We found the French colours hoisted at a house from which they had

driven Mr. John Frazier, an English subject. I immediately repaired to

it, to know where the commander resided. There were three officers,

one of whom, Captain Joncaire, informed me that he had the command of

the Ohio; but that there was a general officer at the near fort, where

he advised me to apply for an answer. He invited us to sup with them,

and treated us with the greatest complaisance.

The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon

banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation,

and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more

freely.

They told me, that it was their absolute design to take possession of

the Ohio, and by G-d they would do it: for that, although they were

sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew

their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of

theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a

discovery made by one La Salle, sixty years ago: and the rise of this

expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it,

as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto. From the

best intelligence I could get, there have been fifteen hundred men on

this side Ontario lake. But upon the death of the general, all were

recalled to about six or seven hundred, who were left to garrison four

forts, one hundred and fifty or thereabout in each. The first of them

is on French creek, near a small lake, about sixty miles from Venango,

near north northwest: the next lies on lake Erie, where the greater

part of their stores are kept, about fifteen miles from the other:

from this it is one hundred and twenty miles to the carrying place, at

the falls of Lake Erie, where there is a small fort, at which they

lodge their goods in bringing them from Montreal, the place from

whence all their stores are brought. The next fort lies about twenty

miles from this, on Ontario lake. Between this fort and Montreal,

there are three others, the first of which is nearly opposite to the

English fort Oswego. From the fort on lake Erie to Montreal is about

six hundred miles, which, they say, requires no more (if good

weather,) than four weeks voyage, if they go in barks or large

vessels, so that they may cross the lake: but if they come in canoes,

it will require five or six weeks, for they are obliged to keep under

the shore.

5th. Rained excessively all day, which prevented our travelling.

Captain Joncaire sent for the half king, as he had but just heard that

he came with me. He affected to be much concerned that I did not make

free to bring them in before. I excused it in the best manner of which

I was capable, and told him, I did not think their company agreeable,

as I had heard him say a good deal in dispraise of Indians in general:

but another motive prevented me from bringing them into his company: I

knew that he was an interpreter, and a person of very great influence

among the Indians, and had lately used all possible means to draw them

over to his interest; therefore, I was desirous of giving him no

opportunity that could be avoided.

When they came in, there was great pleasure expressed at seeing them.

He wondered how they could be so near without coming to visit him,

made several trifling presents, and applied liquor so fast, that they

were soon rendered incapable of the business they came about,

notwithstanding the caution which was given.

6th. The half king came to my tent, quite sober, and insisted very

much that I should stay and hear what he had to say to the French. I

fain would have prevented him from speaking any thing until he came to

the commandant, but could not prevail. He told me, that at this place

a council fire was kindled, where all their business with these people

was to be transacted, and that the management of the Indian affairs

was left solely to Monsieur Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the

issue of this, I agreed to stay; but sent our horses a little way up

French creek, to raft over and encamp; which I knew would make it near

night.

About ten o'clock, they met in council. The king spoke much the same

as he had before done to the general; and offered the French speech

belt which had before been demanded, with the marks of four towns on

it, which Monsieur Joncaire refused to receive, but desired him to

carry it to the fort to the commander.

7th. Monsieur La Force, Commissary of the French stores, and three

other soldiers, came over to accompany us up. We found it extremely

difficult to get the Indians off to-day, as every stratagem had been

used to prevent their going up with me. I had last night left John

Davidson (the Indian interpreter) whom I brought with me from town,

and strictly charged him not to be out of their company, as I could

not get them over to my tent; for they had some business with

Kustologa, chiefly to know why he did not deliver up the French speech

belt which he had in keeping: but I was obliged to send Mr. Gist over

to-day to fetch them, which he did with great persuasion.

At twelve o'clock, we set out for the fort, and were prevented from

arriving there until the eleventh by excessive rains, snows, and bad

travelling through many mires and swamps; these we were obliged to

pass to avoid crossing the creek, which was impossible, either by

fording or rafting, the water was so high and rapid.

We passed over much good land since we left Venango, and through

several extensive and very rich meadows, one of which, I believe, was

nearly four miles in length, and considerably wide in some places.

12th. I prepared early to wait upon the commander, and was received,

and conducted to him by the second officer in command. I acquainted

him with my business, and offered my commission and letter: both of

which he desired me to keep until the arrival of Monsieur Reparti,

captain at the next fort, who was sent for and expected every hour.

This commander is a knight of the military order of St. Louis, and

named Legardeur de St. Pierre. He is an elderly gentleman, and has

much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to take the command,

immediately upon the death of the late general, and arrived here about

seven days before me.

At two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for arrived, when I offered

the letter, &c. again, which they received, and adjourned into a

private apartment for the captain to translate, who understood a

little English. After he had done it, the commander desired I would

walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it; which I

did.

13th. The chief officers retired to hold a council of war, which gave

me an opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and making

what observations I could.

It is situated on the south, or west fork of French creek, near the

water; and is almost surrounded by the creek, and a small branch of it

which forms a kind of island. Four houses compose the sides. The

bastions are made of piles driven into the ground, standing more than

twelve feet above it, and sharp at top; with port holes cut for

cannon, and loop holes for the small arms to fire through. There are

eight six pound pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four

pound before the gate. In the bastions are a guard house, chapel,

doctor's lodging, and the commander's private store: round which are

laid platforms for the cannon and men to stand on. There are several

barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' dwelling, covered, some

with bark, and some with boards, made chiefly of logs. There are also

several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, &c.

I could get no certain account of the number of men here; but

according to the best judgment I could form, there are an hundred,

exclusive of officers, of which there are many. I also gave orders to

the people who were with me, to take an exact account of the canoes

which were hauled up to convey their forces down in the spring. This

they did, and told fifty of birch bark, and an hundred and seventy of

pine; besides many others which were blocked out, in readiness for

being made.

14th. As the snow increased very fast, and our horses daily became

weaker, I sent them off unloaded, under the care of Barnaby Currin and

two others, to make all convenient despatch to Venango, and there to

wait our arrival, if there was a prospect of the river's freezing: if

not, then to continue down to Shanapin's town, at the forks of Ohio,

and there to wait until we came to cross the Alleghany; intending

myself to go down by water, as I had the offer of a canoe or two.

As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians' business, and

prevent their returning with me, I endeavoured all that lay in my

power to frustrate their schemes, and hurried them on to execute their

intended design. They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening,

which at length was granted them, privately, to the commander and one

or two other officers. The half king told me that he offered the

wampum to the commander, who evaded taking it, and made many fair

promises of love and friendship; said he wanted to live in peace and

trade amicably with them, as a proof of which, he would send some

goods immediately down to the Loggstown for them. But I rather think

the design of that is to bring away all our straggling traders they

meet with, as I privately understood they intended to carry an

officer, &c. with them. And what rather confirms this opinion, I was

inquiring of the commander by what authority he had made prisoners of

several of our English subjects. He told me that the country belonged

to them; that no Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters;

and that he had orders to make every person prisoner who attempted it

on the Ohio, or the waters of it.

I inquired of Captain Reparti about the boy that was carried by this

place, as it was done while the command devolved on him, between the

death of the late general, and the arrival of the present. He

acknowledged that a boy had been carried past: and that the Indians

had two or three white men's scalps, (I was told by some of the

Indians at Venango, eight) but pretended to have forgotten the name of

the place where the boy came from, and all the particular facts,

though he had questioned him for some hours, as they were carrying

past. I likewise inquired what they had done with John Trotter and

James M'Clocklan, two Pennsylvania traders, whom they had taken with

all their goods. They told me that they had been sent to Canada, but

were now returned home.

This evening, I received an answer to his honour the governor's

letter, from the commandant.

15th. The commandant ordered a plentiful store of liquor, provision,

&c. to be put on board our canoes, and appeared to be extremely

complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which he could

invent to set our Indians at variance with us, to prevent their going

until after our departure: presents, rewards, and every thing which

could be suggested by him or his officers. I can not say that ever in

my life I suffered so much anxiety as I did in this affair. I saw that

every stratagem, which the most fruitful brain could invent, was

practised to win the half king to their interest; and that leaving him

there was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. I went to the

half king and pressed him in the strongest terms to go; he told me

that the commandant would not discharge him until the morning. I then

went to the commandant, and desired him to do their business, and

complained of ill treatment; for keeping them, as they were part of my

company, was detaining me. This he promised not to do, but to forward

my journey as much as he could. He protested he did not keep them, but

was ignorant of the cause of their stay; though I soon found it out.

He had promised them a present of guns, &c. if they would wait until

the morning. As I was very much pressed by the Indians to wait this

day for them, I consented, on a promise that nothing should hinder

them in the morning.

16th. The French were not slack in their inventions to keep the

Indians this day also. But as they were obliged, according to promise,

to give the present, they then endeavoured to try the power of liquor,

which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than this:

but I urged and insisted with the king so closely upon his word, that

he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged.

We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. Several

times we had like to have been staved against rocks; and many times

were obliged all hands to get out and remain in the water half an hour

or more, getting over the shoals. At one place, the ice had lodged,

and made it impassable by water; we were, therefore, obliged to carry

our canoe across the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. We did

not reach Venango until the 22d, where we met with our horses.

This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the distance between the

fort and Venango, can not be less than one hundred and thirty miles to

follow the meanders.

23d. When I got things ready to set off, I sent for the half king, to

know whether he intended to go with us, or by water. He told me that

White Thunder had hurt himself much, and was sick, and unable to walk;

therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe. As I found he

intended to stay here a day or two, and knew that Monsieur Joncaire

would employ every scheme to set him against the English, as he had

before done, I told him, I hoped he would guard against his flattery,

and let no fine speeches influence him in their favour. He desired I

might not be concerned, for he knew the French too well, for any thing

to engage him in their favour; and that though he could not go down

with us, he yet would endeavour to meet at the forks with Joseph

Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his honour the

governor. He told me he would order the Young Hunter to attend us, and

get provisions, &c. if wanted.

Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so heavy, (as

we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the journey would

require) that we doubted much their performing it. Therefore, myself

and others, except the drivers, who were obliged to ride, gave up our

horses for packs, to assist along with the baggage. I put myself in an

Indian walking dress, and continued with them three days, until I

found there was no probability of their getting home in any reasonable

time. The horses became less able to travel every day; the cold

increased very fast; and the roads were becoming much worse by a deep

snow, continually freezing: therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to

make report of my proceedings to his honour the governor, I determined

to prosecute my journey, the nearest way through the woods, on foot.

Accordingly, I left Mr. Vanbraam in charge of our baggage, with money

and directions to provide necessaries from place to place for

themselves and horses, and to make the most convenient despatch in

travelling.

I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied myself up

in a watch coat. Then, with gun in hand, and pack on my back, in which

were my papers and provisions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted in the

same manner, on Wednesday the 26th. The day following, just after we

had passed a place called Murdering town, (where we intended to quit

the path and steer across the country for Shanapin's town) we fell in

with a party of French Indians, who had laid in wait for us. One of

them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately

missed. We took this fellow into custody, and kept him until about

nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked all the remaining

part of the night without making any stop, that we might get the

start, so far, as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next

day, since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as

it was light. The next day we continued travelling until quite dark,

and got to the river about two miles above Shanapin's. We expected to

have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards

from each shore. The ice, I suppose, had broken up above, for it was

driving in vast quantities.

There was no way for getting over but on a raft, which we set about,

with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun setting. This

was a whole day's work: we next got it launched, then went on board of

it, and set off; but before we were half way over, we were jammed in

the ice, in such a manner, that we expected every moment our raft to

sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out my setting pole to try to

stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when the rapidity of the

stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked

me out into ten feet water; but I fortunately saved myself by catching

hold of one of the raft logs. Notwithstanding all our efforts, we

could not get to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an

island, to quit our raft and make to it.

The cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his fingers,

and some of his toes frozen, and the water was shut up so hard, that

we found no difficulty in getting off the island on the ice in the

morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with twenty warriors,

who were going to the southward to war; but coming to a place on the

head of the great Kanawa, where they found seven people killed and

scalped, (all but one woman with very light hair) they turned about

and ran back, for fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as

the authors of the murder. They report that the bodies were lying

about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten by the hogs. By

the marks which were left, they say they were French Indians of the

Ottoway nation, &c. who did it.

As we intended to take horses here, and it required some time to find

them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of Yohogany, to visit

queen Alliquippa, who had expressed great concern that we passed her

in going to the fort. I made her a present of a watch coat and a

bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best present of the

two.

Tuesday, the first of January, we left Mr. Frazier's house, and

arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela, the second, where I bought a

horse, saddle, &c. The sixth, we met seventeen horses loaded with

materials and stores for a fort at the forks of Ohio, and the day

after, some families going out to settle. This day, we arrived at

Wills' creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to

conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. From the first day of

December to the fifteenth, there was but one day on which it did not

rain or snow incessantly; and throughout the whole journey, we met

with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which

occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after we had

quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency of it.

On the 11th, I got to Belvoir, where I stopped one day to take

necessary rest; and then set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 16th,

when I waited upon his honour the governor, with the letter I had

brought from the French commandant, and to give an account of the

success of my proceedings. This I beg leave to do by offering the

foregoing narrative, as it contains the most remarkable occurrences

which happened in my journey.

I hope what has been said will be sufficient to make your honour

satisfied with my conduct; for that was my aim in undertaking the

journey, and chief study throughout the prosecution of it.

* * * * *

NOTE--No. II. _See Page 10._

_The author is indebted, for the letter alluded to, to the Editor of

the Lancaster Journal._

SIR,--I am really sorry that I have it not in my power to answer your

request, in a more satisfactory manner. If you had favoured me with

the journal a few days sooner, I would have examined it carefully, and

endeavoured to point out such errors as might conduce to your use, my

advantage, and the public satisfaction; but now it is out of my power.

I had no time to make any remarks upon that piece which is called my

journal. The enclosed are observations on the French notes. They are

of no use to me separated, nor will they, I believe, be of any to you;

yet I send them unconnected and incoherent as they were taken, for I

have no opportunity to correct them.

In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept

no regular one during that expedition: rough minutes of occurrences I

certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely

metamorphosed--some parts left out which I remember were entered, and

many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and

things egregiously miscalled; and the whole of what I saw Englished,

is very incorrect and nonsensical:--yet, I will not pretend to say

that the little body who brought it to me, has not made a literal

translation, and a good one.

Short as my time is, I can not help remarking on Villiers' account of

the battle of, and transactions at the Meadows, as it is very

extraordinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. He says the

French received the first fire. It is well known that we received it

at six hundred paces distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to

retreat in the most disorderly manner after the capitulation. How is

this consistent with his other account? He acknowledges that we

sustained the attack, warmly, from ten in the morning until dark, and

that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were

not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had

adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his

offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches,

and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be

sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might

also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vain

glory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second

proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such

as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly deceived by our

interpreter in regard to the word _assassination_, I do aver, and will

to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. The

interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue,

therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in

English; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is,

he called it the _death_, or the _loss_ of the Sieur Jumonville. So we

received and so we understood it, until to our great surprise and

mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation. That we

left our baggage and horses at the Meadows is certain; that there was

not even a possibility to bring them away is equally certain, as we

had every horse belonging to the camp killed or taken away during the

action; so that it was impracticable to bring any thing off that our

shoulders were not able to bear, and to wait there was impossible, for

we had scarce three days provisions, and were seventy miles from a

supply; yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely false;

notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their Indians

to pillage our baggage, and commit all kinds of irregularity, we were

with them until ten o'clock the next day; we destroyed our powder and

other stores, nay, even our private baggage, to prevent its falling

into their hands, as we could not bring it off. When we had got about

a mile from the place of action, we missed two or three of the

wounded, and sent a party back to bring them up-this is the party he

speaks of. We brought them all safe off, and encamped within three

miles of the Meadows. These are circumstances, I think, that make it

evidently clear, that we were not very apprehensive of danger. The

colours he speaks of to be left, was a large flag of immense size and

weight; our regimental colours were brought off and are now in my

possession. Their gasconades, and boasted clemency, must appear in the

most ludicrous light to every considerate person who reads Villiers'

journal;--such preparations for an attack, such vigour and intrepidity

as he pretends to have conducted his march with, such revenge, as by

his own account, appeared in his attack, considered, it will hardly be

thought that compassion was his motive for calling a parley. But to

sum up the whole, Mr. Villiers pays himself no great compliment, in

saying, we were struck with a panic when matters were adjusted. We

surely could not be afraid without cause, and if we had cause after

capitulation, it was a reflection upon himself.

I do not doubt, but your good nature will excuse the badness of my

paper, and the incoherence of my writing--think you see me in a public

house in a crowd, surrounded with noise, and you hit my case. You do

me particular honour in offering your friendship: I wish I may be so

happy as always to merit it, and deserve your correspondence, which I

should be glad to cultivate.

* * * * *

NOTE--No. III. _See Page 51._

SIR,-We your most obedient and affectionate officers, beg leave to

express our great concern, at the disagreeable news we have received

of your determination to resign the command of that corps, in which we

have under you long served.

The happiness we have enjoyed, and the honour we have acquired

together, with the mutual regard that has always subsisted between you

and your officers, have implanted so sensible an affection in the

minds of us all, that we can not be silent on this critical occasion.

In our earliest infancy you took us under your tuition, trained us up

in the practice of that discipline, which alone can constitute good

troops, from the punctual observance of which you never suffered the

least deviation.

Your steady adherence to impartial justice, your quick discernment,

and invariable regard to merit, wisely intended to inculcate those

genuine sentiments of true honour and passion for glory, from which

the greatest military achievements have been derived, first heightened

our natural emulation and our desire to excel. How much we improved by

those regulations and your own example, with what alacrity we have

hitherto discharged our duty, with what cheerfulness we have

encountered the severest toils, especially while under your particular

directions, we submit to yourself, and natter ourselves that we have

in a great measure answered your expectations.

Judge, then, how sensibly we must be affected with the loss of such an

excellent commander, such a sincere friend, and so affable a

companion. How rare is it to find those amiable qualifications blended

together in one man! How great the loss of such a man! Adieu to that

superiority, which the enemy have granted us over other troops, and

which even the regulars and provincials have done us the honour

publicly to acknowledge! Adieu to that strict discipline and order,

which you have always maintained! Adieu to that happy union and

harmony, which have been our principal cement!

It gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find our unhappy

country will receive a loss no less irreparable than our own. Where

will it meet a man so experienced in military affairs--one so renowned

for patriotism, conduct, and courage? Who has so great a knowledge of

the enemy we have to deal with?--who so well acquainted with their

situation and strength?--who so much respected by the soldiery?--who,

in short, so able to support the military character of Virginia?

Your approved love to your king and country, and your uncommon

perseverance in promoting the honour and true interest of the service,

convince us that the most cogent reasons only could induce you to quit

it; yet we, with the greatest deference, presume to intreat you to

suspend those thoughts for another year, and to lead us on to assist

in the glorious work of extirpating our enemies, towards which, so

considerable advances have been already made. In you, we place the

most implicit confidence. Your presence only will cause a steady

firmness and vigour to actuate in every breast, despising the greatest

dangers, and thinking light of toils and hardships, while led on by

the man we know and love.

But if we must be so unhappy as to part, if the exigencies of your

affairs force you to abandon us, we beg it as our last request, that

you will recommend some person most capable to command, whose military

knowledge, whose honour, whose conduct, and whose disinterested

principles, we may depend on.

Frankness, sincerity, and a certain openness of soul, are the true

characteristics of an officer, and we flatter ourselves that you do

not think us capable of saying any thing contrary to the purest

dictates of our minds. Fully persuaded of this, we beg leave to assure

you, that, as you have hitherto been the actuating soul of our whole

corps, we shall at all times pay the most invariable regard to your

will and pleasure, and will always be happy to demonstrate by our

actions with how much respect and esteem we are, &c.

* * * * *

NOTE--No. IV. _See Page 54._

The delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts

Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,

the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland,

Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina:

To George Washington, esquire.

We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour,

conduct, and fidelity, do, by these presents constitute and appoint

you to be general and commander-in-chief of the army of the United

Colonies, and of all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them,

and of all others who shall voluntarily offer their service, and join

the said army for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling

every hostile invasion thereof: and you are hereby invested with full

power and authority to act as you shall think for the good and welfare

of the service.

And we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers

under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in the

exercise of their several duties.

And we also enjoin and require you to be careful in executing the

great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and order to

be observed in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised and

provided with all convenient necessaries.

And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rules and

discipline of war, (as herewith given you) and punctually to observe

and follow such orders and directions from time to time as you shall

receive from this or a future congress of these United Colonies, or

committee of congress.

This commission to continue in force, until revoked by us, or a future

congress.

* * * * *

NOTE--No. V. _See Page 78._

_This letter is so truly characteristic of the writer, and treats in a

manner so peculiar to himself, the measures of congress on this

subject, that, although it may not be immediately connected with the

Life of General Washington, the reader will not be displeased with its

insertion._

Stamford, January 22, 1779.

SIR,--As General Washington has informed the congress of his motives

for detaching me, it is needless to trouble you upon the subject. I am

therefore only to inform you that I have collected a body of about

twelve hundred men from the colony of Connecticut, whose zeal and

ardour demonstrated on this occasion can not be sufficiently praised.

With this body I am marching directly to New York to execute the

different purposes for which I am detached. I am sensible, sir, that

nothing can carry the air of greater presumption than a servant

intruding his opinion unasked upon his master, but at the same time

there are certain seasons when the real danger of the master may not

only excuse, but render laudable, the servant's officiousness. I

therefore flatter myself that the congress will receive with

indulgence and lenity the opinion I shall offer. The scheme of simply

disarming the tories seems to me totally ineffectual; it will only

embitter their minds and add virus to their venom. They can, and will,

always be supplied with fresh arms by the enemy. That of seizing the

most dangerous will, I apprehend, from the vagueness of the

instruction, be attended with some bad consequences, and can answer no

good one. It opens so wide a door for partiality and prejudice to the

different congresses and committees on the continent, that much

discord and animosity will probably ensue; it being next to impossible

to distinguish who are, and who are not the most dangerous. The plan

of explaining to these deluded people the justice and merits of the

American cause is certainly generous and humane, but I am afraid, will

be fruitless. They are so riveted in their opinions, that I am

persuaded should an angel descend from heaven with his golden trumpet,

and ring in their ears that their conduct was criminal, he would be

disregarded. I had lately myself an instance of their infatuation

which, if it is not impertinent, I will relate. At Newport I took the

liberty, without any authority but the conviction of necessity, to

administer a very strong oath to some of the leading tories, for which

liberty I humbly ask pardon of the congress. One article of this oath

was to take arms in defence of their country, if called upon by the

voice of the congress. To this Colonel Wanton and others flatly

refused their assent; to take arms against their sovereign, they said,

was too monstrous an impiety. I asked them if they had lived at the

time of the revolution whether they would have been

revolutionists--their answers were at first evasive, circuitous, and

unintelligible, but, by fixing them down precisely to the question, I

at length drew from them a positive confession that no violence, no

provocation on the part of the court, could prevail upon them to act

with the continent. Such, I am afraid, is the creed and principles of

the whole party great and small.--Sense, reason, argument, and

eloquence, have been expended in vain; and in vain you may still argue

and reason to the end of time. Even the common feelings and

resentments of humanity have not aroused them, but rather with a

malignant pleasure they have beheld the destruction of their

fellow-citizens and relations. But I am running into declamation,

perhaps impertinent and presuming, when I ought to confine myself to

the scheme I submit to your consideration. It is, sir, in the first

place, to disarm all the manifestly disaffected, as well of the lower

as the higher class, not on the principle of putting them in a state

of impotence (for this I observed before will not be the case) but to

supply our troops with arms of which they stand in too great need.

Secondly, to appraise their estates and oblige them to deposite at

least the value of one half of their respective property in the hands

of the continental congress as a security for their good behaviour.

And lastly, to administer the strongest oath that can be devised to

act offensively and defensively in support of the common rights. I

confess that men so eaten up with bigotry, as the bulk of them appear

to be, will not consider themselves as bound by this oath;

particularly as it is in some measure forced, they will argue that it

is by no means obligatory; but if I mistake not, it will be a sort of

criterion by which you will be able to distinguish the desperate

fanatics from those who are reclaimable. The former must of course be

secured and carried to some interior parts of the continent where they

can not be dangerous. This mode of proceeding I conceive (if any can)

will be effectual--but whether it meets with the approbation or

disapprobation of the congress, I most humbly conjure them not to

attribute the proposal to arrogance, or self-conceit, or pragmatical

officiousness, but, at worst, to an intemperate zeal for the public

service.

Notwithstanding the apparent slimness of the authority, as I am myself

convinced that it is substantial, I think it my duty to communicate a

circumstance to congress. I have with me here, sir, a deserter from

Captain Wallace's ship before Newport. It is necessary to inform you

that this Captain Wallace has the reputation of being the most

imprudent and rash of all mortals--particularly when he is heated with

wine, which, as reported, is a daily incident: that in these moments

he blabs his most secret instructions even to the common men. This

deserter, then, informs us that the captain a few days ago assembled

the sailors and marines on the quarter-deck, and assured them, by way

of encouragement, that they were to proceed very soon to New York,

where they were to be joined by his majesty's most loyal subjects of

White Plains, Poughkeepsie, and Long Island, and at the same time

bestowed abundantly his curses on the admiral and general for their

dilatoriness and scandalous conduct in not availing themselves sooner

of the invitation they had received from the worthy gentlemen. The

congress will make what comments they please on this information,

which I must repeat I thought it my duty to communicate. Upon the

whole, sir, you may be assured that it is the intention of the

ministerialists to take possession, and immediately, of New York. The

intercepted letters, the unguarded expressions of their officers, in

their interviews with ours on the lines, but above all the manifest

advantages resulting to their cause from this measure, put their

intention beyond dispute. With submission therefore to the wisdom of

the congress, it behooves them, I should think, not to lose a moment

in securing this important post, which, if in the hands of the enemy,

must cut the continent in twain, and render it almost impossible for

the northern and southern colonies to support each other. This crisis,

when every thing is at stake, is not a time to be over complacent to

the timidity of the inhabitants of any particular spot. I have now

under my command a respectable force adequate to the purpose of

securing the place, and purging all its environs of traitors, on which

subject I shall expect with impatience the determination of the

congress. Their orders I hope to receive before or immediately on my

arrival.

This instant, the enclosed, express from the provincial congress of

New York, was delivered into my hands, but as these gentlemen probably

are not fully apprised of the danger hanging over their heads, as I

have received intelligence from the camp that the fleet is sailed, and

that it is necessary to urge my march, I shall proceed with one

division of the forces under my command to that city. A moment's delay

may be fatal. The force I shall carry with me is not strong enough to

act offensively, but just sufficient to secure the city against any

immediate designs of the enemy. If this is to give umbrage, if the

governor and captain of the man of war are pleased to construe this

step as an act of positive hostility, if they are to prescribe what

number of your troops are and what number are not to enter the city,

all I can say is that New York must be considered as the minister's

place, and not the continent. I must now, sir, beg pardon for the

length of this letter, and more so, for the presumption in offering so

freely my thoughts to the congress, from whom it is my duty simply to

receive my orders, and as a servant and soldier strictly to obey;

which none can do with greater ardour and affection than,

Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

CHARLES LEE.

To the honourable John Hancock, esquire, president of the continental

congress.

* * * * *

NOTE--No. VI. _See Page 153._

THE NAMES OF THE MEMBERS WHO SUBSCRIBED THE DECLARATION OF

INDEPENDENCE WERE AS FOLLOWS, VIZ:

_New Hampshire._

Josiah Bartlett,

William Whipple,

Matthew Thornton.

_Massachusetts Bay._

Samuel Adams,

John Adams,

Robert Treat Paine,

Elbridge Gerry.

_Rhode Island, &c._

Stephen Hopkins,

William Ellery.

_Connecticut._

Roger Sherman,

Samuel Huntington,

William Williams,

Oliver Wolcott.

_New York._

William Floyd,

Philip Livingston,

Francis Lewis,

Lewis Morris.

_New Jersey._

Richard Stockton,

John Witherspoon,

Francis Hopkinson,

John Hart,

Abram Clark.

_Pennsylvania._

Robert Morris,

Benjamin Rush,

Benjamin Franklin,

John Morton,

George Clymer,

James Smith,

George Taylor,

James Wilson,

George Ross.

_Delaware._

Cesar Rodney,

George Reed.

_Maryland._

Samuel Chase,

William Paca,

Thomas Stone,

Charles Carroll, _of Carrollton_.

_Virginia._

George Wythe,

Richard Henry Lee,

Thomas Jefferson,

Benjamin Harrison,

Thomas Nelson, jun.

Francis Lightfoot Lee,

Carter Braxton.

_North Carolina._

William Hooper,

Joseph Hughes,

John Penn.

_South Carolina._

Edward Rutledge,

Thomas Heyward, jun.

Thomas Lynch, jun.

Arthur Middleton.

_Georgia._

Button Gwinn,

George Walton,

Lyman Hall.

The people of the United States have taken such universal interest in

the composition of this celebrated instrument as to excuse a more

minute attention to it than has been bestowed on the other

cotemporaneous state papers.

Mr. Jefferson has preserved a copy of the original draft as reported

by the committee, with the amendments made to it in congress, which

has been published in his correspondence. The following is extracted

from that work.

_Mr. Jefferson's draft as _As amended by congress._

reported by the committee._

A declaration by the A declaration by the

representatives of the representatives of the

United States of America United States of America

in _general_ congress in congress assembled.

assembled.

When in the course of

human events it becomes

necessary for one people to

dissolve the political bonds

which have connected them

with another, and to assume

among the powers of the

earth the separate and equal Not altered.

station to which the laws of

nature and of nature's God

entitle them, a decent respect

for the opinions of mankind

requires that they should

declare the causes which impel

them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be We hold these truths to be

self-evident, that all men are self-evident, that all men are

created equal; that they are created equal; that they are

endowed by their creator with endowed by their creator with

_inherent and_ inalienable _certain_ inalienable rights;

rights; that among these are that among these are life,

life, liberty, and the pursuit liberty, and the pursuit of

of happiness; that to secure happiness; that to secure

these rights, governments are these rights, governments are

instituted among men, deriving instituted among men, deriving

their just powers from their just powers from

the consent of the governed; the consent of the governed;

that whenever any form of that whenever any form of

government becomes destructive government becomes destructive

of these ends, it is the of these ends, it is the

right of the people to alter or right of the people to alter or

to abolish it, and to institute to abolish it, and to institute

new government, laying its new government, laying its

foundation on such principles, foundation on such principles,

and organising its powers in and organising its powers in

such form, as to them shall such form, as to them shall

seem most likely to effect their seem most likely to effect their

safety and happiness. Prudence safety and happiness. Prudence

indeed will dictate that indeed will dictate that

governments long established governments long established

should not be changed for should not be changed for

light and transient causes; light and transient causes;

and accordingly all experience and accordingly all experience

hath shown that mankind are hath shown that mankind are

more disposed to suffer while more disposed to suffer while

evils are sufferable, than to evils are sufferable, than to

right themselves by abolishing right themselves by abolishing

the forms to which they the forms to which they

are accustomed. But when a are accustomed. But when a

long train of abuses and long train of abuses and

usurpations _begun at a usurpations pursuing

distinguished period and_ invariably the same object,

pursuing invariably the same evinces a design to reduce

object, evinces a design to them under absolute despotism,

reduce them under absolute it is their right, it is

despotism, it is their right, their duty to throw off such

it is their duty to throw off government, and to provide

such government, and to provide new guards for their future

new guards for their security. Such has been the

future security. Such has patient sufferance of these

been the patient sufferings of colonies, and such is now the

these colonies; and such is necessity which constrains

now the necessity which constrains them to _alter_ their former

them to _expunge_ their systems of government. The

former systems of government. history of the present king of

The history of the Great Britain is a history of

present king of Great Britain _repeated_ injuries and

is a history of _unremitting_ usurpations, _all having_

injuries and usurpations in direct object

_among which appears no the establishment of an

solitary fact to contradict the absolute tyranny over these

uniform tenor of the rest, but states. To prove this let facts

all have_ in direct object the be submitted to a candid

establishment of an absolute world.

tyranny over these states. To

prove this let facts be submitted

to a candid world, _for

the truth of which we pledge

a faith yet unsullied by

falsehood_.

He has refused his assent

to laws the most wholesome Not altered.

and necessary for the public

good.

He has forbidden his

governors to pass laws of

immediate and pressing

importance, unless suspended Not altered.

in their operation till his

assent should be obtained;

and when so suspended he

has utterly neglected to

attend to them.

He has refused to pass

other laws for the accommodation

of large districts of

people, unless those people

would relinquish the right of Not altered.

representation in the

legislature, a right inestimable

to them, and formidable to

tyrants only.

He has called together

legislative bodies at places

unusual, uncomfortable, and

distant from the depositary of Not altered.

their public records, for the

sole purpose of fatiguing

them into compliance with his

measures.

He has dissolved representative He has dissolved representative

houses repeatedly _and houses repeatedly for

continually_, for opposing with opposing with manly firmness

manly firmness his invasions his invasions on the rights of

on the rights of the people. the people.

He has refused for a long

time after such dissolutions to

cause others to be elected,

whereby the legislative

powers, incapable of annihilation,

have returned to the people Not altered.

at large for their exercise,

the state remaining, in the

mean time, exposed to the

dangers of invasion from

without and convulsions

within.

He has endeavoured to

prevent the population of

these states; for that purpose

obstructing the laws for the

naturalization of foreigners, Not altered.

refusing to pass others to

encourage their migrations

hither, and raising the

conditions of new appropriations

of lands.

He has _suffered_ the He has _obstructed_ the

administration of justice administration of justice

_totally to cease in some _by_ refusing his assent

of these states_, refusing his to laws for establishing

assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

judiciary powers.

He has made _our_ judges He has made judges dependent

dependent on his will alone on his will alone for the

for the tenure of their offices, tenure of their offices, and the

and the amount and payment amount and payment of their

of their salaries. salaries.

He has erected a multitude He has erected a multitude

of new offices, _by a of new offices, and sent hither

self-assumed power_, and swarms of new officers to

sent hither swarms of new harass our people and eat out

officers to harass our people their substance.

and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us in He has kept among us in

times of peace standing armies times of peace standing armies

_and ships of war_ without without the consent of our

the consent of our legislatures. legislatures.

He has affected to render

the military independence of Not altered.

and superior to the civil

power.

He has combined with He has combined with

others to subject us to a others to subject us to a

jurisdiction foreign to our jurisdiction foreign to our

constitutions and constitutions and

unacknowledged unacknowledged

by our laws, giving his assent by our laws, giving his assent

to their acts of pretended to their acts of pretended

legislation for quartering legislation for quartering

large bodies of armed troops large bodies of armed troops

among us; for protecting by among us; for protecting by

a mock trial from punishment a mock trial from punishment

for any murders which they for any murders which they

should commit on the inhabitants should commit on the inhabitants

of these states; for cutting of these states; for cutting

off our trade with all off our trade with all

parts of the world; for imposing parts of the world; for imposing

taxes on us without taxes on us without

our consent; for depriving us our consent; for depriving us

of the benefits of trial by _in many cases_ of the

jury; for transporting us beyond benefits of trial by jury;

seas to be tried for pretended for transporting us beyond

offences; for abolishing seas to be tried for pretended

the free system of English offences; for abolishing the

laws in a neighbouring province, free system of English laws

establishing therein an in a neighbouring province,

arbitrary government, and establishing therein an

enlarging its boundaries, so arbitrary government, and

as to render it at once an enlarging its boundaries, so

example and fit instrument for as to render it at once an

introducing the same absolute example and fit instrument for

rule into these _states_; for introducing the same absolute

taking away our charters, rule into these _colonies_;

abolishing our most valuable for taking away our charters,

laws, and altering fundamentally abolishing our most valuable

the forms of our governments; laws, and altering fundamentally

for suspending our the forms of our governments;

own legislatures, and declaring for suspending our own

themselves invested with legislatures, and declaring

power to legislate for us in themselves invested with

all cases whatsoever. power to legislate for us in

all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government He has abdicated government

here, _withdrawing his here _by declaring us out

governors and declaring us of his protection and waging

out of his allegiance and war against us_.

protection_.

He has plundered our seas,

ravaged our coasts, burnt our Not altered.

towns and destroyed the lives

of our people.

He is at this time transporting He is at this time transporting

large armies of foreign large armies of foreign

mercenaries to complete the mercenaries to complete the

works of death, desolation works of death, destruction

and tyranny already begun and tyranny already begun

with circumstances of cruelty with circumstances of cruelty

and perfidy unworthy the and perfidy _scarcely

head of a civilized nation. paralleled in the most

barbarous ages and totally_

unworthy the head of a

civilized nation.

He has constrained our

fellow-citizens taken captive

on the high seas to bear arms

against their country, to Not altered.

become the executioners of

their friends and brethren, or

to fall themselves by their

hands.

He has endeavoured to He has _excited domestic

bring on the inhabitants of insurrections among us and has_

the frontiers the merciless endeavoured to bring on the

Indian savages whose known inhabitants of the frontiers

rule of warfare is an the merciless Indian savages

undistinguished destruction of whose known rule of warfare

all ages, sexes and conditions is an undistinguished destruction

_of existence_. of all ages, sexes, and

conditions.

He has excited treasonable

insurrections of our

fellow-citizens, with the Struck out.

allurements of forfeiture and

confiscation of our property.

He has waged cruel war

against human nature itself,

violating its most sacred

rights of life and liberty in

the persons of a distant people

who never offended him,

captivating and carrying them

into slavery in another

hemisphere, or to incur

miserable death in their

transportation thither.

This piratical warfare, the

opprobrium of INFIDEL powers,

is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN

king of Great Britain.

Determined to keep open a

market where MEN should be

bought and sold, he has

prostituted his negative for Struck out.

suppressing every legislative

attempt to prohibit or to

restrain this execrable commerce.

And that this assemblage

of horrors might want no fact of

distinguished die, he is now

exciting those very people to

rise in arms among us, and to

purchase that liberty of which

he has deprived them, by

murdering the people on whom he

also obtruded them; thus paying

off former crimes committed

against the LIBERTIES of one

people with crimes which he

urges them to commit against

the LIVES of another.

In every stage of these

oppressions we have petitioned

for redress in the most Not altered.

humble terms; our repeated

petitions have been answered

only by repeated injuries.

A prince whose character is A prince whose character is

thus marked by every act thus marked by every act

which may define a tyrant is which may define a tyrant is

unfit to be the ruler of a unfit to be the ruler of a

people _who mean to be free. _free_ people.

Future ages will scarcely

believe that the hardiness of one

man adventured, within the

short compass of twelve years

only, to lay a foundation so

broad and so undisguised for

tyranny over a people fostered

and fixed in principles of

freedom._

Nor have we been wanting Nor have we been wanting

in attention to our British in attention to our British

brethren. We have warned brethren. We have warned

them from time to time of them from time to time of

attempts by their legislature to attempts by their legislature to

extend _a_ jurisdiction over extend _an unwarrantable_

_these our states_. We have jurisdiction over _us_. We have

reminded them of the reminded them of the

circumstances of our emigration circumstances of our emigration

and settlement here; _no one of and settlement here; we _have_

which could warrant so appealed to their native justice

strange a pretension; these and magnanimity, _and we

were effected at the expense have conjured them by_ the

of our own blood and treasure, ties of our common kindred

unassisted by the wealth or to disavow these usurpations

the strength of Great Britain; which _would inevitably_

that in constituting indeed interrupt our connexion and

our several forms of government, correspondence. They too have

we had adopted one been deaf to the voice of

common king; thereby laying justice and of consanguinity.

a foundation for perpetual _We must therefore_ acquiesce

league and amity with them; in the necessity which denounces

but that submission to their our separation, _and hold them_

parliament was no part of our as we hold the rest of mankind,

constitution, nor ever in idea enemies in war, in peace

if history may be credited; friends.

and_ we appealed to their

native justice and magnanimity,

_as well as to_ the ties of our

common kindred, to disavow

these usurpations which _were

likely to_ interrupt our

connexion and correspondence.

They too have been deaf to

the voice of justice and of

consanguinity, _and when

occasions have been given them

by the regular course of their

laws, of removing from their

councils the disturbers of our

harmony, they have by their

free election re-established

them in power. At this very

time too, they are permitting

their chief magistrate to send

over not only soldiers of our

common blood, but Scotch and

foreign mercenaries to invade

and destroy us. These facts

have given the last stab to

agonizing affection, and

manly spirit bids us to renounce

for ever these unfeeling

brethren. We must endeavour

to forget our former

love for them, and hold them

as we hold the rest of mankind,

enemies in war, in

peace friends. We might have

been a free and a great people

together; but a communication

of grandeur and of

freedom, it seems, is below

their dignity. Be it so, since

they will have it. The road

to happiness and to glory is

open to us too. We will tread

it apart from them, and_

acquiesce in the necessity

which denounces our _eternal_

separation.

We, therefore, the We, therefore, the

representatives of the United representatives of the United

States of America in general States of America in general

congress assembled, do, in the congress assembled, _appealing

name and by the authority of to the supreme judge of the

the good people of these world for the rectitude of our

_states, reject and renounce all intentions_, do in the name,

allegiance and subjection to and by the good people of

the kings of Great Britain, these _colonies, solemnly

and all others who may hereafter publish and declare that these

claim by, through or united colonies are and of

under them; we utterly dissolve right ought to be free and

all political connexion which independent states; that they

may heretofore have are absolved from all

subsisted between us and the allegiance to the British crown,

people or parliament of Great and that all political

Britain; and finally we do connexion between them and the

assert and declare these colonies state of Great Britain is, and

to be free and independent ought to be, totally dissolved_;

states_, and that as free and and that as free and independent

independent states, they have states they have full

full power to levy war, power to levy war, conclude

conclude peace, contract alliances, peace, contract alliances,

establish commerce, and to do establish commerce, and to do

all other acts and things all other acts and things

which independent states may which independent states may

of right do. of right do.

And for the support of this And for the support of this

declaration, we mutually declaration, _with a firm

pledge to each other our lives, reliance on the protection of

our fortunes, and our sacred divine providence_, we mutually

honour. pledge to each other our lives,

our fortunes, and our sacred

honour.

The words expunged from the original draft are distinguished by

italics, as are the words that were introduced by congress.

* * * * *

NOTE--No. VII. _See Page 229._

"My reasons for this measure," said the Commander-in-chief in his

letter to General Lee, ordering him to cross the Hudson, "and which I

think must have weight with you, are, that the enemy are evidently

changing the seat of war to this side of the North river; that this

country, therefore, will expect the continental army to give what

support they can; and, if disappointed in this, will cease to depend

upon, or support a force by which no protection is given to them. It

is, therefore, of the utmost importance that at least an appearance of

force should be made, to keep this state in connexion with the others.

If that should not continue, it is much to be feared that its

influence on Pennsylvania would be very considerable; and the public

interests would be more and more endangered. Unless, therefore, some

new event should occur, or some more cogent reason present itself, I

would have you move over by the easiest and best passage. I am

sensible your numbers will not be large, and that the movement may not

perhaps be agreeable to your troops. As to the first, report will

exaggerate them, and there will be preserved the appearance of an

army, which will, at least, have the effect of encouraging the

desponding here; and, as to the other, you will doubtless represent to

them, that in duty and gratitude, their service is due wherever the

enemy may make the greatest impression, or seem to intend to do so."

* * * * *

NOTE--No. VIII. _See Page 268._

In a postscript, it is stated, that an accurate return could not be

obtained, but that from the best estimate he could form, the whole

force in Jersey fit for duty was under three thousand; all of whom,

except nine hundred and eighty-one, were militia, who stood engaged

only until the last of that month. The continental troops under

inoculation, including their attendants, amounted to about one

thousand.

In a letter of the sixth of March to Governor Trumbull, calling on the

state of Connecticut for two thousand militia to be marched to

Peekskill, after complaining of the militia he had called from the

southern states, who came and went as their own caprice might direct,

he says, "I am persuaded, from the readiness with which you have ever

complied with all my demands, that you will exert yourself in

forwarding the aforementioned number of men, upon my bare request. But

I hope you will be convinced of the necessity of the demand, when I

tell you, in confidence, that after the 15th of this month, when the

time of General Lincoln's militia expires, I shall be left with the

remains of five Virginia regiments, not amounting to more than as many

hundred men, and parts of two or three other continental battalions,

all very weak. The remainder of the army will be composed of small

parties of militia from this state and Pennsylvania, on whom little

dependence can be put, as they come and go when they please. I have

issued peremptory orders to every colonel in the regular service, to

send in what men he has recruited, even if they amount to but one

hundred to a regiment: if they would do this, it would make a

considerable force upon the whole. The enemy must be ignorant of our

numbers and situation, or they would never suffer us to remain

unmolested; and I almost tax myself with imprudence in committing the

secret to paper; not that I distrust you, of whose inviolable

attachment I have had so many proofs; but for fear the letter should

by any accident fall into other hands than those for which it is

intended."

* * * * *

NOTE--No. IX. _See Page 382._

Justice to the unfortunate demands that an extract from the

correspondence between Generals Burgoyne and Gates on this subject

should be inserted.

The British general had complained of the harsh treatment experienced

by the provincial prisoners taken at Bennington, and requested that a

surgeon from his army should be permitted to visit the wounded; and

that he might be allowed to furnish them with necessaries and

attendants. "Duty and principle," he added, "make me a public enemy to

the Americans, who have taken up arms; but I seek to be a generous

one; nor have I the shadow of resentment against any individual, who

does not induce it by acts derogatory to those maxims, upon which all

men of honour think alike." In answer to this letter, General Gates,

who had just taken command of the American army, said, "that the

savages of America should, in their warfare, mangle and scalp the

unhappy prisoners who fall into their hands is neither new nor

extraordinary, but that the famous Lieutenant General Burgoyne, in

whom the fine gentleman is united with the soldier and the scholar,

should hire the savages of America to scalp Europeans, and the

descendants of Europeans; nay more, that he should pay a price for

each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than will be believed in

Europe, until authenticated facts shall, in every gazette, confirm the

truth of the horrid tale.

"Miss M'Crea, a young lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous

character, and amiable disposition, engaged to an officer of your

army, was, with other women and children, taken out of a house near

fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in

a most shocking manner. Two parents with their six children, were all

treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly resting in their once

happy and peaceful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M'Crea was

particularly aggravated, by being dressed to receive her promised

husband; but met her murderer employed by you. Upwards of one hundred

men, women and children, have perished by the hands of the ruffians to

whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood."

To this part of his letter, General Burgoyne replied, "I have

hesitated, sir, upon answering the other paragraphs of your letter. I

disdain to justify myself against the rhapsodies of fiction and

calumny, which from the first of this contest, it has been an unvaried

American policy to propagate, but which no longer imposes on the

world. I am induced to deviate from this general rule, in the present

instance, lest my silence should be construed an acknowledgment of the

truth of your allegations, and a pretence be thence taken for

exercising future barbarities by the American troops.

"By this motive, and upon this only, I condescend to inform you, that

I would not be conscious of the acts you presume to impute to me, for

the whole continent of America, though the wealth of worlds was in its

bowels, and a paradise upon its surface.

"It has happened, that all my transactions with the Indian nations,

last year and this, have been clearly heard, distinctly understood,

accurately minuted, by very numerous, and in many parts, very

unprejudiced persons. So immediately opposite to the truth is your

assertion that I have paid a price for scalps, that one of the first

regulations established by me at the great council in May, and

repeated and enforced, and invariably adhered to since, was, that the

Indians should receive compensation for prisoners, because it would

prevent cruelty; and that not only such compensation should be

withheld, but a strict account demanded for scalps. These pledges of

conquest, for such you well know they will ever esteem them, were

solemnly and peremptorily prohibited to be taken from the wounded, and

even the dying, and the persons of aged men, women, children, and

prisoners, were pronounced sacred, even in an assault.

"In regard to Miss M'Crea, her fall wanted not the tragic display you

have laboured to give it, to make it as sincerely abhorred and

lamented by me, as it can be by the tenderest of her friends. The fact

was no premeditated barbarity. On the contrary, two chiefs who had

brought her off for the purpose of security, not of violence to her

person, disputed which should be her guard, and in a fit of savage

passion in one, from whose hands she was snatched, the unhappy woman

became the victim. Upon the first intelligence of this event, I

obliged the Indians to deliver the murderer into my hands, and though

to have punished him by our laws, or principles of justice, would have

been perhaps unprecedented, he certainly should have suffered an

ignominious death, had I not been convinced from my circumstances and

observation, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a pardon under

the terms which I presented, and they accepted, would be more

efficacious than an execution, to prevent similar mischiefs.

"The above instance excepted, your intelligence respecting the cruelty

of the Indians is false.

"You seem to threaten me with European publications, which affect me

as little as any other threats you could make; but in regard to

American publications, whether your charge against me, which I acquit

you of believing, was penned _from_ a gazette, or _for_ a gazette, I

desire and demand of you, as a man of honour, that should it appear in

print at all this answer may follow it."

* * * * *

NOTE--No. X. _See Page 405._

Lord Suffolk, secretary of state, contended for the employment of

Indians, in the war. "Besides its policy and necessity," his lordship

said, "that the measure was also allowable on principle, for that it

was perfectly justifiable to use all the means that God and nature had

put into our hands."

This moving the indignation of Lord Chatham, he suddenly rose, and

gave full vent to his feelings in one of the most extraordinary bursts

of eloquence that the pen of history has recorded: "I am astonished,"

exclaimed his lordship, "shocked to hear such principles confessed; to

hear them avowed in this house or even this country. My lords, I did

not intend to have encroached again on your attention, but I can not

repress my indignation. I feel myself impelled to speak. My lords, we

are called upon as members of this house, as men, as christians, to

protest against such horrible barbarity. That God and nature had put

into our hands! what ideas of God and nature that noble lord may

entertain I know not, but I know that such detestable principles are

equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What, to attribute the

sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of the Indian

scalping knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering,

devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims! such notions

shock every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every

sentiment of honour. These abominable principles and this more

abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I

call upon that right reverend and this most learned bench to vindicate

the religion of their God, to support the justice of their country. I

call upon the bishops to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their

lawn, upon the judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save

us from this pollution. I call upon the honour of your lordships, to

reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. I

call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vindicate the

national character. I invoke the genius of the constitution. From the

tapestry that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble

lord, frowns with indignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain

did he defend the liberty, and establish the religion of Britain

against the tyranny of Rome, if these worse than popish cruelties and

inquisitorial practices are endured among us. To send forth the

merciless cannibal thirsting for blood!--against whom?--Your

protestant brethren--to lay waste their country, to desolate their

dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and

instrumentality of these horrible hell-hounds of war! Spain can no

longer boast preeminence of barbarity. She armed herself with

blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico, but we more

ruthless, loose these dogs of war against our countrymen in America,

endeared to us by every tie that should sanctify humanity. My lords, I

solemnly call upon your lordships, and upon every order of men in the

state, to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible stigma of

the public abhorrence. More particularly I call upon the holy prelates

of our religion to do away this iniquity; let them perform a

lustration to purify their country from this deep and deadly sin. My

lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more, but my

feelings and indignation were too strong to have said less. I could

not have slept this night in my bed, nor reposed my head upon my

pillow, without giving this vent to my eternal abhorrence of such

enormous and preposterous principles."

* * * * *

NOTE--No. XI. _See Page 414._

_The following are the letters which passed between the two generals

on this subject:_

Albany, December 18, 1777.

SIR,--I shall not attempt to describe what, as a private gentleman, I

can not help feeling, on representing to my mind the disagreeable

situation which confidential letters, when exposed to public

inspection, may place an unsuspecting correspondent in; but, as a

public officer, I conjure your excellency, to give me all the

assistance you can, in tracing out the author of the infidelity, which

put extracts from General Conway's letters to me into your hands.

Those letters have been stealingly copied; but, which of them, when,

or by whom, is to me, as yet, an unfathomable secret.

There is not one officer in my suite, or amongst those who have a free

access to me, upon whom I could, with the least justification to

myself, fix the suspicion; and yet, my uneasiness may deprive me of

the usefulness of the worthiest men. It is, I believe, in your

excellency's power to do me, and the United States, a very important

service, by detecting a wretch who may betray me, and capitally injure

the very operations under your immediate direction. For this reason,

sir, I beg your excellency will favour me with the proofs you can

procure to that effect. But, the crime being, eventually so important,

that the least loss of time may be attended with the worst

consequences; and, it being unknown to me whether the letter came to

you from a member of congress, or from an officer, I shall have the

honour of transmitting a copy of this to the president, that congress

may, in concert with your excellency, obtain, as soon as possible, a

discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the states. Crimes of

that magnitude ought not to remain unpunished.

I have the honour to be,

Sir, With the greatest respect,

Your excellency's most humble and most obedient servant,

HORATIO GATES.

His excellency General Washington.

* * * * *

Valley Forge, January 4, 1778.

SIR,--Your letter of the 18th ultimo, came to my hands a few days ago,

and to my great surprise informed me, that a copy of it had been sent

to congress, for what reason, I find myself unable to account; but, as

some end doubtless was intended to be answered by it, I am laid under

the disagreeable necessity of returning my answer through the same

channel, lest any member of that honourable body should harbour an

unfavourable suspicion of my having practised some indiscreet means to

come at the contents of the confidential letters between you and

General Conway.

I am to inform you then, that ----, on his way to congress in the

month of October last, fell in with Lord Stirling at Reading: and, not

in confidence that I ever understood, informed his aid-de-camp, Major

M'Williams, that General Conway had written thus to you, "heaven has

been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad

counsellors[106] would have ruined it." Lord Stirling, from motives of

friendship, transmitted the account with this remark. "The enclosed

was communicated by ---- to Major M'Williams; such wicked duplicity of

conduct I shall always think it my duty to detect."

[Footnote 106: One of whom, by the by, he was.]

In consequence of this information, and without having any thing more

in view, than merely to show that gentleman that I was not unapprised

of his intriguing disposition, I wrote him a letter in these words.

"Sir, a letter which I received last night contained the following

paragraph.

"In a letter from General Conway to General Gates, he says, heaven has

been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad

counsellors would have ruined it. I am, sir, &c."

Neither the letter, nor the information which occasioned it, was ever,

directly, or indirectly, communicated by me to a single officer in

this army (out of my own family) excepting the Marquis de Lafayette,

who having been spoken to on the subject, by General Conway, applied

for, and saw, under injunctions of secrecy, the letter which contained

this information; so desirous was I of concealing every matter that

could, in its consequences, give the smallest interruption to the

tranquillity of this army, or afford a gleam of hope to the enemy by

dissensions therein.

Thus, sir, with an openness and candour, which I hope will ever

characterize and mark my conduct, have I complied with your request.

The only concern I feel upon the occasion, finding how matters stand,

is, that in doing this, I have necessarily been obliged to name a

gentleman, who, I am persuaded, (although I never exchanged a word

with him upon the subject) thought he was rather doing an act of

justice, than committing an act of infidelity; and sure I am, that,

until Lord Stirling's letter came to my hands, I never knew that

General Conway, (whom I viewed in the light of a stranger to you) was

a correspondent of yours, much less did I suspect that I was the

subject of your confidential letters. Pardon me then for adding, that,

so far from conceiving that the safety of the states can be affected,

or in the smallest degree injured, by a discovery of this kind, or

that I should be called upon in such solemn terms to point out the

author, that I considered the information as coming from yourself, and

given with a friendly view to forewarn, and consequently forearm me,

against a secret enemy, or in other words, a dangerous incendiary, in

which character sooner or later, this country will know General

Conway. But, in this, as well as other matters of late, I have found

myself mistaken. I am, sir,

Your most obedient servant,

GEO: WASHINGTON.

To Major General Gates.

* * * * *

NOTE--No. XII. _See Page 417._

_During the existence of this faction, an attempt appears to have been

made to alienate the affections of the leading political personages in

the states from the commander-in-chief. The following letters exhibit

a very unsuccessful effort of this sort, which was made on Governor

Henry, of Virginia, by a gentleman not supposed to be a member of

congress from that state._

Williamsburgh, February 20, 1778.

DEAR SIR,--You will no doubt be surprised at seeing the enclosed

letter, in which the encomiums bestowed on me are as undeserved, as

the censures aimed at you are unjust. I am sorry there should be one

man who counts himself my friend, who is not yours.

Perhaps I give you needless trouble in handing you this paper. The

writer of it may be too insignificant to deserve any notice. If I knew

this to be the case, I should not have intruded on your time, which is

so precious. But there may possibly be some scheme or party forming to

your prejudice. The enclosed leads to such a suspicion. Believe me,

sir, I have too high a sense of the obligations America has to you, to

abet or countenance so unworthy a proceeding. The most exalted merit

hath ever been found to attract envy. But I please myself with the

hope, that the same fortitude and greatness of mind which have

hitherto braved all the difficulties and dangers inseparable from your

station, will rise superior to every attempt of the envious partisan.

I really can not tell who is the writer of this letter, which not a

little perplexes me. The hand writing is altogether strange to me.

To give you the trouble of this, gives me pain. It would suit my

inclination better, to give you some assistance in the great business

of the war. But I will not conceal any thing from you, by which you

may be affected, for I really think your personal welfare and the

happiness of America are intimately connected. I beg you will be

assured of that high regard and esteem with which I ever am,

Dear sir,

Your affectionate friend and very humble servant,

P. HENRY.

His excellency General Washington.

(_Letter enclosed in the preceding._)

Yorktown, January 12, 1778.

DEAR SIR,--The common danger of our country first brought you and me

together. I recollect with pleasure the influence of your conversation

and eloquence upon the opinions of this country in the beginning of

the present controversy. You first taught us to shake off our

idolatrous attachment to royalty, and to oppose its encroachments upon

our liberties with our very lives. By these means you saved us from

ruin. The independence of America is the offspring of that liberal

spirit of thinking, and acting, which followed the destruction of the

sceptres of kings and the mighty power of Great Britain.

But, sir, we have only passed the Red Sea. A dreary wilderness is

still before us, and unless a Moses or a Joshua are raised up in our

behalf, we must perish before we reach the promised land. We have

nothing to fear from our enemies on the way. General Howe, it is true,

has taken Philadelphia; but he has only changed his prison. His

dominions are bounded on all sides by his outsentries. America can

only be undone by herself. She looks up to her councils and arms for

protection; but alas! what are they? her representation in congress

dwindled to only twenty-one members--her Adams--her Wilson--her Henry,

are no more among them. Her councils weak--and partial remedies

applied constantly for universal diseases. Her army--what is it? a

major general belonging to it called it a few days ago in my hearing a

_mob_. Discipline unknown or _wholly_ neglected. The quartermaster and

commissary's departments filled with idleness, ignorance and

peculation--our hospitals crowded with six thousand sick, but half

provided with necessaries or accommodations, and more dying in them in

one month, than perished in the field during the whole of the last

campaign.

The money depreciating without any effectual measures being taken to

raise it--the country distracted with the Don Quixote attempts to

regulate the prices of provisions, an _artificial_ famine created by

it, and a _real_ one dreaded from it. The spirit of the people failing

through a more intimate acquaintance with the causes of our

misfortunes--many submitting daily to General Howe, and more wishing

to do it, only to avoid the calamities which threaten our country. But

is our case desperate? by no means. We have wisdom, virtue, and

strength _eno'_ to save us if they could be called into action. The

northern army has shown us what Americans are capable of doing with A

GENERAL at their head. The spirit of the southern army is no ways

inferior to the spirit of the northern. A Gates--a Lee, or a Conway

would, in a few weeks, render them an irresistible body of men. The

last of the above officers has accepted of the new office of inspector

general of our army, in order to reform abuses--but the remedy is only

a palliative one. In one of his letters to a friend he says, "a great

and good God hath decreed America to be free--or the ---- and weak

counsellors would have ruined her long ago"--you may rest assured of

_each_ of the facts related in this letter. The author of it is one of

your Philadelphia friends. A hint of his name, if found out by the

hand writing, must not be mentioned to your most intimate friend. Even

the letter _must_ be thrown in the fire. But some of its contents

ought to be made public in order to awaken, enlighten, and alarm our

country. I rely upon your prudence, and am, dear sir, with my usual

attachment to _you_, and to our beloved independence,

Yours, sincerely.

His excellency P. Henry.

* * * * *

Williamsburgh, March 5, 1778.

DEAR SIR,--By an express which Colonel Finnie sent to camp, I enclosed

you an anonymous letter, which I hope got safe to hand. I am anxious

to hear something that will serve to explain the strange affair, which

I am now informed is taken up, respecting you. Mr. Custis has just

paid us a visit, and by him I learn sundry particulars concerning

General Mifflin, that much surprise me. It is very hard to trace the

schemes and windings of the enemies to America. I really thought that

man its friend: however, I am too far from him to judge of his present

temper.

While you face the armed enemies of our liberty in the field, and, by

the favour of God, have been kept unhurt, I trust your country will

never harbour in her bosom the miscreant who would ruin her best

supporter. I wish not to flatter; but when arts unworthy honest men

are used to defame and traduce you, I think it not amiss, but a duty,

to assure you of that estimation in which the public hold you. Not

that I think any testimony I can bear, is necessary for your support,

or private satisfaction, for a bare recollection of what is past must

give you sufficient pleasure in every circumstance of life. But I can

not help assuring you, on this occasion, of the high sense of

gratitude which all ranks of men, in this your native country, bear to

you. It will give me sincere pleasure to manifest my regards, and

render my best services to you or yours. I do not like to make a

parade of these things, and I know you are not fond of it; however, I

hope the occasion will plead my excuse.

The assembly have at length empowered the executive here to provide

the Virginia troops serving with you, with clothes, &c. I am making

provision accordingly, and hope to do something towards it. Every

possible assistance from government is afforded the commissary of

provisions, whose department has not been attended to. It was taken up

by me too late to do much. Indeed the load of business devolved on me

is too great to be managed well. A French ship, mounting thirty guns,

that has been long chased by the English cruisers, has got into

Carolina, as I hear last night.

Wishing you all possible felicity, I am, my dear sir,

Your ever affectionate friend,

and very humble servant,

P. HENRY.

His excellency General Washington.

* * * * *

Valley Forge, March 27, 1778.

DEAR SIR,--About eight days past, I was honoured with your favour of

the 20th ultimo.

Your friendship, sir, in transmitting me the anonymous letter you had

received, lays me under the most grateful obligations; and, if any

thing could give a still further claim to my acknowledgments, it is

the very polite and delicate terms in which you have been pleased to

make the communication.

I have ever been happy in supposing that I held a place in your

esteem, and the proof of it you have afforded on this occasion makes

me peculiarly so. The favourable light in which you hold me is truly

flattering, but I should feel much regret if I thought the happiness

of America so intimately connected with my personal welfare, as you so

obligingly seem to consider it. All I can say, is, that she has ever

had, and, I trust, she ever will have, my honest exertions to promote

her interest. I can not hope that my services have been the best; but

my heart tells me that they have been the best that I could render.

That I may have erred in using the means in my power for accomplishing

the objects of the arduous, exalted station with which I am honoured,

I can not doubt; nor do I wish my conduct to be exempted from the

reprehension it may deserve. Error is the portion of humanity, and to

censure it, whether committed by this or that public character, is the

prerogative of freemen....

This is not the only secret insidious attempt that has been made to

wound my reputation. There have been others equally base, cruel, and

ungenerous; because conducted with as little frankness and proceeding

from views perhaps as personally interested.

I am, dear sir, &c.

GEO: WASHINGTON.

To his excellency Patrick Henry, esquire, Governor of Virginia.

* * * * *

Camp, March 28, 1778.

DEAR SIR,--Just as I was about to close my letter of yesterday, your

favour of the fifth instant came to hand.

I can only thank you again, in the language of the most undissembled

gratitude, for your friendship: and assure you, the indulgent

disposition which Virginia in particular, and the states in general

entertain towards me, gives me the most sensible pleasure. The

approbation of my country is what I wish; and, as far as my abilities

and opportunity will permit, I hope I shall endeavour to deserve it.

It is the highest reward to a feeling mind; and happy are they who so

conduct themselves as to merit it.

The anonymous letter with which you were pleased to favour me, was

written by ----, so far as I can judge from a similitude of hands....

My caution to avoid any thing that could injure the service, prevented

me from communicating, except to a very few of my friends, the

intrigues of a faction which I know was formed against me, since it

might serve to publish our internal dissensions; but their own

restless zeal to advance their views has too clearly betrayed them,

and made concealment on my part fruitless. I can not precisely mark

the extent of their views, but it appeared in general, that General

Gates was to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation and influence.

This I am authorized to say from undeniable facts in my own

possession, from publications the evident scope of which could not be

mistaken, and from private detractions industriously circulated. ----,

it is commonly supposed, bore the second part in the cabal; and

General Conway, I know, was a very active and malignant partisan; but

I have good reason to believe that their machinations have recoiled

most sensibly upon themselves. I am, dear sir, &c.

GEO: WASHINGTON.

His excellency Patrick Henry, esquire, Gov. of Virginia.

_The following extract is taken from a letter written about the same

time to a gentleman in New England, who had expressed some anxious

apprehensions occasioned by a report that the commander-in-chief had

determined to resign his station in the army:_

"I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that

had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to

embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain,

operate with additional force at this day; nor is it my desire to

withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the

present contest; but to report a design of this kind, is among the

arts, which those who are endeavouring to effect a change are

practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do say, that

there is not an officer in the service of the United States, that

would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heartfelt joy

than I should. But I would have this declaration accompanied by these

sentiments, that while the public are satisfied with my endeavours, I

mean not to shrink from the cause: but the moment her voice, not that

of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much

pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest."

* * * * *

NOTE--No. XIII. _See Page 456._

_The following is an extract of a letter addressed on this occasion by

General Washington to congress:_

"Though I sincerely commiserate the misfortune of General Lee, and

feel much for his present unhappy situation; yet, with all possible

deference to the opinion of congress, I fear that their resolutions

will not have the desired effect, are founded in impolicy, and will,

if adhered to, produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy

nature.

"Retaliation is certainly just, and sometimes necessary, even where

attended with the severest penalties: but when the evils which may,

and must result from it, exceed those intended to be redressed,

prudence and policy require that it should be avoided.

"Having premised thus much, I beg leave to examine the justice and

expediency of it in the instance before us. From the best information

I have been able to obtain, General Lee's usage has not been so

disgraceful and dishonourable, as to authorize the treatment decreed

to these gentlemen, was it not prohibited by many other important

considerations. His confinement, I believe, has been more rigorous

than has been generally experienced by the rest of our officers, or

those of the enemy who have been in our possession; but if the reports

received on that head be true, he has been provided with a decent

apartment, and with most things necessary to render him comfortable.

This is not the case with one of the officers comprehended in the

resolves, if his letter, of which a copy is transmitted, deserves your

credit. Here retaliation seems to have been prematurely begun, or to

speak with more propriety, severities have been, and are exercised

towards Colonel Campbell, not justified by any that General Lee has

yet received.

"In point of policy, and under the present situation of our affairs,

most surely the doctrine can not be supported. The balance of

prisoners is greatly against us, and a general regard to the happiness

of the whole should mark our conduct. Can we imagine that our enemies

will not mete the same punishments, the same indignities, the same

cruelties, to those belonging to us in their possession, that we

impose on theirs? why should we suppose them to have more humanity

than we possess ourselves? or why should an ineffectual attempt to

relieve the distresses of one brave man, involve many more in misery?

At this time, however disagreeable the fact may be, the enemy have in

their power, and subject to their call, near three hundred officers

belonging to the army of the United States. In this number there are

some of high rank, and the most of them are men of bravery and of

merit. The quota of theirs in our hands bears no proportion, not being

more than fifty. Under these circumstances, we certainly should do no

act to draw upon the gentlemen belonging to us, and who have already

suffered a long captivity, greater punishments than they now

experience. If we should, what will be their feelings, and those of

their numerous and extensive connexions? Suppose the treatment

prescribed for the Hessian officers should be pursued, will it not

establish what the enemy have been aiming to effect by every artifice,

and the grossest misrepresentations? I mean, an opinion of our enmity

towards them, and of the cruel conduct they experience when they fall

into our hands; a prejudice which we, on our part, have heretofore

thought it politic to suppress, and to root out by every act of

kindness and of lenity. It certainly will. The Hessians will hear of

the punishments with all the circumstances of heightened exaggeration,

and would feel the injury without investigating the cause, or

reasoning upon the justice of it. The mischiefs which may, and must

inevitably flow from the execution of the resolves, appear to be

endless and innumerable."

END OF VOLUME II.