The political situation of South Africa is the last subject to which I
shall refer. I am quite aware that this is a very difficult and delicate
question to touch upon, but it would be impossible for anyone like
myself, to whom it has presented itself so prominently during my tour,
to avoid some allusion to it. I shall endeavour to state my impressions
impartially and fairly.
Before I went to South Africa I had formed a general opinion on this
vitally important and very critical subject. My previous views have been
most thoroughly confirmed, and painfully accentuated by all I have
seen, and heard, and gathered, on the spot. The mournful mismanagement
of South African affairs during the last twenty-five years, and most
especially during the last decade, has been truly lamentable, and cannot
fail to awaken the saddest feelings on the part of every loyal Briton,
and true-hearted patriot.
The absence of continuous, wise, and statesmanlike policy, which has for
the most part marked the tone of those, who have had the Imperial
guidance and control of South African affairs in the past, has had the
effect of sowing the seeds of enmity to the Government of the Mother
Country, which it will require all the wisdom, and tact, and
conciliatory sympathy possible to be displayed in the future, in dealing
with this magnificent part of the Empire, to allay. It will demand the
greatest skill to prevent the permanent alienation, and estrangement of
South Africa from Great Britain.
This has all been brought about by our unaccountably careless and
culpable want of accurate knowledge at home, of the actual situation. We
lost a splendid chance of consolidating South Africa in a homogeneous
union under the British crown. Our insular in difference, our ignorance,
the fierce animosity of our party political prejudices, made us neglect
the opportunity. It has had the effect of creating the sorest feelings
against us, on the part of the large English population, spread over the
land, which is uncontaminated and uninfluenced by the party spirit of
local colonial politicians. It is melancholy, and most deplorable to
observe the indications of this feeling, which are constantly apparent.
The old love for the British flag is still widely cherished; but it was
impossible for me to shut my eyes to the evidence so continually
brought before me, that the British Government is neither loved nor
respected. No confidence whatever is felt in it--and no wonder!
Everywhere there are proofs of how all have been allowed to suffer and
smart under it.
Either from ignorance, or carelessness, or indifference--probably from
all combined--and perhaps even unconsciously, but at the same time as
surely, we have deceived the Natives, the Boers, and the Colonists. This
is only the natural consequence of the feeble, vacillating, uncertain
course, which is followed, when the State machine is guided without
compass, and where there is no firmness, nor courage at the national
helm. What we have to do, however, now, is to advocate union and
co-operation between the two dominant races--the British and the
Dutch--and to do all we can to promote harmony and goodwill between
them. True, their mental character, and natural instincts are
different. Our own race is essentially energetic and progressive; while
theirs is slow, unemotional, and phlegmatic. But if sympathy, and tact,
and cordial good temper, are invariably practised in our intercourse
with them, I am persuaded it will ultimately have the effect of
promoting co-operation in securing their mutual interests. This, I
trust, will ultimately neutralise the effect of the fatal course of past
political action, which unnecessarily developed race jealousies, and
stimulated national friction and animosity; and will bring about in the
future, a blending of the Dutch in friendly union and fellowship with
the British, such as has been undreamed of in the past.
Among many expressions of opinion on the subject of the political
situation made to me while I was in South Africa, I received the
following communication from a gentleman of prominent position in one
of the principal towns of the Cape Colony. It appears to me of such
importance that I avail myself of this opportunity of giving publicity
to it.
"The fact of your arrival at very short notice, combined with the
fact that there are only a few Fellows of the Royal Colonial
Institute resident here, will probably prevent the presentation of
any formal address of welcome to you.
"Nevertheless, to a section of the community which is animated by
patriotic jealousy for the rights and dignity of the Crown
throughout South Africa, your visit is regarded with feelings of
genuine satisfaction, and our hopes are encouraged, that your visit
may result in some good to the cause, which we have at heart.
"You are doubtless acquainted well enough with the principal events
of great national moment of recent years in South Africa. From
whatever point of view politicians may like to regard the end of
the Transvaal war, any resident in this country can be only too
well aware of the fact that one result of that terrible experience
has been, a material weakening of respect for English people, and
for the rights of the Crown throughout the Cape Colony.
"Since the period referred to, a very powerful Dutch-Africander
combination has come into existence, and there can be no doubt but
that one object of such a body, is the severance of all but nominal
ties between the Cape, and Great Britain.
"However visionary such hopes as these must for a long series of
years remain, the fact of their existence, and of their being in a
variety of ways advanced from time to time, has a very marked
influence upon all classes of people in this country.
"For instance, the youth of the country are influenced to hope for
a time, when they shall be members of an independent State; and
while on the one hand they may not see any immediate prospect of a
change in such a direction being effected, nevertheless they lessen
their interest in, and their respect for, the Crown of England and
its attributes, and thus grow up comparatively devoid of any sound
patriotism, even to their native country; and, above all, without
any touch of that enthusiasm, which is ever engendered by high
national traditions.
"That some momentous changes are likely to occur in South Africa,
and that possibly, before very long, all are agreed. The question
only remains in what direction will these changes tend?--towards
some Foreign Continental Power, towards a Confederation with the
existing Dutch Republics, or in the direction of a strengthening
of the union with England?
"It is sometimes surmised, and this not merely by extreme men, but
by quiet and experienced observers of events in this country, that
the large population, mainly British, which has been attracted to
the Gold Fields of the Transvaal, is unlikely to endure much longer
the systematic misgovernment and suppression, to which they are
subjected by men of avowedly anti-English sympathies, and pledged
to a policy directed to check British progress by all means.
"What form the suggested revolt in the Transvaal may take is not
likely to be revealed, until some overt step towards its execution
has been taken. We would all desire that the end in view should be
secured by peaceful means, and that the Transvaal should become a
part and parcel of British territory.
"To effect a revival of loyalty to England in the Cape Colony, and
to influence the destinies of other States in the direction of
union with England, should surely be the hope and endeavour of all
true Englishmen, whether in this Colony, or elsewhere.
"And the end in view is not an easy one to attain in a country,
where the majority of Europeans consider that they, or their
compatriots, inflicted disgrace, and a permanent loss of influence
upon the Imperial Troops on the one hand, and the Imperial British
Government on the other.
"The application of any remedy seems to lie more with the Sovereign
personally, or Her Majesty's immediate advisers in England, than
with any Governor, and High Commissioner, or Cabinet of Cape
Ministers.
"For _quâ_ Governor, the Queen's Representative at the Cape, is
necessarily checked, or controlled by the Ministry of the day, his
Constitutional advisers, and the presence in the Cape Parliament of
a dominant force of the essentially non-English, or Africander
party, must necessarily also have a very material influence upon
Ministers, who depend upon a majority of votes for the retention of
their office.
"In short, the problem in the Cape Colony is one, which happily
does not exist in either of the other great dependencies of the
Crown; it is altogether peculiar to South Africa, of which, after
all, England acquired possession by conquest, and, having acquired
it, has never completely won the adhesion of the Dutch inhabitants,
who resent such acts of Government as the abolition of slavery, the
introduction of the English principle of equality before the law,
and, above all, an unsettled vacillating policy, which last has the
worst possible effect upon all the nationalities, European, as
well as native, throughout South Africa.
"The present attitude of even British South Africa, is one, not of
expectancy, but of slight hope, mingled with distrust, and after
such conspicuous events as the dismemberment of Zululand, the
retrocession of the Transvaal, in addition to the ineffective
efforts towards confederation, he would be a bold man who, as an
Englishman, would dare assert either that his country protected her
children, or her dependent races, or that there is any settled
British policy in the very Continent, where vigour, firmness, and
consistency, combined with mere justice, seem to be absolutely
essential.
"South Africa has yet to be won over to England, or, in other
words, confidence has to be restored. The effort is surely worth
making, and anything like a determined effort on the part of the
Sovereign, and Her Majesty's immediate advisers would find a most
vigorous and cordial response.
"The idea of confederation seems to be quite dependent upon such
preliminaries, as mutual confidence, and a measure of common
necessity, in order to such a question being seriously entertained.
"The Colonial Conference of two years ago, seems however to have
paved the way for effective development in the direction of
confederation.
"For it must be remembered, that the somewhat complex British
constitution is not the creation of any one Monarch, or Parliament.
It has grown to its present dimensions little by little, influenced
always by the necessities of particular cases. The House of Peers
has ever been summoned by writ, and early precedents indicate, that
the Sovereign was not always limited to a particular class of
Barons, who alone could be invited to the deliberations of the
nation.
"Although it is not admitted, it is nevertheless the fact, that, at
the present time, all who are most anxiously desirous of seeing a
way to establish a means of drawing together, in Council, the
Colonies and the Mother Country, are quite disagreed, as to what is
the best means to this end.
"A formal confederation is desired, but all are agreed upon the
difficulties which, for the present, at any rate, stand in the way
of completing an exactly defined treaty, or definition, to
confederate as between the Mother Country, and the Colonies.
"Perhaps a means to this much-desired end may be discovered, by way
of less formal, but almost equally effective, courses of policy as
regards Colonial possessions.
"Every one feels the difficulty in the way of summoning Colonial
Representatives to either the House of Lords or the House of
Commons, for, while special provision would be required to increase
the numbers of the House of Commons, there are apparent and real
obstacles in the way of inviting Colonial Representatives to sit in
the House of Lords, either as ordinary, or as _Life_ Peers.
"It does not seem too much to hope that, before long, the Crown,
may desire to see assembled in London, during some period of the
annual session of the Imperial Parliament a Council of Colonial
Delegates, meeting in a place to be assigned to them, who will have
no voice in other than Colonial Policy, just as now, the House of
Lords has no voice in the originating of Money Bills, who will be
free to discuss any measure affecting Colonial Policy in general,
or the affairs of any Colony, in particular, who will be entitled
to forward their conclusions, requests, or opinions to Her
Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies, and who
will constitute a most effective means for ascertaining the current
of opinion in any particular Colony for the time being.
"The Houses of Convocation might be referred to as an example of an
extra Parliamentary Body of recognised position in the
deliberations of the State.
"And, to revert to South Africa, the sympathies, and probably loyal
adhesion of all the intelligent classes of every nationality, would
be elicited by nothing more than by the express personal interest
of the Sovereign, and Her family in the Cape Colony. The occasion
of the visit of Prince Alfred, when a mere child, elicited
unbounded demonstrations of enthusiastic loyalty to the Crown, and
those from Dutch and English alike. The name 'Alfred,' in honour
of His Royal Highness, is to be everywhere met with in connection
with all sorts of public bodies, Volunteer Corps, and other
Institutions.
"Personal influence goes for more than all the defined policies of
successive administrations, or excellent theories of Government. A
Prince is of more weight than the best of official Governors, and
it is not likely that in medieval ages, or even at later periods,
such an appanage of the Crown, as we desire South Africa to become,
would be unvisited by either the Sovereign, or someone of the
Sovereign's family. The visit of their Royal Highnesses Prince
Albert Victor, and Prince George of Wales was limited to a brief
sojourn at Cape Town, and did not extend to the Colony in general.
"The necessity for the employment, in the interests of the Empire,
to use the phrase most practical,--uncouth, however, it may
seem,--of our Royal Princes appears to be a very decided and
certain means to the end we have in view, namely, the binding
together, by means of sympathetic enthusiasm, the Colonies to the
Mother Country, but most particularly the creating of a healthy
common accord between South Africa and Great Britain.
"Let any Colony or Dependency feel assured that it is regarded as
worthy of attention by those nearest to the Crown, and any sense of
isolation, any suspicion that the people, or their country are
regarded with any measure of contemptuous indifference must
forthwith vanish. Sympathy, encouragement, personal contact, seem
to be essential elements to the solution of what is admittedly a
problem."
I regard this letter of my well informed correspondent as a most
interesting and truthful expression of wide-spread opinion, among the
intelligent classes of Her Majesty's loyal subjects in South Africa.
I do not believe the South African political problem to be insoluble.
Two things are required to solve it satisfactorily. For the present,--I
quote the eloquent words of a distinguished politician with whose wise
and noble sentiments I cordially agree--"what we ought to do in a case
of this kind is to send out a statesman of the first order of talent,
patience, and truthfulness, irrespective of politics or prejudice. For
it is an Imperial problem of the highest importance; and the powers of
true patriotism and ambition should be amply gratified in dealing with
it."
And for the future, let me add my own earnest conviction, that what is
wanted is Imperial Federation, as the goal to be ultimately reached, to
render South Africa politically satisfied and content.
Imperial Federation means a constitutional system, under which she would
be no longer misruled and misunderstood, by a Government, in which she
has no share, in which she places no confidence, and by whom her wants
and wishes are often ignored. It is not, as is frequently untruly
asserted by writers, and speakers, who have neither studied,
comprehended, nor understood its theory and intention, its end and aim,
that it means the subjugation of the independence of the Colonies to the
control of the Mother Country.
As one of its most earnest advocates, I emphatically protest against all
such erroneous interpretations, as a libel on the principle put forward,
as a plan for the National Government. On the contrary, the project of
Imperial Federation, without any _arriere pensée_, clearly and
distinctly involves the condition, that the Colonies themselves are to
take their adequate part, and share with the Mother Country in its
future concrete constitution. In the brief, but expressive phrase, I
have already publicly adopted, Imperial Federation means, "the
Government of the Empire by the Empire." In Imperial Federation,
therefore, South Africa would be fairly and influentially represented,
along with the other Colonies of Great Britain. In union with them she
would take her part in guiding the policy, and directing the destinies
of the whole British Empire.
[Illustration: Decorative]
[Illustration: Decorative]