RELIGION AND MONEY.

"Every religion is a getting religion; for though I myself get nothing,

I am subordinate to those that do. So you may find a lawyer in the

Temple that gets little for the present; but he is fitting himself to be

in time one of those great ones that do get."--Selden's Table Talk.

"The Divine stands wrapt up in his cloud of mysteries, and the amused

Laity must pay Tithes and Veneration to be kept in obscurity, grounding

their hope of future knowledge on a competent stock of present

ignorance."--George Farquhar.

Religion and priestcraft may not be the same thing in _essence_. That

is a point on which we do not intend to dogmatise, and this is not the

opportunity to argue it. But _practically_ religion and priestcraft

_are_ the same thing. They are inextricably bound up together,. and

they will suffer a common fate. In saying this, however, we must

be understood to use the word "religion" in its ordinary sense, as

synonymous with _theology_. Religion as non-supernatural, as the

idealism of morality, the sovereign bond of collective society, is a

matter with which we are not at present concerned.

Priestcraft did not _invent_ religion. To believe that it did is

the error of an impulsive and uninformed scepticism. But priestcraft

developed it, systematised it, enforced it, and perpetuated it. This

could not be effected, however, except in alliance with the temporal

power; and accordingly, in every country--savage, barbaric, or

civilised--the priests and the privileged classes are found in harmony.

They have occasional differences, but these are ultimately adjusted.

Sometimes the priesthood overrules the temporal power, but more

frequently the former gives way to the latter; indeed, it is instructive

to watch how the course of religion has been so largely determined by

political influences. The development of Judaism was almost entirely

controlled by the political vicissitudes of the Hebrews. The political

power really decided the great controversy between Arianism and

Athanasianism. Politics again, twelve hundred years later, settled the

bounds of the Reformation, not only for the moment, but for subsequent

centuries. Where the prince's sword was thrown into the scale, it

determined the balance. England, for instance, was non-papal Catholic

under Henry VIII., Protestant under Edward VI., papal-Catholic under

Mary, and Protestant again under Elizabeth; although every one of these

changes, according to the clergy, was dictated by the Holy Ghost.

Priests and the privileged classes _must_ settle their differences

in some way, otherwise the people would become too knowing, and too

independent. The co-operation of impostor and robber is necessary to the

bamboozlement and exploitation of the masses. This co-operation, indeed,

is the great secret of the permanence of religion; and its policy is

twofold--education and the power of money.

The value of _education_ may be inferred from the frantic efforts of the

clergy to build and maintain schools of their own, and to force their

doctrines into the schools built and maintained by the State. In this

respect there is nothing to choose between Church and Dissent.

The reading of the Bible in Board schools is a compromise between

themselves, lest a worse thing should befall them both. If one section

were strong enough to upset the compromise it would do so; in fact,

the Church party is now attempting this stroke of policy on the London

School Board, with the avowed object of giving a Church color to-the

religious teaching of the children. The very same principle was at

work in former days, when none but Churchmen were admitted to the

universities or public positions. It was a splendid means of maintaining

the form of religion which was bound up with the monarchy and the

aristocracy. Learning and influence were, as far as possible, kept on

the side of the established faith, which thus became the master of

the masters of the people. This is perfectly obvious to the student of

history, and Freethinkers should lay its lesson to heart. It is only by

driving religion entirely out of education, from the humblest school to

the proudest college, that we shall ever succeed in breaking the power

of priestcraft and freeing the people from the bondage of superstition.

We could write a volume on this theme--the power of education in

maintaining religion; but we must be satisfied with the foregoing at

present, and turn our attention to the power of _money_. It is a wise

adage that money is the sinews of war. Fighting is very largely, often

wholly, a question of resources. Troops may be ever so brave, generals

ever so skilful, but they will be beaten unless they have good rifles

and artillery, plenty of ammunition, and an ample commissariat. Now the

same thing obtains in _all_ warfare. It would be foolish, no less than

base, to deny the inspiring efficacy of ideas, the electric force of

enthusiasm; but, however highly men may be energised, they cannot act

without instruments; and money buys them, whether the instruments

be rifles and artillery, or schools, or churches, or any kind of

organisation.

Given churches with great wealth, as well as control over public

education, and it is easy to see that they will be able to perpetuate

themselves. Endowments are specially valuable. They are rooted, so to

speak, in the past, and hold firm. They bear golden fruit to be plucked

by the skilful and adventurous. Besides, the very age of an endowed

institution gives it a venerable ora; and its freedom from the full

necessity of "cadging" lends it a certain "respectability"--like that of

a man who lives on his means, instead of earning his living.

It is not an extravagant calculation that, in England alone, twenty

millions a year are spent on religion. The figures fall glibly from the

tongue, but just try to realise them! Think first of a thousand, then of

a thousand thousand, then of twenty times that. Take a single million,

and think what its expenditure might do in the shaping of public

opinion. A practical friend of ours, a good Radical and Freethinker,

said that he would undertake to create a majority for Home Rule in

England with a million of money; and if he spent it judiciously, we

think he might succeed. Well then, just imagine, not one million, but

twenty millions, spent _every year_ in maintaining and propagating a

certain religion. Is it not enough, and more than enough, to perpetuate

a system which is firmly founded, to begin with, on the education of

little children?

Here lies the strength of Christianity. It is not true, it is not

useful. Its teachings and pretensions are both seen through by tens

of thousands, but the wealth supports it. "Without money and without

price," is the fraudulent language of the pious prospectus. It would

never last on those terms. The money keeps it up. Withdraw the money,

and the Black Army would disband, leaving the people free to work out

their secular salvation, without the fear and trembling of a foolish

faith.

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