qui eis consilium vel

auxilium aliquod eis occulte vel manifeste prestaret, et vicarius

et capitularii supradicti contra prohibitionem nostram temere

supradictos hereticos in supradictis malitiis fovent nequiter et

sustentant; et cum insuper ipsi sacramento et constitutionibus

ecclesie teneantur hereticos ubique capere et totam terram eorum

jurisdictioni subjectam a pravitate heretica extirpare, non

attendentes quod scriptura dicit, non est grandis differentia utrum

letum admittas vel differas quoniam mortem languentibus probatur

infligere qui hanc, cum possit, non excludit et alibi dicatur

canone, quod error cui non resistitur probatur, et negligere cum

possit arguere perversos nihil aliud est quam fovere, nec caret

scrupulo societatis occulte qui manifesto facinori distulit

obviare, maxime cum vicarius et capitularii supradicti alia vice

tanquam fautores et deffensores hereticorum fuerint excommunicati,

predictos vicarium et capitularios, habito diligenti consilio et

tractatu, assidentibus nobis venerabili patre R. Dei gratia

episcopo Tholosano et B. abbate Mansi sub Verduno, et P. preposito

Sancti Stephani, et P. priore ecclesie beate Marie desurate,

tanquam fautores et sustentatores hereticorum auctoritate qua

fungimur excommunicationis vinculo innodamus.

Lata fuit hec sententia publice in ecclesia sancti Stephani

Tholose, coram multis viris religiosis et capellanis parochialium

ecclesiarum Tholose et aliis viris ecclesiasticis, IX Kal. Augusti

anno Domini MCCXXXVII.

II.

ARGUMENT OF BERNARD DÉLICIEUX BEFORE PHILIPPE LE BEL, TOULOUSE,

1304.

(Bib. Nat. MSS., fonds latin. No. 4270, fol. 138.)

Dixit etiam se dixisse tunc ipse frater Bernardus quod Deus fecerat

magnam gratiam patriæ in adventu ipsius domini regis, eo quod

dictus frater Guilhelmus Petri, ordinis prædicatorum, tunc prior

provincialis, præsentibus inquisitoribus Tolosæ et Carcassonæ et

multis aliis fratribus ejusdem ordinis, dixit et confessus est

loquens in personam inquisitorum prædictorum, in præsentia ipsius

regis et plurium quam quingentarum personarum in aula superiori

ipsius domini regis existentium, quod in tota lingua occitana non

erant hæretici nisi tantummodo in burgo Carcassonæ, Albiæ vel

Corduæ, vel in circuitu per unam leucam vel duas, et quod illi non

erant quadraginta, et si erant quadraginta non erant quinquaginta,

et quod hoc dictus frater Guilhelmus dixit bis in præsentia

prædictorum; et ideo intulit tunc ipse frater Bernardus, ut dixit,

quod patria quæ hactenus fuerat diffamata testimonio ipsorum

inquisitorum ab infamia prædicta in adventu ipsius domini regis

fuerat relevata, et sperabat frater Bernardus, ut dixit tunc se

dixisse, quod ex quo tunc secundum verba eorum tota patria erat

sana, excepta sex leucis et quinquaginta personis, quod leucæ illæ

et personæ ac tres villæ prædictæ adhuc invenientur immunes a labe

hæresis prædicta. Dixit etiam tunc se dixisse, quod si hodie

viverent beati Petrus et Paulus, et contra eos impingeretur quod

hæreticos adorassent, si procederetur contra eos super hujusmodi

adoratione, sicut per aliquos inquisitores istarum partium

aliquando contra multos fuit processum nee pateret eis via

deffensionis. Si enim de fide interrogarentur, responderent sicut

magistri et doctores, ubi autem diceretur eis quod hæreticos

adorassent, et quærerent quos hæreticos, et dicerentur eis sola

nomina dictorum hæreticorum (quæ quidem nomina et cognomina multis

conveniunt) et ipsi beati Petrus et Paulus dicerent "Istos nunquam

novimus. Dicatis nobis ubi sunt vel unde venerunt et quo iverunt,

cujus linguæ, staturæ aut conditionis erant" et nihil eis

diceretur per quod notitia dictorum hæereticorum, qui dicuntur

adorati haberi posset: si etiam quærerent quo tempore facta fuerit

hæc adoratio, et non diceretur dies, mensis nec annus: si etiam

quærerent nomina testium et non darentur eis, non est qui possit

exprimere, ut dixit tunc se dixisse ipse frater Bernardus quod hi

apostoli qui tam sancti sunt, a tali macula coram hominibus se

possent deffendere, maxime cum si quis vellet eos deffendere statim

impingeretur quod erat fautor hæreticorum, sicut ipse frater

Bernardus in se ipso et dicto vicedomino probavit.

III.

SUPPLICATION OF THE CHURCH OF ALBI TO THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS

(1304-5).

(Archives de l'Hôtel-de-ville d'Albi.--Doat, XXXIV. fol. 42.)

Illustrissimæ Dominationis Patribus venerabilibus Dominis

Cardinalibus sacrosanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ sacroque coetui eorumdem.

Capitulum et Canonici ecclesiæ Albiensis et Capitulum et Canonici

ecclesiæ Sti. Salvii de Albia, Abbasque et monachi monasterii de

Galliaco Albiensis diocesis, et alii religiosi quorum sigilla

inferius sunt appensa, suarum sublimitatum imperiis subjectionem

debitam et devotam. Juste pater supplicatur a filiis dum cernunt

fluctus tumescere et undis insiliantibus ventis et flantibus ex

adverso naufragium imminere formidant, præsertim dum necessarium

exigente qualitate causaram salus non pateat aut auxilium aliunde.

Verum nostra patria quantis sit exposita præcipitiis et ruinis

propter quæstiones et dissensiones quibus ad invicem se collidunt

patria et inquisitores hæreticæ pravitatis novit ille qui nihil

ignorat, et adeo excrevit turbatio ut idem populus ad iracundian

concitatus non videatur aliud anhelare nisi ut discriminibus se

committens deducat in ore gladii, nedum quos sibi putat adversarios

sed et alios, ac ad talia se convertat quæ non poterunt aliquatenus

reparari. Vestræ igitur Paternitatis pedibus provoluti humiliter

supplicanus ut circa præmissa sic salutifere et celeriter

succurratis quod, præclusa via periculis et ruinis, patria

restituatur paci debitæ et quieti. Constet enim vobis quod dictus

populus et patria est catholica et fidelis, quantum nos humana

fragilitas nosse sinit, et populus civitatis Albiæ et patriæ fidem

catholicam corde credens ore profitetur eamdem ut sic perveniat ad

salutem et bonis operibus astruit et confirmat.... Paternitatem

vestram conservet altissimus ecclesiæ suæ sanctæ per tempora

longiora. (Signed with seventeen seals.)

IV.

BULL OF CLEMENT V. IN FAVOR OF THE INQUISITION.

(Doat, XXXIV. fol. 112.)

Clemens episcopus servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

Dudum venerabili fratri Petro episcopo Prenestino, tunc tituli

Sancti Vitalis, et dilecto filio nostro Berengario titulo sanctorum

Nerei et Achillei presbyteris cardinalibus, per nostros sub certa

forma litteras duximus committendum ut ipsi circa negotium

inquisitionis heretice pravitatis in partibus Carcassonensi,

Albiensi et Cordue super certis articulis seu dependentibus ab

eisdem diligenter inquireretur et nonnulla etiam ordinarent; qui

auctoritate litterarum hujusmodi quadam cura dictum officium

ordinasse noscuntur. Quia vero nostre intentionis non extitit nec

existit ut occasione dicte commissionis seu alicujus mandati nostri

super hiis Cardinalibus ipsis facti, Inquisitoribus pravitatia

predicte inquirendi vel conjunctim vel divisim cum episcopo seu

episcopis ordinariis, aut sine ipsis, prout eis licet secundum

canonicas sanctiones facultas aliquatenus restringatur; Nos

ordinationem per quam dicti Cardinales facultatem inquirendi per se

divisim inquisitoribus ipsis restrinxisse dicuntur utpote

intentioni nostre et juri contrariam, juribus carere decernimus et

nullatenus observandam, ordinatione ipsorum Cardinalium circa

ceteros alios articulos in omnibus et per omnia in suo robore

duratura. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre

constitutionis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis

autem hec attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipot. Dei et

beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum.

Datum Pictavis, secundo Idus Augusti, Pontificatus nostri anno

tertio. (12 Aug. 1308.)

V.

BRIEF OF CLEMENT V. CONCERNING THE PRISONERS OF ALBI.[612]

(Doat, XXXIV. fol. 89.)

Venerabili fratri Geraldo episcopo Albiensi et dilectis filiis

inquisitoribus heretice pravitatis in partibus Albiensibus. Dudum

venerabili fratri nostro Bertrando tunc episcopo Albiensi et

inquisitoribus dictis nostros direximus litteras in hec verba:

Clemens episcopus, servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Bertrando

episcopo Albiensi et dilectis filiis inquisitoribus heretice

pravitatis in partibus Albie, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.

Significarunt nobis Isarnus Colli, P. Fransa, Jo. de Porta, Joannes

Pays, Petrus de Raissaco, B. Casas, G. Salavert, G. de Landas,

Isarnus de Cardalhaco, G. Borrelli, cives Albienses, quod ipsi olim

de mandato venerabilis fratris B. Aniciensis, tunc Albiensis,

episcopi et inquisitoris seu inquisitorum qui erant tunc in

partibus illis, occasione criminis hereseos, fuerint carceri

mancipati, et jam per octo annos et amplius, tam Albie quam

Carcassone, diu carceris angustias sustulerunt, sicut adhuc

sustinent, quamvis nulla super hoc facta fuerit condempnatio de

eisdem; cum autem ex parte dictorum civium pluries fuerimus cum

instantia requisiti, ut ad condempnationem vel absolutionem

eorumdem, prout jus exigit faceremus procedi: Nos volentes quod

circa illos vestri officii debitum exequamini, sicut decet,

discretioni vestre per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus apud

Albiam tu frater episcope per te vel per alium seu alios idoneos,

vos vero inquisitor vel inquisitores prefati, personaliter

predictos cives ubicumque detineantur, adduci ad vestram,

presentiam sub fida custodia facientes, in eodem negotio

quibuscumque processibus factis seu inchoatis per venerabiles

fratres Leonardum Albanensem, nunc Prenestinum tunc tituli S.

Vitalis et Berengarium Tusculanum episcopum, tunc tituli sanctorum

Nerei et Achillei, et dilectos filios nostros Johannem tituli

sanctorum Marcellini et Petri presbyteros ac Richardum sancti

Eustachii diaconum Cardinales, seu per dilectum filium Arnaldum

abbatem Fontisfrigidi Cisterciensis ordinis, Narbonensis diocesis,

nunc Sancte Romane Ecclesie Vicecancellarium seu alios quoscumque,

commissionum vigore per nos vel per felicis recordationis

Benedictum papam undecimum predecessorem nostrum super facto

heresis dictos cives tangente factarum, ab subrogatione prefati

abbatis et predicti Albiensis episcopi facta, nequaquam

obstantibus, in eodem negotio solum Deum habentes pre oculis, ad

inquirendum contra illos contra quos inquisitum non est, et contra

illos etiam contra quos inquisitum extitit, sed non plene,

diligenter ac plenarie secundum formam que consuevit in talibus

observari, contra illos vero contra quos plenarie inquisitum est,

et contra predictos alios cum plene fuerit inquisitum, ad

sententiam ratione previa procedatis, et alias contra illos vestri

officii debitum exequamini, prout fuerit rationis, communicato

tamen processu prius et inquisitione predictis prefatis Prenestino

et Tusculano episcopis, eorum consiliis inherentes; per hoc tamen

quoad alios ordinationi facte dudum de mandato nostro, tam

Carcassone quam Albie per dictos Prenest. et Tuscul. episcopos

tunc, ut predicitur, presbyteros Cardin. ex commissione seu

commissionibus tam per nos quam per predecessorem nostrum factis

predictis quibuscumque aliis Cardinalibus, et processibus habitis

per eosdem super facto hominum illorum de Albia et de diocesi

Albiensi, contra quos per dictum Bernardum Aniciensem tunc

Albiensem episcopum, et inquisitorem seu inquisitores predictos,

condempnationis sententia lata fuit, nullatenus volumus prejudicium

generari. Datum Avenione, sexto Idus Februarii pontificatus nostro

anno V. (8 Feb. 1310).

Verum sicut accepimus presentatis prefato episcopo et

inquisitoribus litteris supradictis, et quibusdam dicentibus quod

dicte littere fuerant a nobis subrepticie impetrate, pro eo

videlicet quod aliqui ex dictis civibus ante tempus date litterarum

ipsarum decesserant, reliqui vero ipso tempore in carcere

permanebant, et sic predicta non potuerunt intimasse, et in prefato

negotio huc usque procedere neglexerant. Nos itaque nolentes quod

propter hoc justitia retardetur, discretioni vestre per apostolica

mandamus, quatenus premissis non obstantibus, nec obstante etiam

quod aliqui de predictis querelantibus non sint cives Albie, licet

sint de diocesi Albie, nec si aliquem de predictis mori contingat,

vel ante decessisset quam inquirere inchoaveritis vel

inchoavissetis, vel post eorumdem mortem, in aliquo non obstante,

tam de mortuis quam de vivis inquirere, et in eodem negotio

procedere minime postponatis, juxta predictarum nostrarum tenorem

litterarum. Quod si forsan vos filii inquisitores, his nolueritis,

aut non potueritis, aut non curaveritis interesse, tu frater

episcope, solus per te vel per alium seu alios in negotio eodem

procedas, juxta litterarum continentiam earumdem.

VI.

WITHDRAWAL OF SECURITY FROM CITIZENS OF ALBI.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 138.)

Joannes episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectis filiis

inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis in partibus Carcassonæ

constitutis salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ut commissum

vobis negotium Catholicæ fidei autore Domino prosperetur in vestris

manibus libenter apostolicæ sollicitudinis partes apponimus et

quæque obstantia submovemus. Olim quidem felicis recordationis

Clementi papæ quinto prædecessori nostro pro parte quorumdam

hominum de partibus Carcassonæ suggesto quod inquisitores

pravitatis hæreticæ illarum partium qui tunc erant et pro tempore

fuerant multa illis gravamina et injurias irrogarunt, iniquos

contra eos et alios illarum partium processus contra justitiam

facientes, idem prædecessor hujusmodi suggestionibus aurem

accommodans, bonæ memoriæ Petro episcopo Prænestinensi tunc tituli

Sancti Vitalis et venerabili fratri nostro Berengario episcopo

Tusculanensi, tunc tituli SS. Nerei et Achillei presbiteris

cardinalibus qui partium illarum notitiam habebant et per partes

illas transitum facere tunc habebant, suis dedit litteris in

mandatis ut de præmissis suggestionibus et aliis incidentibus se

plenius informarent, et nihilominus interim personis prosequentibus

negotium memoratum de securitate idonea, pendente dicto negotio,

auctoritate apostolica providerent nec permitterent eos per eosdem

inquisitores aliquatenus molestari; præfati quoque cardinales

hujusmodi commissionis prætextu Aymerico de Castro burgensi

Carcassonæ et quibusdam aliis tunc negotium prosequentibus

supradictum securitatem hujusmodi, pendente dicto negotio,

apostolica auctoritate præstantes, illos sub sua protectione et

sedis apostolica receperunt; quam receptionem idem prædecessor

noster ratam habens et gratam mandavit illam inviolabiliter

observari, eisdem inquisitoribus districtius inhibendo ne contra

præfatum Aymericum et alios officii eorum prætextu procederent

quoquomodo, donec præfatum negotium esset per sedem apostolicam

terminatum et a sede ipsa aliud reciperent in mandatis. Quia vero

præfati Aymericus et alii circa proposita et objecta per eos

ulterius coram prædecessore præfato ac etiam coram nobis negotium

ipsum prosequi neglexerunt et quasi negligunt, præfata protectione

securi, nos nolentes sicut etiam non debemus propterea vestrum

officium impediri, securitatem ipsam penitus revocantes discretioni

vestræ per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus contra eumdem

Aymericum et alios in decreta vobis provincia, Deum et justitiam

habendo præ oculis, procedentes, non obstantibus securitate

prædicta et aliis securitatibus, protectionibus, confirmationibus,

ordinationibus, et inhibitionibus quibuscumque dicti prædecessoris

aut aliorum quorumlibet, juxta formam vobis traditam ac canonicas

sanctiones et de peritorum consilio officii vestri debitum curetis

exequi diligenter. Datum Avenione, tertio Kalendas Aprilis,

pontificatus nostri anno secundo (30 Mart. 1318).

VII.

Exequatur of on Inquisitor for Champagne.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 127.)

Philippus regis Franciæ primogenitus Dei gratia rex Navarræ,

Campaniæ et Briæ comes palatinus dilectis et fidelibus suis

universis baillivis, castellanis, vasallis, præpositis,

communitatibus villarum et earum rectoribus, cæterisque communia

officia gerentibus in nostris comitatibus Campaniæ et Briæ, ad quos

præsentes litteræ pervenerint salutem et dilectionem. Tenore

præsentium bovis districte præcipitiendo mandamus, quatenus dilecto

fratri Guillelmo Altissiodorensi ordinis fratrum prædicatorum

præsentium exhibitori domini Papæ inquisitori hæreticorum ac

perfidorum Judæorum in regno Franciæ sine mora et qualibet

difficultate plenarie obediatis, sicut vobis in citando, capiendo,

detinendo, ad eos mittendo seu etiam ducendo et puniendo tam

Christianos quam Judæos, quos idem frater inquisitor invenerit

culpabiles contra statuta ecclesiæ et fidem Domini nostri Jesu

Christi, ipsum nihilominus familiam et res ipsius custodientes et

defendientes sicut nos et familiam et res nostras. In cujus rei

testimonium præsentibus litteris nostrum fecimus apponi sigillum.

Actum et datum Parisius, die Dominica in crastino Sancti Matthiæ

apostoli, anno Domini MCC. octuagesimo quarto, mense Februarii (25

Feb. 1285).

VIII.

Sentence of Marguerite la Porete.

(Archives nationales de France.--J. 428, No. 15.)

In Christi nomine amen. Anno ejusdem MCCC decimo, indictione

octava, die dominica post Ascensionem Domini (31 Maii),

pontificatus beatissimi patris domini C. divina providentia Pape

quinti anno quinto, in Gravia Parisius, facta ibidem congregatione

sollempni, assistentibus mihi reverendo in Christo patre domino

Parisiensi episcopo, magistris Johanne de Frogerio officiali

Parisiensi, C. de Chenat, Johanne de Domnomartino, Xaverio de

Charmoia, Stephano de Bercondicuria, fratribus Martino de

Abbatisvilla bachalario in theologia, Nicolao de Avessiaco ordinis

predicatorum, Johanne Marchandi preposito Parisiensi, G. de Choques

et pluribus aliis ad hoc specialiter evocatis, presentibus etiam

pluribus processionibus ville Parisius et populi multitudine

copiosa, et me notario publico infrascripto, religiosus vir et

honestus frater G. de Parisius, ordinis predicatorum, inquisitor

heretice pravitatis in regno Francie auctoritate apostolica

deputatus in scriptis tulit sententias infrascriptas sub hac forma:

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritua Sancti amen. Quia nobis

fratri Guillelmo de Parisius ordinis predicatorum inquisitori

heretice pravitatis in regno Francie auctoritate apostolica

deputato, constat et constitit evidentibus argumentis te,

Margaritam de Hannonia dictam Perete, super labe heretice

pravitatis vehementer esse suspectam, propter quod citari te

fecimus ut compareas in judicio coram nobis, in quo existens

personaliter a nobis ortata pluries canonice et legitime ut coram

nobis juramentum prestares de plena pura et integra veritate

dicenda de te et aliis super hiis que ad nobis commissum

inquisitionis officium pertinere noscuntur, que facere

contempsisti, licet a nobis fueris pluries super hoc et locis

pluribus requisita, in hiis fuisti semper contumax et rebellis, pro

quibus contumaciis et rebellionibus evidentibus et notoriis hoc

exigentibus de multorum peritorum consilio, in te sic rebellem et

contumacem sententiam majoris excommunicationis tulimus et in

scriptis, quam, licet te notificata fuisset, post notificationem

predictam fere per annum et dimidium in tue salutis dispendium

sustinuisti animo pertinaci, licet tibi pluries obtulerimus nos

tibi absolutionis beneficium impensuros secundum formam ecclesie si

hoc humiliter postulares, quod usque nunc petere contempsisti nec

jurare nec respondere nobis super premissis hactenus voluisti,

propter que secundum sanctiones canonicas pro convicta et confessa,

et pro lapsa in heresim seu pro heretica te habemus et habere

debemus: Porro dum tu Margarita in istis rebellionibus obstinata

maneres, ducti conscientia volentes officii nobis commissi debitum

exercere inquisitionem contra te et processum fecimus super

predictis, prout exegit ordo vite, ex quibus inquisitione et

processu nobis constitit evidenter quondam composuisse te librum

pestiferum continentem heresim et errores, ob quam causam fuit

dictus liber per bone memorie Guidonem olim Cameracensem

episcopum[613] condemnatus et de mandato ipsius in Valencenis in

tua combustus presentia publice et patenter; a quo episcopo tibi

fuit sub pena excommunicationis expresse inhibitum ne de cetero

talem librum componeres vel haberes aut eo vel simili utereris,

addens et expresse ponens dominus episcopus in quadem littera suo

sigillata sigillo, quod si de cetero libro utereris predicto vel si

ca que continebantur in eo verbo vel scripto de cetero attemptares,

te condempnabat tanquam hereticam et relinquebat justiciandam

justicie seculari. Post vero dicta omnia dictum librum contra

dictam prohibitionem pluries habuisti et pluries usa es, sicut et

ejus patet recognitionibus factis nedum coram inquisitore

Lotharingie et coram reverendo patre et domino, domino Johanne tunc

Cameracensi episcopo, nunc archiepiscopo Senonensi,[614] dictum

eumdem librum, preter condempnationem et combustionem predictas,

sicut bonum et licitum communicasti reverendo patri domino Johanni

Cathalonensi episcopo et quibusdam personis aliis, prout ex

fidedignorum juratorum et super hiis coram nobis evidentibus

testimoniis nobis liquet. Nos igiter super premissis omnibus

deliberatione prehabita diligenti communicatoque multorum peritorum

in utroque jure consilio, Deum et sancta evangelia pre oculis

habentes, de reverendi patris et domini Domini G. Dei gratia

Parisiensis episcopi consilio et assensu, te Margaritam non solum

sicut lapsum in heresim sed sicut relapsam finaliter condempnamus,

et te relinquimus justicie seculari, rogantes eam ut citra mortem

et membrorum mutilationem, tecum agat misericorditer quantum

permictunt canonice sanctiones; dictum etiam librum tanquam

hereticum et erroneum upote errores et heresim continentem, judicio

magistrorum in theologia Parisius existentium et de eorumdem

consilio finaliter condempnamus ac demum excommunicari volumus et

comburi; universis et singulis habentibus dictum librum

precipientes districte et sub pena excommunicationis quod infra

instans festum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli nobis vel priori fratrum

predicatorum Parisius, nostro commissario, sine fraude reddere

teneantur. Actum Parisius in Gravia, presente predicto patre

reverendo Parisiensi episcopo, clero et populo dicte civitatis

ibidem sollempniter congregate, Dominica infra Ascensionem Domini,

anno Domini MCCC decimo.

CONSULTATION OF CANON LAWYERS ON THE CASE OF MARGUERITE LA PORETE,

HELD MAY 30, 1310.

Universis presentes litteras inspecturis, Guillelmus dictus Frater

archidiaconus Laudonie in ecclesia Sancti Andree in Scocia, Hugo de

Bisuncio canonicus Parisiensis, Johannes de Tollenz canonicus

Sancti Quintini in Veromandua, Henricus de Bitunia canonicus

Furnensis et Petrus de Vallibus curatua Sancti Germani

Altissiodorensis de Parisius, et etiam regentes Parisius in

decretis, salutem in actore salutis. Noveritis virum venerabilem

devotum et discretum fratrem Guillelmum de Parisius ordinis

predicatorum inquisitorem heretice pravitatis in regno Francie

auctoritate sedis apostolice deputatum, inque processum qui

sequitur nobis intimasse, consultationemque nobis fecisse inferius

annotatam. Processus equidem talis est: Tempore quo Margarita dicta

Porete suspecta de heresi fuit in rebellione et in inobedientia,

nolens respondere nec jurare coram inquisitore de hiis que ad

inquisitionis sibi commisse officium pertinent, ipse inquisitor

contra eam nihilominus inquisivit et etiam depositione plurium

testium invenit quod dicta Margarita librum quemdam composuerat

continentem hereses et errores qui de mandato reverendi patris

domini Guidonis condam Cameracensis episcopi publice et

sollempniter tanquam talis fuit condempnatus et combustus et per

litteram dicti episcopi fuit ordinatum quod si talia sicut ea que

continebantur in libro de cetero attemptaret verbo vel scripto earn

condempnabat et relinquebat justiciandam justicie seculari. Invenit

etiam idem inquisitor quod ipsa recognovit in judicio semel coram

inquisitore Lotharingie et semel coram reverendo patre Domino

Philippe tunc Cameracensi episcopo, se post condempnationem

predictam librum dictum habuisse et alios: invenit etiam idem

inquisitor quod dicta Margarita dictum librum in suo consimili

eosdem continentem errores post ipsius libri condempnationem

reverendo patri Domino Jo. Dei gratia Catbalaunensi episcopo

communicavit ac nedum dicto domino sed et pluribus aliis personis

simplicibus, begardis et aliis tanquam bonum. Consultatio autem ex

predictis resultans per prefatum inquisitorem ut pertactum est

nobis facta talis est: Videlicet, utrum in talibus dicta beguina

debeat relapsa judicari? Nos autem fidei catholice zelatores,

veritatisque canonice professores qualescumque consultationi

predicte respondentes, dicimus quod ipsa beguina. supposita

veritate facti precedentis, judicanda est relapsa et merito

relinquenda est curie seculari. In cujus rei testimonium sigilla

nostra presentibus apposuimus. Datum anno Domini MCCC decimo

sabbato post festum beati Joannis ante portam latinam.[615]

IX.

EXEQUATUR OF AN INQUISITOR ISSUED BY PHILLIPE LE BON OF BURGUNDY.

(MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds Moreau, 444 fol. 10.)

Philippus universis et singulis seneschallis, baillivis, scultetis,

officiariis et justiciariis nostris præsentibus et futuris, et

locatenentibus eorumdem per ducatus et diatrictus nostras infra

dyoceses Cameracensis et Leodiensis constitutos, ad quos præsentes

nostræ litteræ pervenerint salutem et omne bonum. Cum religiosus

dilectusque noster frater (Henricus) Kaleyser sacræ theologiæ

professor ordinis fratrum prædicatorum inquisitor bæreticæ

pravitatis per provincialem provinciæ Theotoniæ in prædictis

Cameracensi et Leodiensi dyocesibus auctoritate apostolica

specialiter deputatus pro Dei servitio et cultu seu exaltatione

sanctæ fidei orthodoxæ utque ipsum hæresis crimen a dictis partibus

quibus presidemus si forsan alicubi vigeat seu inoleat valeat

extirpare ad loca seu partes nostræ jurisdictioni subjectas et

vobis commissas declinare quisquam habeat seu etiam proficisci,

nosque velut princeps catholicus qui de manu altissimi multa bona

variosque honores recognoscimus recipisse in prædictis et aliis qui

divinum continuo obsequium complacere ut convenit plurimum

cupiantes intendimus ymo et volumus favorabilem dare locum,

ipsumque inquisitorem tanquam Dei specialem ministrum nostris

prosequi gratiis et favoribus optamus ideo vobis et cuilibet vestum

qui super hoc fueritis requisiti seu fuerit requisitus, districte

præcipiendo mandamus sub obtentu gratiæ nostra quatenus dictum

fratrem Henricum inquisitorem quotiescumque ad exercendum dictum

officium ad dicta loca seu partes vobis commissas contigerit se

transferre et supra prædictis sæculare brachium invocando vestrum

auxilium postulare, eumdem inquisitorem favorabiliter admittatis,

et eidem in et supra prædictis sæculare brachium invocando vestrum

auxilium impendatis, capiendo seu capi faciendo quoscumque ipse

inquisitor debita informatione seu inquisitione prævia et juris

ordine alias desuper observato de memorato facinore suspectos vel

diffamatos noverit et hæreticos quosque vobis duxerit nominandos,

et captos etiam detinendo, et infra jurisdictionem vestram ad locum

de quo dictus inquisitor vobis dixerit deducendo, necnon poena

debita plectendo eosdem sicut ipse decreverit et est fieri

consuetum, si videlicet quando et quotiens ac prout ipse inquisitor

vos duxerit requirendos. Ut autem inquisitor præfatus suum

inquisitionis officium securius et liberius exercere valeat, nostro

suffultus presidio et favore, inquisitorem eumdem ipsiusque socium

ac ejus notarium et familiam, res et bona eorum, sub nostris

protectione, defensione et salvagardia speciali atque securo

conductu recepimus et recipimus per præsentes, mandantes vobis

omnibus et singulis supradictis ut vestrum cuilibet quatenus

nostras protectionem, defensionem et salvagardiam securumque

conductum hujusmodi dicto inquisitori ejusque socio ac notario,

familiæ, bonis et rebus eorum inviolabiliter observando, nullam

injuriam nullumque dispendium, gravamen aut dampnum aliquod ipsis

inferre in personis ac bonis a quocumque permittatis, quinnymo

provideatis eisdem de securo transitu et salvo conductu si et prout

per dictum inquisitorem inde fueritis requisiti. Datum in oppido

nostro Bruxellensi mensis novembria die nona, anno Domini MCCCC

tricesimo primo.

X.

WALDENSIANISM IN THE SENTENCES OF PIERRE CELLA.

(Doat, XXI.)

I select a few of the sentences of Pierre Cella in 1241-2,

illustrating the development of Waldensianism at that period, and

the relations between it and Catharism. The sects were perfectly

distinct, but frequently the people, in their antagonism to the

established Church, looked favorably on both, and considered them

equally as "_boni homines_." It will be borne in mind that, in

the language of the Inquisition, "heretic" always means Catharan.

The following cases are all from Gourdon and Montauban.

Galterus Archambaut vidit hereticos pluries in diversis locis,

audivit predicationes eorum, et comedit cum eis sepe, et adoravit

eos sepe, et pacis osculum more hereticorum pluries recepit et

interfuit hereticationibus duabus, et adduxit Valdenses ad

hereticos in domum suam, ubi disputaverunt, et conduxit hereticos,

et fuit depositarius eorum, multociens adoravit eos et comedit cum

eis, et dedit eis de bonis suis, et audivit predicationes eorum

tociens quod non recordatur, et credebat quod essent boni homines

et quod esset salus cum eis, et si moreretur vellet mori in manibus

eorum.--Stabit Constantinopoli per quinque annos, de cruce et via

sicut alii, et tenebit pauperem quamdiu vixerit (fol. 196-7).

B. Bonaldi vidit P. de Vallibus Valdensem, et audivit predicationem

ejus, et credidit aliquando quod non debet homo jurare, et in domo

sua propria recepit Joset de Noguer hereticum, et disputavit cum

eo, et ipse commendavit sectam Valdensem.--Idem quod proxima,

excepta cruce (id est, Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum

Jacobum, Sanctum Salvatorem de Asturia, Sanctum Marcialem, Sanctum

Leonardum, Sanctum Dyonisium, Sanctum Thomam Cantuariensem) (fol.

201).

Petrus de Verniolo habuit hereticos et Valdenses in fortia sua, et

locutus est alteri eorum, consuluit Valdenses de infirmitate

sua.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium et Sanctum Jacobum (fol.

202).

Pana tociens recepit Valdenses quod non recolit, et fuit hospes

Valdensium, et misit eis tociens panem, vinum, et alia comestibilia

quod non nescit numerum, et fuit in domo sua facta disputatio inter

Valdenses et credentes hereticis, et diligebat P. de Vallibus

tanquam angelum Dei:--Sicut proxima, excepto paupere et cruce (i.e.

Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Salvatorem de Asturia,

Sanctum Marcialem, Sanctum Leonardum, Sanctum Dyonisium, Sanctum

Thomam Cantuariensem) (fol. 203).

Petrona uxor Raimundi Joannis, adduxit P. de Vallibus Valdensem ad

domum suam, et tenuit per octo dies, et dedit ad comedendum et

bibendum, et audivit eum ibi, et tenuit per tres septimanas

Geraldam Valdensem, et credebat quod esset bona mulier, et dedit ei

de bonis suis, et vidit hereticos et audivit predicationem eorum,

et misit eis panem, vinum, et nuces.--Sicut Huga, excepta cruce

(i.e. Ibit ad Podium, ad Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et

Sanctum Salvatorem de Asturia, Sanctum Marcialem Lemovicensem,

Sanctum Leonardum, Sanctum Dyonisium et Sanctum Thomam

Cantuariensem), et tenebit pauperem per annum (fol. 204).

G. de Pradels vidit hereticos, audivit predicationem eorum, dedit

eis de bonia suis, et pluries vidit et in diversis locis hereticos,

et credebat quod boni homines essent, pluries vidit Valdensem, et

credidit quod bonus homo esset, et dedit ei ad comedendum semel, et

audivit predicationem ejus.--Portabit crucem per biennium (fol.

208).

G. Ricart pluries vidit hereticos et in diversis locis et sepe

audivit predicationem eorum, et interfuit appareilhamento, recepit

osculum pacis ab eis, comedit cum eis, recepit pluries eos in domum

suam, dedit eis ad comedendum, recepit ab eis forcipes, dedit eis

unam capam, unam camisiam, unam tunicam, unam quartam frumenti,

duxit Valdenses ad hereticos ad disputandum in die Pasche,

associavit hereticos, fuit depositarius eorum, et multociens

audivit predicationem hereticorum, credebat quod essent boni

homines, et, si moreretur, vellet mori in manibus eorum, tociens

adoravit eos quod non recordatur.--Stabit Constantinopoli per tres

annos, de cruce et via sicut alii, et tenebit pauperem quamdiu

vixerit (fol. 208).

P. de Gaulenas viciit Valdenses et hereticos et locutus est cum eis

in quadam navi, et cum audisset hereses quas dicebant, recessit ab

eis.--Ibit ad Sanctum Jacobum (fol. 230).

P. Baco vidit Valdenses multociens et dedit eis eleemosynas et

audivit predicationem Valdensium, et diligebat eos, et credebat

quod essent boni homines, et frequenter dabat eis de suo, et

interfuit cene Valdensium, et comedit de pane benedicto, vino et

piscibus hereticorum et accepit pacem ab eis; item dedit

Valdensibus ad comedendum in domo sua; item interfuit disputationi

hereticorum et Valdensium, et dedit eis duodecim denarios.--Idem

quod proximus (i.e. Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum

Jacobum et Sanctum Thomam) et amplius ad Sanctum Dyonisium (fol.

231).

P. R. Boca dixit quod vidit multociens Valdenses et in diversis

locis, et etiam habuit eos in domo sua, et audivit ibi monitiones

eorum; item credebat quod essent boni homines; item pluries venit

ad hereticos et audivit predicationem eorum, et alibi vidit

hereticos et accepit pacem ab ipsis hereticis; item tercio vidit

hereticos et adoravit eos; item quarto vidit hereticos et audivit

predicationem eorum et adoravit eos; item recepit in porticu suo

hereticum, et duxit eum inde ad quemdam locum, et dedit cuidam

heretico unam capam; item credidit a principio quod Valdenses erant

boni homines, et idem credidit postea de hereticis.--Stabit

Constantinopoli tribus annis, de cruce et via sicut alii (fol.

232).

P. Lanes senior dixit quod vidit Valdenses et dedit eis

eleemosinam, et uxor sua dedit se Valdensibus in morte et fuit

sepulta in cimiterio eorum, ipse tamen absens erat, ut dixit, et

vidit alibi Valdenses.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium et Sanctum

Jacobum (fol. 232).

Johannes Toset dixit quod multociens vidit hereticos et in diversis

locis, et fuit presens quando quidam fecit se hereticum apud

Rabastens, et tunc vidit multos hereticos ibi; item audivit

predicationem hereticorum et adoravit eos bis; item dedit sorori

sue heretice pluries denarios; item associavit hereticos; item

associavit avunculum suum quando fecit se hereticum apud Villamur;

item consuluit Valdensibus pro infirmitate sua, et credidit quod

essent boni homines.--Stabit tribus annis Constantinopoli, de

cruce et via sicut alii (fol. 232-33).

Ramon Carbonel vidit multos Valdeuses et in diversis locis, et

induxit fratrem suum ut solveret solidos ducentos Valdensibus

legatos eis; item, interfuit disputationi Valdensium et

hereticorum; item, interfuit cene Valdensium et comedit de pane et

piscibus benedictis ab eis, de vino bibit, et audivit predicationem

eorum.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum, Sanctum

Dyonisium et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 234).

Jacobus Carbonel dixit quod frequenter venit ad scholas Valdensium

et legebat cum eis; item interfuit disputationi hereticorum et

Valdensium et comedit de pane et pisce benedictis ab eis, de vino

bibit, et tunc erat duodecim annorum vel circa, et credidit quod

Valdenses erant boni homines usque ad tempus quo ecclesia

condemnavit eos.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum

et Sanctum Dyonisium (fol. 234).

Bartholomeus de Posaca dixit quod adduxit quemdam Valdensem ad

uxorem suam infirmam, qui curam illius egit, et audivit

predicationem Valdensium, et ex tunc dilexit eos, et venerunt

pluries ad domum ejus, et faciebat eis eleemosinas dando eis panem

et vinum et multociens et in diversis locis audivit predicationem

eorum; item interfuit cene Valdensium et comedit ut supra; item

pluries (accepit) pacem ab eis.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium,

Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 236).

Guillelmus de Catus dixit quod cum frater suus et filia ejus

infirmarentur adduxit Valdenses ad domum suam ut haberent curam

eorum; item, audivit expositionem evangelii a quodam Valdensi; item

aliquando iverunt Valdenses ad restringendum dolium suum et tunc

dedit eis ad comedendum; item aliquando volebat eis facere

eleemosinas sed nolebant accipere; item aliquando accepit pacem ab

eis et audivit admonitiones eorum; item credidit quod essent boni

homines, et ea quæ dicebant et faciebant placebant ei.--Ibit ad

Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et Sanctum Dyonisium (fol.

236).

P. Austores audivit multociens predicationem Valdensium dum

predicarent publice in viis; item quidam apportavit sibi de pane

pisceque benedicto a Valdensibus et comedit; item credidit quod

essent boni homines et quod homo posset salvari cum ipsis; item

dixit quod postquam audivit quod ecclesia condamnaverat eos non

dilexit eos.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium et Sanctum Jacobum

(fol. 237-8).

Domina de Coutas vidit Valdenses publice predicantes, et dabat eis

eleemosinas, et venit ad domum in qua manebant et audivit

predicationem eorum, et multociens ivit ad eos pro quodam infirmo;

item in die Parasceves venit bis ad Valdenses et audivit

predicationem eorum, et confessa fuit Valdensi cuidam peccata sua,

et accepit peniteutiam a Valdense; item credebat quod esseut boni

homines; item vidit hereticos et comedit cum eis cerasa; et

dicebatur quod esset reconciliata; item vidit alibi pluries

hereticos; item comedit de pane signato a Valdensibus.--Idem quod

proxima excepta cruce (i.e. Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium,

Sanctum Jacobum, Sanctum Thomam) (fol. 241).

B. Remon vidit Valdenses, et audivit predicationem eorum et

credebat quod essent boni homines; item, ivit ad hereticos volens

tentare qui essent meliores, Valdenses vel heretici, et ibi audivit

predicationem eorum; item alibi locutus est cum hereticis, et

adoravit eos postquam fuerat confessus quedam de predictis fratri

Guillelmo de Belvais; item adduxit sororem suam hereticatam a

Tholosa usque ad Montemalbanum, et conduxit eam et alias hereticas

usque ad quemdam mansum; item venit ad ipsas et portavit eis piscem

et bibit cum eis; item rogavit quemdam quod reciperet illas

hereticas in manso suo, quod et fecit, et promisit ei quinquaginta

solidos; item, alia vice comedit cum hereticis; item fecit donum

dictis hereticis et audivit predicationem eorum et comedit cum eis;

item, apportavit hereticis fructus; item, fecit tunicam et capam

sorori sue heretice; item, vidit hereticis et credebat quod essent

boni homines et haberent bonam fidem, et comedit de pane signato ab

eis; item, disputavit cum quodam de fide hereticorum et Valdensium,

et approbavit fidem hereticorum.--Stabit Constantinopoli tribus

annis, de cruce et via sicut alii (fol. 242).

G. Macips vidit Valdenses qui habuerunt curam ejus in infirmitate

sua, et pluries venerunt ad domum ipsius et audivit admonitiones

eorum, et dedit eis pluries eleemosinas, et credebat quod essent

boni homines; item, posuit fidejussorem quemdam hereticum pro eo

pro quindecim solidis; item, vidit hereticos et audivit

admonitionem eorum; item, vidit hereticos et audivit predicationem

eorum, et promisit cuidam heretico servitium suum.--Ibit ad Podium,

Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum, Sanctum Salvatorem, Sanctum

Dyonisium et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 246).

Guillelmus Laurencii vidit hereticos predicantes, et interfuit

disputationi hereticorum et Valdensium, et fecit sibi fieri

emplastrum a Valdensibus.--Ibit ad Podium, Egidium et Sanctum

Jacobum (fol. 250).

J. Austores vidit hereticos multociens et adoravit eos multociens,

et audivit predicationem eorum multociens. et comedit de pane

benedicto ab hereticis et de nucibus; item vidit hereticos alibi;

item dixit quod multociens vidit et in diversis locis et

temporibus, et quotiens videbat hereticos adorabat eos semel; item,

vidit Valdenses et audivit predicationem eorum multociens, et dedit

eis panem et vinum multociens, et credebat quod essent boni

homines.--Stabit Constantinopoli tribus annis, de cruce et via

sicut alii (fol. 256).

A. Capra dixit quod multociens duxit quemdam Valdensem ad domuin

suam pro infirmitate sue uxoris et dedit Valdensibus multociens

panem et vinum et carnes; item, dixit quod portavit panem et piscem

Valdensibus ad domum suam; item, dixit quod audivit predicationem

Valdensium; item, dixit se audivisse predicationem eorum in platea

multociens; item, in die Pasche dedit Valdensibus carnes et comedit

de cena Valdensium.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum

Jacobum et Sanctum Thomam (fol. 257).

B. Clavelz vidit Valdenses et audivit predicationem eorum in

plateis et interfuit cene Valdensium et cenavit cum eis in die

Jovis cene, et audivit ibi predicationem eorum, et dedit eis

multociens panem et vinum, et credebat quod essent boni

homines.--Ibit ad Podium, Sanctum Egidium, Sanctum Jacobum et

Sanctum Dyonisium (fol. 258).

XI. LETTERS OF CHARLES I. OF NAPLES.

1.

(Archivio di Napoli, Anno 1269, Reg. 3, Letters A, fol. 64.)

Scriptum est comitibus, marchionibus, baronibus, potestatis et

consulibus civitatum et villarum comitatibus, ac omnibus aliis

potestatem et jurisdictionem habentibus et aliis amicis et

fidelibus suis ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem et

omne bonum. Cum dilecti nobis in Christo fratres predicatores in

terris carissimi domini et nepotis nostri illustris regis Francie

inquisitores heretice pravitatis auctoritate apostolica deputati in

Lombardia et ad alias partes ytalie sane intelleximus proficisci

intendant seu mittere nuncios speciales ad explorandos ibi

hereticos et alios pro heresi fugitivos qui de terris predictis

aufugerent et se ad partes ytalie transtulerunt et pro ipsis

hereticis et fugitivis ad loca unde aufugerint per se vel per

eosdem nuncios reducendis, rogamus et requerimus quatenus eisdem

fratribus vel predictis eorum nuntiis presentium portatoribus in

exigendis predictis vestrum impendatis consilium auxilium et

favorem ut per terras et potestates vestras ipsos salvo et secure

cum rebus societatis et familia suis conducatis et conduci faciatis

eundo redeundo et morando. Ad salvamentum et liberationem eorum

efficaciter intendentes quocies sibi necesse fuerit et vos inde

credederint requirendos. Datum apud urbem veterem penultimo madii

primæ indictionis.

2.

(Anno 1269, Registro 4, Letters B, fol. 47.)

Scriptum est universis justitiariis secretis baiulis judicibus

magistris juratis ceterisque officialibus atque fidelibus suis per

regnum sicilie constitutis etc. Cum religiosus vir frater

benvenutus ordinis Minorum inquisitor heretice pravitatis

Regebatium et Jacobucium familiares suos latores presentium pro

capiendis quibusdam hereticis per diversas partes regni nostri

morantibus quorum nomina inferius continentur mittat ad presens et

petiverit nostrum sibi ad hoc favorem et auxilium exhiberi

fidelitati tue precipiendo mandamus quatenus ad requisitionem

dictorum nunciorum vel alterius eorumdem omnes hujusmodi hereticos

cum bonis eorum omnibus tam stabilibus quam mobilibus seseque

moventibus capientes faciatis personas illorum in locis tutis cum

summa diligentia custodiri. Bona vero ipsorum ad opus nostre curie

fideliter et solliciter conservari. Attentius provisuri ne in hoc

aliquem adhibeatis negligentiam vel defectum sicut divinam et

nostram indignationem cupitis evitare et nihilominus de hiis que

ceperitis faciatis fieri quatuor publica consimilia instrumenta,

quorum uno penes vos retento alio penes eum qui bona ipsa

custodierit dimisso. tercium ad cameram nostram et quartum ad

magistros rationales magne nostre curie destinetis. Nomina vero

hereticorum ipsorum sunt hec (sequuntur nomina 67). Datum in

obsidione lucerie XII. Augusti decime secunde indictionis.

3.

(Anno 1269, Reg. 6, Lettera D, fol. 135.)

Karolus etc. Berardo de Rajona militi etc. Cum te ad justitiariatum

aprutii et comitatue molisii pro inveniendis et capiendis patarenis

hereticis ac receptatoribus et fautoribus eorum specialiter duximus

destinandum fidelitati tue districte precipiendo mandamus quatenus

ad partes illas etc. personaliter conferens in inveniendis et

capiendis ipsis omnem curam quam poteris et diligentiam et

sollicitudinem studeas adhibere, ita quod possis exinde in

conspectu nostre celsitudinis commendabili merito apparere. Nos

enim scribimus omnibus officialibus nostris ceterisque in eisdem

partibus constitutis ut super hiis celeriter exequendis dent tibi

consilium et auxilium opportunum. Datum Neapoli XIII. Decembris

XIII. indictionia.

4.

(Anno 1270. Reg. 9, Lettera C, fol. 39.)

Xiiij Martii Neapoli scriptum cst Johannutio de Pando magistro

portuiano et procuratori curie in principatu et terra laboris etc.

Qnia ex insinuatione fratris Mathei de Castro Maris inquisitoris in

regno Sicilie heretice pravitatis intelleximus quod idem frater

Matheus nuper invenerit in civitate beneventana tres patarenos,

unum videlicet lombardum nomine Andream de Vivi Mercato, alium

nomine Judicem Johannem de zeccano, et tertium Thomasium Russum

nomine de Maula saracena quos judicavit relapsos et tradi fecit

ignibus et comburi, quorum bona omnia sunt regie curie tanquam bona

Patarenorum juste et rationabiliter applicanta, Devotioni tue etc.

quatenus statim receptis presentibus de bonis omnibus tam

stabilibus quam mobilibus et semoventibus ipsorum Paterenorum cum

omni diligentia inquirere studeas, quibus inventis et captis debeas

ea pro parte curie fideliter procurare, faciens redigi in quaterno

uno transumptum inquisitionis ipsius in quo quaterno contineantur

etiam bona omnia que ceptris, quantitatem et qualitatem ipsorum in

quibuscumque consistant et ubi ac valorem annuum eorumdem; quem

quaternum cum litteris tuis continentibus processum tuum totum quem

in premissis hujusmodi sub sigillo tuo etc. sine dilatione

transmittas, in quo quaterno similiter redigi facias formam

presentium litterarum. Datum Neapoli ut supra.

5.

(Anno 1271, Reg. 10, Lettera B, fol. 96.)

Pro fratre Trojano inquisitore heretice pravitatis.--Item scriptum

est cabellotis seu credentiariis super ferro, pice, et sale

Neapolis ut cum scriptum fuerit eis alias ut de pecunia curie etc.

fratri Trojano inquisitori heretice pravitatis in justitiariatu

provincie terre laboris et aprutii de proventibus ferri picis et

salis Neapolis ad requisitionem suam pro expensia suis, alterius

socii fratis sui et unius notarii et trium aliarum personarum et

equorum suorum pro mensibus martii aprilis madii junii julii et

augusti presentis XIIII indictionis ad rationem de augustali uno

per diem uncias auri XLVII ponderia generalis in principio

videlicet dicti mensis martii deberent ecclesie exhibere etiam

mandatum est sub pena dupli ut dictam pecuniam juxta continentiam

predictarum litterarum eidem fratri Trojano vel nuncio etc.

persolvant. Datum ut supra (apud Montem Flasconem XVIII Martii, XIV

indictionis).

XII.

LETTERS OF CHARLES II. OF NAPLES ORDERING THE PROSECUTION OF A

REPLAPSED HERETIC.

(MSS. Chioccarelli, T. VIII.)

Scriptum est religioso viro Fratri Roberto de Sancto Valentino

Inquisitori in Regno Siciliæ post salutem. Olim religiose viro

Fratri Benedicto prædecessori tuo in eodem inquisitionis officio

post salutem scripsisse dicimur in hæc verba. Veridica nuper

accepimus relatione quod te ex officio tuo contra hæreticæ

pravitatis infectos inquirente Petrus de Bucclanico ipsius castri

archipresbyter de pluribus articulis contra fidem Catholicam

inventus est labefactus, cumque satis expediat in contemptæ

religionis vindictam ad reprimendum tam damnabile exemplum hæreticæ

pravitatis te satis insurgere viribus ad celerem punitionem tam

enormis criminis fidelitati tuæ mandamus quatenus statim receptis

presentibus sic omni specie corruptionis procul ejecta in præmissis

contra dictum archipresbyterum tam fideliter proscquaris processum

quod inde Deo placens honori ordinis tui deservias et apud nos qui

dicti negotii plenam habemus fidem et notitiam dignas tibi laudes

valeas vindicare. Datum apud Monasterium Regalis Vallis die 10

mensis Martii 4 Indict (1306).--Noviter autem facta nobis assertio

continebat quod memoratus archipresbyter ad vomitum rediens in

ejusdem hæreticæ pravitatis laqueum est relapsum, quod si veritate

fulcitur de tanta profecto obstinatione turbati devotionem tuam

attenta exhortatione requirimus ut tam ex processu dicti

prædecessoris tui contra dictum archipresbyterum ab olim habito

quam habendo per te ut cupimus denuo contra eum meritis (?) sive

indagine in prædictis sic tuæ disciplinæ virga in dictum

archipresbyterum proinde desæviat aspere ut impunitate non gaudeat

hostis fidei orthodoxæ. Tuque propterea digua apud Deum et nos

laude attolaris. Datum Neapoli apud Bartholomæum de Capua militem

Logothetam et Prothonotarium Regni Siciliæ anno Domini 1307 (1308)

die ultimo Augusti, 6 Indict. Regnorum nostrorum anno 24.

XIII.

OATH OF THE DOGE OF VENICE IN 1249.

(Archivio di Venezia. Codice ex Brera No. 277.)

Promissio Domini Marini Mauroceno.

In nomine dei eterni amen. Anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Jesu

Christi millesimo ducentesimo quadragesimo nono mense Junii die

terciodecimo intrante indictione septima Rivoalto. In palatio

ducatus Veneciarum feliciter amen.... Ad honorem dei et sacrosancte

matris Ecclesie et robur et defensionem fidei catholice studiosi

erimus cum consilio nostrorum consiliariorum vel maioris partis

quod probi et discreti et catholici viri eligantur et constituantur

super inquirendis hereticis in venecia. Et omnes illos qui dati

erunt pro hereticis per dominum Patriarchum Gradensem, Episcopum

Castellanum vel per alios episcopos provincie duchatus Veneciarum a

Grado videlicet usque ad caput aggeris comburi faciemus de consilio

nostrorum consiliariorum vel maioris partis ipsorum.... Ego Marinus

Maurocenus Dei gratia Dux manu mea subscripsi.

CAPITULARE SUPER PATARENIS ET USURARIIS (1256).

(Dal Registro intitulato, Capitolari di più Magistrati riformato

nell' anno 1376. Miscellanea Codici, No. 133, p. 121.)

Item juro quod amodo usque ad unum annum et per totum ipsum annum

simul cum meis vel cum altero eorum studiosus ero bona fide sine

fraude ad inquirendum et inveniendum patarenos hereticos et

suspectos de heresi tam venetos quam forinsecos in civitate

Rivoalti et si quem talem vel tales invenero secretum aput me

habebo et quam cito potero bona fide sine fraude denunciabo domino

Duci et consiliariis ejus vel aliis quibus per dominum ducem et

suum consilium fuerint hoc commissum. Hec autem omnia observabo

bona fide sine fraude remote odio vel amore prece vel precio, et

servitium inde non tollam nec faciam tolli. Item attendam et

observabo ea que continentur in capituiari maioris consilii.--Si

autem secundo in eodem crimine quis fuerit depreensus penam

predictam incurrat et bannizetur et expellatur de veneciis si

forinsecus fuerit venetus autem quociens inventus fuerit penam

incurrat predictam excepto quod de veneciis non bannizetur nec

expellatur. Post anno domini millesimo ducentesimo quinquagesimo

quinto (1256) indictione XIIII. mense februarii fuit hoc additum in

presente capitulare.

END OF VOL. II.

* * * * *

The following typographical errors were corrected by the etext

transcriber:

Behind them now, moreover, was Gregory XI., the implacable and

indefatigable persecutor of heresy=>Behind them now, moreover, was

Gregory IX., the implacable and indefatigable persecutor of heresy

chair of St. Peter to be filled, and in 1216 Louis Hutin sent his=>

chair of St. Peter to be filled, and in 1316 Louis Hutin sent his

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, pp. 450, 576.--Millot, Hist.

Littéraire des Troubadours, III. 244-50.

[2] Teulet, Layettes, II. 185, 226-8.

In 1239 we find Raymond asking for six months' delay in the payment of

one of the instalments (Ib. p. 406).

[3] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238 c. 11 (Mart. Ampl. Coll. VII.

134).--Ripoll I. 120, 145, 165.--Potthast No. 9452, 11092, 11094,

11515.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 365.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 262.--Arch. des

Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXI. 19)--C. 1 Sexto v.

2.--Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 30.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI.

69).--Bern. Guidon, de Trib. Grad. Prædicat. (Bouquet, XXI,

739).--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930,

fol. 224).

When Cardinal Wolsey sought to reform the English Church he found the

same difficulty in obtaining bishops to degrade clerical criminals, and

he obtained from Clement VII. the same remedy (Rymer, XIV. 239).

[4] Coll. Doat, XXI. 149, 153, 156, 158.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin,

No. 9992.

[5] Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930,

fol. 224).--Guill. Pelisso Chron. (Ed. Molinier. Anicii, 1880, pp. 6,

15).--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Monument. Hist.

German.).--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III.

573).

One of the complaints made by Gregory IX. against Raymond, in 1236, was

that he had neglected to pay the salaries of the professors, and that

the school of Toulouse was dissolved (Teulet, Layettes, II. 315). In

1239, however, a receipt in full for them was exhibited to the papal

legate (Ib. p. 397), and in 1242, when Raymond was under peril of death

in the Agenois, his chief physician was Loup of Spain, the professor of

medicine in the University (Ib. p. 466).

[6] Pelisso Chron. pp. 7-8.

[7] Ibid. pp. 9-10.

[8] Pelisso Chron. pp. 10-11.--Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte

der deutschen Mystik, p. 17.

[9] Pelisso Chron. p. 13. Cf. Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX.

(Muratori S. R. I. III. 573).

[10] Pelisso pp. 10-17.

[11] Ibid. pp. 17-20.

[12] Pelisso Chron. pp. 20-1.

[13] Ibid. p. 22.

[14] Pelisso Chron. pp. 23-5.

[15] Millot, Troubadours, II. 65-77.--Mary-Lafon, Histoire du Midi de la

France, III. 396-99.

[16] Vaissette, III. 403.--Martene Thesaur. I. 985.--Pelisso Chron. pp.

13-14, 52-9.

Chabanaud (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 330) thinks it probable that this

Arnaud Catala is the troubadour of the same name, developing, like

Folquet of Marseilles and others, from a poet to a persecutor.

[17] Vaissette, III. 402-3, 406; Pr. 370-1, 379-81.--Coll. Doat, XXXI.

33.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 321, 334.

[18]

"Car del pejors homes que son

Se defen et de tot le mont;

Que Franses ni clergia

Ni las autras gens ne l'affront;

Mas als bos s'humilia

Et l'mal confond."

(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inquisition, II. 394).

[19] Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S. R I. III.

573)--Archives Nat. de France J. 430, No. 17, 18.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c.

42.--Peyrat, Hist. des Albigeois, I. 287.--Harduin. Concil. VII.

203-8.--D'Achery Spicileg. III. 606.--Potthast No. 9771.--Epistt. Sæculi

XIII. T. I. No. 577 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Matt. Paris ann. 1334, p.

280.--Vaissette, III. 399-400, 406.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp.

485, 799-802.

[20] Pelisso Chron. pp. 25-8.

[21] Pelisso Chron. pp. 30-40.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent.

Præidicat. (Martene Thesaur. VI. 460-1).--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No.

688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.

[22] Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon.

Germ. Hist.)--Teulet, Layettes, II. 314.

The subordination of the bishop to the inquisitors is further shown in

the excommunication of the viguier and consuls of Toulouse, July 24,

1237, in which Bishop Raymond and other prelates are mentioned as

assessors to the inquisitors (Doat, XXI. 148).

[23] Potthast No. 10152.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII T. I. No. 700 (Mon. Germ.

Hist.).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. P. II. p. 912.--Vaissette, III.

408.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 40-1.

[24] Pelisso Chron. p. 41-2.

[25] Coll. Doat, XXI. 163.

[26] Pelisso Chron. pp. 43-51.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 149.--It is probable

that among these victims perished Vigoros de Bocona, a Catharan bishop.

Alberic de Trois Fontaines places his burning in Toulouse in 1233

(Chron. ann. 1233), but there is evidence of his being still alive and

active in 1235 or 1236 (Doat, XXII. 222). He was ordained a "filius

major" in Montségur about 1229, by the Catharan bishop, Guillabert de

Castres (Doat, XXII. 226), and his name as that of a revered teacher

continues for many years to occur in the confessions of penitents.

[27] Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Arch, de l'Évêché de Béziers (Doat,

XXXI. 35).--Bern. Guidon. Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl.

Coll. VI. 422).--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 32.

[28] Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 706 (Mon. Germ. Hist).--Potthast No.

10357, 10361.--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 33, 37.--Teulet, Layettes, II.

339, No. 2514.--Vaissette, III. 410.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 146.

A deposition of Raymond Jean of Albi, April 30, 1238 (Doat, XXIII. 273),

probably marks the term of the activity of the Inquisition before its

suspension.

[29] Teulet, Layettes, II. 377, 386.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 731

(Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Raynald. ann. 1239, No. 71-3.--Arch. du Vatican T.

XIX. (Berger, Actes d'Innocent IV. p. xix.).

[30] Arch. Nat. de France J. 430. No. 19, 20.--Guill. Pod. Laurent, c.

43.--Vaissette, III. 411.

[31] Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Guill. Nangiac. Gest. S. Ludov. ann.

1239.--Vaissette, III. 420.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX.

(Muratori S. R. I. III. 574).--Teulet, Layettes, II. 457. It was not

until 1247 that Trencavel released the consuls of Béziers from their

allegiance to him.--Mascaro, Libre de Memorias, ann. 1247.

[32] A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 448-61).--Douais, Les

Albigeois, Paris, 1879; Pieces justif. No. 4.

[33] D'Achery Spicileg. III. 621.--Vaissette, III. 424; Pr. 400.

[34] Guillem de Tudela V. 8980, 9183.--Trésor des Chartes du Roi à

Carcassonne (Doat, XXII. 34-49).--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII.

975.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 252, No. 2241.--Vaissette, III. 383, 422-3;

Pr. 385, 397-99.--Ripoll VII. 9.--Potthast No. 9024.--Pelisso Chron. pp.

28-9.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 163-164, 166; XXIV. 81.

[35] The document is in the Collection Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.--Although it

does not specify that the cases are of voluntary penitents within the

time of grace, there is no risk in assuming this. The penances are all

of the kind provided for such penitents; and in one case (fol. 220) it

is mentioned that the party had not come in within the time, which would

infer that the rest had done so. Besides, the extraordinary speed with

which the business was transacted is wholly incompatible with

prosecutions of accused persons striving to maintain their innocence.

[36] Coll. Doat, XXI. 210, 215, 216, 227, 229, 230, 238, 265, 283, 285,

293, 299, 300, 301, 305, 307, 308, 310.

[37] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.

[38] Pelisso Chron. pp. 49-50.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 216-17, 224,

228.--Schmidt, Cathares I. 315, 324.

[39] Coll. Doat, XXI. 153, 155, 158.

[40] Vaissette, III. 431; Pr. 438-42.--Doat, XXIV. 160.--Guill. Pod.

Laur. c. 45.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inquisition, II. 304.--Diez,

Leben und Werke der Troubadours, p. 491.--Ripoll I. 117.--Analecta

Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1887, II. 65.

The Catholic tradition at Avignonet was that some of the inquisitors'

followers escaped to the church, where they were massacred with a number

of Catholic inhabitants who had sought refuge there. In consequence of

this pollution the church remained unused for forty years, and the

anniversary of its reconciliation, on the first Tuesday in June, was

still, in the last century, celebrated with illuminations and rejoicing

as a local feast (Bremond _ap._ Ripoll l.c.)

[41] Vaissette, III. 456.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Molinier _ap._

Pelisso Chron. p. 19.--Molinier, L'Ensevelissement de Raimond VI. p.

21.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1258.

[42] Teulet, Layettes, II. 466.--Maj. Chron. Lemovicens. ann. 1242

(Bouquet, XXI. 765).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 410.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c.

45.--Schmidt. Cathares, I. 320.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Coelestin. PP. IV.

(Muratori S.R.I. III. 589).

[43] Vaissette, III. 434-7, 439.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 470, 481-2, 484,

487, 488, 489, 493, 495, etc.

[44] Vaissette, III. Pr. 425.--Ripoll I. 118. Innocent's bull is dated

July 10, 1243, within a fortnight after his election. The deputation had

evidently been sent to Celestin IV., and the bull had been prepared in

advance, awaiting the election of a successor.

[45] Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXI. 47).--Archives de l'Inq.

de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 63, 65, 97).--Berger, Registres d'Innocent

IV. No. 31, 102.

[46] Vaissette, III. 443; Pr. 411, 433-4.--Potthast No. 10943, 11187,

11218, 11390, 11638.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 523, 524, 528,

534.--D'Achery, III. 621.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 21, 267,

360, 364, 594, 697, 1283.--Douais. Les sources de l'histoire de

l'Inquisition (loc. cit. p. 415).

[47] Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 46.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 204, 210; XXIV. 76, 80,

168-72, 181.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 325.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et

l'Inquisition, II. 363 sqq.

[48] Collection Doat, XXII. 202, 214, 237; XXIV. 68, 160, 182, 198.

[49] Millot, Troubadours, II. 77.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No.

37.

[50] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Consil. ad Inquis. c. 1.--Ripoll, I.

179.

[51] Doat, XXII. 217.--Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la

France, pp. 186-90.--See also Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l'Inq. III.

467-73.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 446-8.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 566.

M. l'Abbé Douais (loc. cit. p. 419) tells us that the examinations in

the inquest of Bernard de Caux number five thousand eight hundred and

four.

[52] Vaissette, III. 457, 459; Pr. 467.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c.

48.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 210.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat,

XXXI. 105, 149).--Ripoll, I. 184.

[53] Vaissette, III. 455-6; Pr. 468, 469.--Arcli. de l'Inq. de Carc.

(Doat, XXXI. 77, 79, 80).--Martene Thesaur. I. 1040.

[54] Martene Thesaur. I. 1044.--Vaissette, III. 465.--Vaissette, Éd.

Privat, VIII. 1255, 1292, 1333, 1583.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c.

48--Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 33, 49--Arch. de l'Inq.

de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 250).

[55] Rainer. Summa (Mart. Thesnur. V. 1768).--Molinier, L'Inquis. dans

le midi de la France, pp. 254-55.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No.

11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 13, 14.--See also the curious

account of Ivo of Narbonne in Matt. Paris, ann. 1243, p. 412-13 (Ed.

1644).

The Abbé Douais, in his analysis of the fragments of the "Registre de

l'Inquisition de Toulouse" of 1254 and 1256, tells us that it contains

the names of six hundred and thirteen accused belonging to the

departments of Aude, Ariège, Gers, Aveyron, and Tarne-et-Garonne, the

greater part of whom were Perfects. That this is evidently an error is

shown by the statistics of Rainerio Saccone, quoted in the text. At this

time, in fact, the whole Catharan Church, from Constantinople to Aragon,

contained only four thousand Perfects. Still the number of accused shows

the continued existence of heresy as a formidable social factor and the

successful activity of the Inquisition in tracking it. In this register

eight witnesses contribute one hundred and seven names to the list of

accused (Sources de l'hist. de l'Inquisition, loc. cit. pp. 432-33).

[56] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, Nouv. Acquis. 139.--Molinier, op. cit.

p. 404.--Ripoll I. 273-4.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 34.--Arch.

de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 239, 250, 252).--Vaissette, III. Pr.

528, 536.--Arch. di Napoli, Regestro 6, Lettere D, fol. 180.

[57] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1255.--Vaissette, III. 482-3; IV. 17.--A.

Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 843).--Peyrat, op. cit. III. 54.