The Second Derby Administration--Lord Derby's first Speech--Lord
Clanricarde defends himself--The New Ministry--Coincidences--Lord
Derby's favourable Position--Opinion of the Speaker--Lord Derby's
Liberal Declarations--Dinner to Mr. Buckle--Instability of the
Government--Mr. Disraeli's sanguine Views--India--Prospects of the
new Government--A Visit to the Duc d'Aumale--Delicate Relations
with France--Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Irritation of
the Whigs--Marshal Pélissier Ambassador in London--The Peelites
and the Whigs--Failure of the India Bill--An Overture from Lord
John Russell--Dissensions of the Whigs--Lord Derby resolves to
remain in Office--Lord John Russell proposes to deal with the
India Bill by Resolutions--Mistake of the Whigs in resigning on
the Conspiracy Bill--Withdrawal of the India Bill--Policy of
the Whigs in Opposition--Lord Cowley on the Relations of France
and England--Strong Opposition to the Government--Lord Derby
on the State of Affairs--Disunion of the Whigs--Lord Canning's
Proclamation--Littlecote House--Vehemence of the Opposition--Lord
Lyndhurst displeased--Debates on the Indian Proclamation--Collapse of
the Debates--Triumph of the Ministry--Disraeli's violent Speech at
Slough--Lord Palmerston's Discomfiture--Prospects of a Fusion--Success
of the Government--Concessions to the Radicals--The Queen's Visit to
Birmingham--Progress of the India Bill--The Jew Bill--The Jew Bill
passed--Disturbed State of India--Baron Brunnow on the Russian War.
_London, 27th February_.1858.--All yesterday lists of the new
appointments were put forth from hour to hour, unlike each other, and
proving what changes had been made during the last hours. Nobody was
prepared for Bulwer Lytton having no place, and still less for Lord
Stanley taking office in this Government, which must have been settled
at the eleventh hour. On the whole it presents a more decent-looking
affair than anybody expected, but the general impression is that it
cannot last, and must be overthrown by the mere weight of numbers,
whenever the different sections of the House should unite on any
question whatever. Their staff is not so despicable, but their rank and
file are sadly inadequate if they are attacked in earnest.[1]
Footnote 1: [The second Administration of the Earl of Derby was
composed as follows:--
First Lord of the Treasury Earl of Derby
Lord Chancellor Lord Chelmsford
Lord President Marquis of Salisbury
Lord Privy Seal Earl of Hardwicke
Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Disraeli
Home Secretary Mr. Walpole
Foreign Secretary Earl of Malmesbury
Colonial Secretary Lord Stanley
War Secretary Colonel Peel
Board of Control Earl of Ellenborough
Board of Trade Mr. Henley
Duchy of Lancaster Duke of Montrose
Admiralty Sir John Pakington
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland Earl of Eglinton
Chief Secretary Lord Naas
Woods and Forests Lord John Manners]
[Sidenote: LORD DERBY'S ADMINISTRATION.]
_March 2nd._--Last night Derby made his statement. He was very nervous
and unlike himself, scarcely audible at first, much less fluent than
usual, and he spoke from notes, which I never saw him do before.
It was, however, a very judicious and becoming speech. Granville
and Clarendon both spoke very well, and the whole affair was very
creditable and satisfactory, civil, courteous, and good-humoured on
all sides. Clarendon made a very plausible defence of his own conduct
in not answering Walewski's despatch, which was so good that Hardwicke
crossed the House to compliment him, and said if that speech had been
made in the House of Commons there would have been no division. The
impression left on me is that though it was a pretty good defence, he
would have exercised a sounder discretion if he had sent an answer, and
that there was no difficulty in doing so. Clanricarde has given notice
of what the 'Times' calls favouring the House with some leaves of his
autobiography. He has been advised to take this course by some of his
friends and colleagues, particularly Lord Lansdowne; but in spite of
such respectable authority, I think it an ill-advised step, from which
he is likely to derive little if any benefit. He is going to defend
himself against something intangible, for no accuser will appear, and
there is no charge which he is called upon to rebut. No doubt his
appointment has been the real cause of the downfall of the Government.
It is this which ruined the popularity of Palmerston. It is only fair
to admit that they could not have been expected to anticipate all the
hubbub it made, nor anything like it.
People are now wondering that Palmerston's fall has made so little
sensation and the event fallen so flat, considering what his popularity
was only a few months ago, but this proves what an unsubstantial
and factitious popularity it was. Derby has done better than his
predecessor in one way, for he has brought forward some new men who
have a good reputation, and may distinguish themselves in Parliament,
and show us that we have something to look to beyond the old worn
out materials of which everybody is tired. The first class of this
Government is not worse than that of the last, and the second class
is a great deal better. There are some rather curious coincidences
noticeable in this smash. The majority by which the Whigs fell was
nineteen. It was the same on the China question last year, and nineteen
turned out Derby in 1853. Derby has been three times called on to form
a Government, and each time on the 21st of February. At the present
moment there appears to be a disposition to give him what is called a
fair trial, but it is difficult to say how long this will last. The
Whigs are in great perplexity. Some talk of Palmerston coming back
again, others want to bring about a reunion between him and Lord John,
and others still talk of setting them both aside and electing a new
leader of the party.
_March 3rd._--The discussion, for there was no debate, on Monday has
produced a very favourable effect. Derby's speech is much admired for
its calm and dignified tone, and the matter of it considered judicious
and satisfactory. As an exhibition the whole proceeding is thought
eminently creditable to the country, and such as must strike foreigners
particularly. This is unquestionably true, and it has been a very good
start for Derby. As far as one can judge in so short a time, there is
a growing opinion that he ought to have fair play and no vexatious
opposition, and Granville this morning told me he thought he would get
on very well. Palmerston has begged Cowley not to resign, which is very
honourable and becoming. There are symptoms of a disposition on the
part of the 'Times' to support the new Government and I have little
doubt that they can secure this great advantage if they manage their
affairs with common prudence, and set to work diligently to frame such
measures of improvement and utility as will satisfy public opinion. I
entreated Jonathan Peel to lose no time in dealing with the matter of
the health of the soldiers and the mortality amongst them brought to
light by Sidney Herbert's Committee. This alone, well and quickly done,
would be of prodigious service to the new Government.
_March 6th._--I gather from what I hear that Lord Palmerston is
preparing to buckle on his armour, and to wage war against the new
Government with the hope and expectation of forcing himself back into
office speedily, and that the new Opposition mean to attack the new
Government as quickly and as vehemently as they can. John Russell
says they 'ought not to be recklessly or prematurely opposed.' Guizot
it seems, has written to Aberdeen about the 'union of all shades of
Liberals' as a desideratum, to which Lord John says 'whether it be
possible he knows not, but that he is an obstacle to it on our side,
and Palmerston on the other.'
The Speaker, with whom I had a long talk yesterday, thinks this
Government never can stand, and he says, truly enough that though Derby
and Co. did not _make_ the situation which compelled the resignation of
the last, they _accepted_ it with full knowledge of the consequences of
their vote, and are therefore responsible. He considers that what has
happened and is likely to happen is all to the benefit of the Radicals,
who well know this, and rejoice at it accordingly and he thinks Milner
Gibson framed his amendment with the design of its leading to the
defeat of Palmerston, and the advent of Derby to a power which he never
desired to be of long duration. All this I could not gainsay, and it
is certainly true that this change has only produced a fresh set of
difficulties and dangers, the result of which who can foresee?
Derby's liberal declaration in his programme last Monday has been taken
up and extended by his followers, but it is very improbable that the
enunciation of such principles and intentions will carry with it the
assent of the old and genuine Tories, many of whom will most likely ere
long declare their adhesion to their old creed, and their abhorrence
of the new-born liberalism of their chief, and Derby may one day find
himself in a lesser degree in something like the position of Peel when
he gave notice of his intention to propose the Repeal of the Corn Laws.
Derby's declaration now affords a practical justification of Peel's
course then, for Peel was never so much opposed to Free Trade as Derby
and all his followers to Reform, and his excuse is based on similar
grounds, namely, the progress and irresistible force of public opinion.
[Sidenote: A LITERARY DINNER PARTY.]
_March 10th._--I dined with Grote yesterday to meet Mr. Buckle, the
literary lion of the day. He is not prepossessing in appearance, but he
talks very well and makes a great display of knowledge and extensive
reading, though without pedantry or dogmatism. There was a small party
of literary men to meet him, and Lady William Russell and I acted the
part of gallery. The guests were Count Platen the Swedish Minister,
the Master of the Rolls, Dr. William Smith, young Bunbury (Sir Henry's
son), and Lowe. It was pleasant enough.
There is a prevailing and an increasing impression that this Government
will not last long, and I think its days are numbered. The old
Government are evidently impatient to resume their places, and within
the last two or three days there is an evident change in their spirits
and their expectations. Whether it is desirable or not that Derby
should be permitted to go on for some time I know not, but I doubt if
it is possible. John Russell might perhaps prefer keeping Derby in
place for a time, in order to prevent Palmerston's coming back, but I
do not think he will be able to do so if he wishes it, and even those
Liberals who are not very fond of Palmerston seem to be indignant at
a Tory party holding office with an immense majority against them in
the House of Commons. It is certainly a question whether any set of
men have a right under any circumstances to accept office with full
knowledge that there is a majority of at least two to one against
them, and if one set of ministers are bound to resign, not merely on
finding the majority against them, but upon a single adverse vote, _à
fortiori_ must another set be precluded from taking office without
the power of commanding the assent and support of Parliament upon any
question whatever. Sir Francis Baring writes to John Russell, 'that
the _existence_ of the present Ministry is contrary to Parliamentary
Government,' and this seems to be the general sentiment of the Liberal
party, of course loudly insisted on by those who expect to profit by
ousting them.
_March 11th._--My mind fluctuates back to a notion that the Government
will be able to maintain themselves for some time. Ellice said
yesterday that he for one would not join in any attempt to oust them
till he saw his way to the formation of a better Government, and thinks
time ought to be afforded for a reunion of the Liberal party. In the
afternoon I called on Disraeli, and found him rather sanguine about
their prospects. He said they should settle, in fact had settled, the
French question 'with flying colours.' He sees no difficulty about
finance, as there can be no quarrels on the score of principles, and
he will only have to provide for the expenses either by some increased
taxation, or if that is opposed, by a loan, and he does not think the
Palmerstonians will venture to refuse the supplies, or that they would
succeed in such an attempt. His Indian Bill he thinks will be a better
and more popular measure, and he knows of nothing else but the chapter
of accidents on which they will have any serious difficulty.
Afterwards I fell in with Charles Villiers, and talked over the fall
of the Government, which he attributed, as I do, to the enormous and
inconceivable blunders which his friends committed. He is always
sensible, unprejudiced, and the most satisfactory person to talk to I
am acquainted with. John Russell is in great indignation at Disraeli's
speech at his election, and his attributing all sorts of bad motives to
the Whigs in their Reform of 1831, which was certainly very imprudent
to say the least of it, for in his condition it was most desirable for
him to avoid giving offence to any of the influential people, whose
hostility may be very dangerous to him. I had not read his speech when
I saw him, or I should have told him so.
_March 12th._--It is remarkable how completely the affairs at home have
superseded the interest belonging to those of India. Nobody seems to
think about what so recently absorbed everyone's thoughts and feelings.
This is, however, in great measure owing to the general belief that
the great question of suppressing the rebellion and re-establishing
our rule is virtually settled, and though we may yet have a great deal
of trouble and even difficulty, all serious danger is at an end, and
that we are as secure of possessing India as of any of our colonies.
The apprehensions I had on the subject, and which I have expressed,
have been very far from realized, and those who took more sanguine and
confident views of the issue of the contest have been justified by the
event.
[Sidenote: ATTACKS ON THE GOVERNMENT.]
_March 17th._--The new Government is looking up. On Monday evening
Bernal Osborne attacked Disraeli in his usual style, and gave him an
opportunity of making a speech in reply, which everybody acknowledges
to have been most able and successful. Bernal was very bad, Palmerston
spoke feebly, professed moderate intentions towards the new Government,
but clearly indicated that he meant to take office again if he could.
His speech was tamely received, and furnished a fresh proof of the
loss of his popularity and influence. Last night again, in a little
skirmish between Disraeli and George Lewis, the former had the best of
it. Clanricarde having had the egregious folly to announce to the House
of Lords his intention to make 'a personal statement,' in which he
was unaccountably supported by such men as George Lewis and Lansdowne
amongst others, found out that everybody thought he was making a great
fool of himself and withdrew it, but his colleagues are annoyed at his
putting himself forward to ask questions of Derby. He sits on the front
Opposition bench in the midst of his late colleagues, who would be glad
to be rid of him, particularly as they know that in the event of their
return to office he would be left out.
_March 20th._--I went on Friday with M. de Jarnac to Orleans House to
pay a visit to the Duc d'Aumale and see his interesting collection of
books and pictures. He is very courteous, obliging, and intelligent,
and the Duchess very civil and pleasing. His house was formerly
occupied by his father, Louis Philippe, improved and enlarged by Lord
Kilmorey, who lived there with Miss Hoste, and bought from him by the
Duke, who has filled it full of objects of historical or artistic
interest, especially of memorials of the great Condé. The family
portraits, of which there is a vast collection, are particularly
curious. He has two sons, who bear the fine titles of Prince de Condé
and Duc de Guise, but it is melancholy to contemplate the _avenir_
of these boys, whose high birth is their misfortune, and to whom no
profession or occupation seems open. They have lost their own country
by no fault of their own, and are so situated that they cannot or
will not get adopted in any other.[1] It is a false position if ever
there was one. The family appear to have been alarmed by the recent
events in France, and the indirect effect which those events might
have upon them, for they have reason to believe that they are exposed
to a constant system of _espionnage_ by the French Government, who
wish very much to implicate them if possible in some of the plots that
they believe to be constantly going on here, and great vigilance on
their part is necessary not to commit themselves in any way to unknown
Frenchmen who approach under pretences of attachment to their family or
to make appeals to their charity.
The other day I got a note from Lord Derby about a Council, at the end
of which he earnestly begged me if I had any influence with the 'Times'
to get them to abstain from writing any more irritating articles about
France, for that these articles provoked the French to madness, and, as
matters are, that nothing but the utmost care and moderation on both
sides enabled the two Governments to go on in harmony. I accordingly
sent his note to Delane, who promised to attend to it, though it was
hard to leave the French press without replies. It is curious that I
should be found acting a friendly part towards Derby's Government, he
being of all men the one to whom I have felt the greatest political
repugnance; but I am now so free from all political predilections,
and regard constant changes as so objectionable, that I wish this
Government to be fairly tried, especially as it appears to me quite
as good as any other we are likely to have; disposed to work hard and
promote good measures, and to be unable, even if they were disposed, to
do any harm.
[Sidenote: SETTLEMENT OF THE FRENCH QUARREL.]
I find a disposition to carp at the settlement of the French quarrel,
though without any good reason. Lord Malmesbury's letter might have
been better composed, and more showy, but the object was to close
the quarrel in a manner that would satisfy the pride and allay the
irritation of this country, without being so exacting towards France
as to pique her into fresh ebullitions offensive to us, and this has
been done, though it cannot be said with truth that they had settled
the dispute 'with flying colours.' The French Government have had the
last word, and exhibited some spleen, which is not very unnatural
considering the part they have had to play, eating humble pie and
retracting almost everything they said.
The Duke of Bedford is in town, having been urgently pressed to come up
and see what he could do to effect a political reconciliation between
Lord John and Palmerston, which he has certainly not effected, and
probably will fail in effecting. Lord John said some months ago that he
never would take office again but as Premier, but what the Whigs want
is that he should join them, consent to co-operate in ousting Derby,
and then to take office under Palmerston; but if he would not do this
before the present session began, much less would he be inclined to do
so now. He knows very well that they are only trying to make it up with
him, because they feel that they cannot do without him, and as they
still prefer Palmerston, and mean to stick to him, and to come back
with him as their chief, there is very little chance of any negotiation
being brought to a successful issue. The best chance of the Whigs being
reunited is, that the present Government should take sufficient root,
and stay in office long enough to show that nothing but a complete
reconciliation of the Liberals of all shades and opinions can drive
them out, and for this time is required. The notion the late Government
cherished of being able to turn out their opponents in a very brief
space is already gone, and they find that the majority of the House of
Commons will be no party to such an overthrow.
Footnote 1: [Alas! both these interesting and promising young Princes
were cut off in early life, the Prince de Condé dying in New South
Wales, at the outset of a journey on which he had started under
the most auspicious circumstances. The Duc de Guise, then the sole
surviving child and heir of the Duc d'Aumale, also died soon after the
return of the Royal Family to France in 1871.]
_March 21st._--The Duke of Bedford has just been here; he has been
occupied with vain attempts to bring about the reconciliation so much
desired by his political friends, but without success or any hope of
it; he finds the estrangement between Palmerston and Lord John great as
ever, and even between Lord John and Clarendon, the latter complaining
bitterly that Lord John 'went out of his way to insult him,' which
meant that in his speech the other day he spoke civilly of Malmesbury,
saying he had no doubt he would uphold the honour and dignity of the
country. All this shows the excessive soreness and ill-humour of the
outgoing party, and though Clarendon expresses the most unalloyed
satisfaction at being out of office, it proves there is the _amari
aliquid_ to detract from his pleasure at being free; and it is not
unnatural that the great part he has himself had in bringing about the
catastrophe should make him very sore and uneasy, and a blow has been
given to his reputation the effects of which may be hereafter serious.
_March 25th._--Marshal Pélissier is going to replace Persigny here as
Ambassador, a strange choice. He is a military ruffian, who knows no
more of diplomacy than he does of astronomy. Persigny goes because
he cannot agree with Walewski; I don't know the details of his
dissatisfaction. His departure is regretted, as he is believed to be
honest and true, and sincerely anxious to promote a good understanding
between the two countries.
[Sidenote: RECONCILIATION OF STATESMEN.]
The Duke of Bedford has just been here; he came from Lord Aberdeen,
who tells him the Peelites are all verging towards a union with Lord
John, some more, some less; Graham is devoted to him, Sidney Herbert
and Cardwell perfectly well disposed, the Duke of Newcastle gradually
becoming so, and Gladstone at present the least friendly, but Aberdeen
thinks is getting more friendly, and will eventually join his standard,
and Aberdeen himself is doing all he can to bring about this union. He
is going to speak to the Queen about it, with a view of reconciling
her to Lord John without knowing how necessary it is. The Duke said he
rather doubted the expediency of Aberdeen's speaking to Her Majesty,
but I told him it was better he should, and very necessary to take all
means to remove her feeling against Lord John. I also told him what
had passed between the Queen and Clarendon, and how he had endeavoured
to persuade Her Majesty that it would be impossible for himself to
be Prime Minister, and that if Palmerston failed from any cause, her
only course would be to send for Lord John, and to do so frankly and
graciously. I begged him to let Lord John know this, as it was so
desirable to bring about a reconciliation between them, which this fact
would be calculated to promote. The Duke owned it was very handsome
conduct on the part of Clarendon, as it is indeed on the part of
Aberdeen, after all that Lord John did in breaking up his Government;
but Aberdeen is a gentleman and a patriot, sincerely attached to the
Queen, and to the best interests of the country, and while he has
retired altogether from public life and the turmoil of politics, he is
anxious still to exercise the great moral influence which he possesses
to advance the public interests according to the dictates of his
judgement and his conscience.
_Hatchford, March 30th._--On Friday last Disraeli brought on the
Government India Bill, which Ellenborough told some of his friends
would be 'a great success,' and which everybody expected would be an
improvement on Palmerston's. Never was there a greater failure; the
bill was received with general aversion and contempt. The Radicals,
who want to keep the Government in for the present, could not stomach
it, Roebuck pronounced it a sham, and Bright, who detests Palmerston,
said he preferred his bill of the two. It is evidently impossible that
this bill can pass, and everybody sees what a fix it places public
affairs in, and what difficulties and uncertainties present themselves
on all sides. The only people who are pleased are the Palmerstonians.
They think that when this bill has been rejected or withdrawn theirs
will pass, and this will, _ex necessitate_, compel Derby to retire
and open the way to Palmerston's return to office. They are therefore
chuckling over the dilemma, but it may be without its leading to the
realization of their hopes. There are a great many men in the House
of Commons, Peelites or Radicals principally, but also some others,
who cannot endure the notion of Palmerston's coming back, and who
will oppose his bill, after the other has been swept away, merely
to prevent his return. What the Radicals would like is that both
bills should be referred to a Select Committee, and a third bill be
concocted out of the two; but this scheme would not be likely to meet
with general approbation, for it would be in fact a delegation of the
proper functions of government to the House of Commons. It appears not
unlikely that both bills will fail and that no measure at all will pass
this year. The Government people are extremely dejected at the state of
affairs, but it is said they do not mean to resign upon the defeat of
their bill.
Meanwhile John Russell has made a sort of overture to Granville, i.e.
he sent George Byng to him on Sunday to invite him to say what he
thought would be the most eligible course to adopt in the present state
of affairs, and with reference to the Government bill. This was not
very judicious on his part, and Granville was an odd man to select,
being in a different House of Parliament, and so bound to Palmerston
that he could not avoid communicating to him the overture and his reply
to it. George Byng says Granville appeared a good deal surprised, but
he thought rather pleased. Granville said he could give no immediate
answer, but would write to him, which he did the next day, and told him
George Lewis would go down to Pembroke Lodge to see Lord John. I have
no idea that anything will come of this, for none of the late Cabinet
can or will transfer their allegiance from Palmerston to Lord John,
unless the former consents to it, and abdicates his position of chief
of the Whig party, which he seems to have no thoughts of doing, and it
is impossible to conciliate their rival claims and pretensions.
[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S INDIA BILL.]
_April 2nd._--A letter from the Duke of Bedford this morning says
that Lord John is inclined to throw out the India Bill, as it is too
bad to admit of any improvement, and that he thinks if he does this
Palmerston will support him; but the Duke adds that it is rumoured
that the Government will not go out if their bill is defeated. It is
easy to understand that Palmerston can desire nothing so much as that
Lord John should take the lead in opposing the India Bill, and that he
should support him, because in that case, and the defeat of the bill
by a large majority, which probably would happen, and the Government
going out, he would infallibly be sent for again, and in re-forming
his Government he would no doubt invite Lord John to join it, but this
would only lead to a fresh series of difficulties, and most likely to
a long course of abortive negotiations. How the junction between the
two leaders is to be effected it is difficult to conceive, although
there are several ways in which it might be brought about, if they
were disposed to make mutual concessions. The starting point might
be the complete union of the whole Whig and Liberal party, which all
profess to desire most anxiously, and which the mutual antipathies and
disagreements of the two leaders at present prevent. If Palmerston
would consent to go to the House of Lords as Premier, and to leave Lord
John with a high office (India, for example) as leader in the House of
Commons, something might be done. Lord John might possibly be induced
to cede his claim to the highest place on this condition, but it is not
unlikely that he would require more than that: first, that Clarendon
should not be at the Foreign Office, which Palmerston would no doubt
not agree to; and secondly, certain places and seats in the Cabinet
for the Peelites, who have recently consented to follow his standard
and cast their own lots with his. Then various complications present
themselves connected with these questions.
_April 4th._--The Duke of Bedford has written to Lady Derby that her
lord must make up his mind to be beaten on his India Bill, but that
he hopes he will not think it necessary to resign upon it when he is.
Brougham writes from Paris that the feeling against us there has been
greatly exaggerated, that the Emperor _alone_ is friendly to us, but
that though the general sentiment is unfriendly, nobody dreams of going
to war with us, nor indeed with any other Power.
_April 8th._--Derby made a striking speech at the Mansion House the
other night, which has been severely ridiculed by the 'Times,' but
which nevertheless contained a good deal of truth. He said that there
were very few questions nowadays in which different Governments _could_
act differently, and he invited not only every sort of criticism,
but of suggestion, as to the Indian Bills and measures now before
Parliament. The inference deducible from his speech (and in which I
have since been confirmed) is that, happen what may, he does not mean
to resign, and that the Government will not go out, unless they are
positively turned out. They say this unlucky India Bill was the sole
work of Ellenborough, and that the democratic clauses are the result
of an old fancy of his, but nobody can be desirous of admitting the
paternity of such a measure.
[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTIONS.]
_April 16th._--I have been confined to the house for several days, and
unable to mix in the world and hear what is going on, but have seen
enough to know that there is nothing but confusion, perplexity, and
irritation in the political world. During the brief recess everybody
was speculating about what would be done when Parliament met again,
what was to be the fate of the rival India Bills, and how far the
Government would be affected by the result of contests concerning them.
The Government hangers-on affected to be very well satisfied with the
state of affairs, and proclaimed their intention not to go out whatever
might happen with regard to their bills. The Palmerstonians evidently
expected that such storms would arise as the Government would not be
able to weather, and that something would turn up advantageous to them.
John Russell, who must be doing something, said that the Government
bill was so bad that no alterations could make it tolerable, and that
he was disposed to move some Resolutions, which might be the foundation
of a really good measure. He concocted these Resolutions, and wrote
word to the Duke that 'he had written to George Lewis and to Macaulay,
who both approved of his scheme.' Accordingly, as soon as Parliament
met he announced that Resolutions ought to be drawn up, and that he was
ready to draw them up. This produced great excitement. The Government
saw in this move a plank of safety for themselves, and Disraeli said he
was ready to receive Lord John's Resolutions, or to draw up Resolutions
of his own; many people said that if Resolutions were to be drawn up at
all, it ought to be by Government, and not by any independent member,
and it was eventually settled that Disraeli was to do it. Everybody saw
that this, as far as it went, was advantageous to the Government; it
gave them certainly a reprieve, and possibly an opportunity of ridding
themselves of the Indian difficulty altogether for this year, and the
consequence was a burst of indignation and resentment against Lord John
for thus coming to their aid as it was called, and concerting such a
measure (as he was accused of doing) with Disraeli himself. The 'Times'
attacked him with the utmost bitterness, and there is a general clamour
against him on the part of the late Government and their friends. It
is not very easy to divine his true motives in this matter. To judge
by the asperity with which he has spoken of the Government bill, one
should not suppose he could be moved by any auxiliary purpose to them,
and I do not believe there has been any concert, direct or indirect,
between them; but as all parties agree that the Government have derived
advantage from his move, the rage he has excited is not unreasonable,
and the breach between him and the Palmerstonian Whigs is much widened,
and become more difficult to heal. Granville, who I suppose speaks the
sentiments of his colleagues, says that it is evident they could not
return to office with the _same_ Government exactly as before, and
that it is not desirable to turn the Government out at present, even
if they could, and he thinks it would not be wise to attempt to carry
Palmerston's India Bill, in which it is not sure they should succeed.
He thinks there _was_ concert between Lord John and Disraeli, not
direct, but through Horsman, and he says that George Lewis, so far from
approving his Resolutions, strongly protested against them; but it is
not impossible to reconcile two statements which seem at first sight to
be directly opposed to each other. Lord John says he imparted to George
Lewis and Macaulay his _scheme_ (i.e. of drawing up Resolutions), not
the Resolutions themselves, while George Lewis seems to deny approval
of the Resolutions; but this is only a possible solution of the
apparent contradictions.
I told Granville that all that was now happening only served to confirm
my original opinion, that they were wrong in resigning, and that there
was no occasion for their doing so, and they now saw how difficult
it was, when they had let this Government in, to get them out again,
and he not only had not a word to say in reply, but all he did was
rather indicative of concurrence in my opinion. In the most palmy days
of party government, and when the old traditions with regard to the
relations of Government with the House of Commons were in full force,
it was not considered as an invariable and unavoidable necessity that
a Government when beaten on an important question must go out. I
recollect the Government of the day in 1815 being beaten on the Income
Tax, without therefore resigning, and it is so obvious that the vote on
the French despatch did not imply any general withdrawal of confidence
and support, that I never shall believe they would have resigned as
they did unless they had thought they should gain more strength and
power by doing so without losing their places, and consequently that
they were caught in a trap of their own setting.
[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S BUDGET.]
_April 24th._--The events of the past week have been Disraeli's Budget,
which has been received with favour and excited no opposition in any
quarter, and the withdrawal of the Government India Bill, which was
done by Disraeli, rather unwillingly; but their maxim seems to be
'anything for a quiet life,' and they agree to whatever is proposed or
opposed in any influential quarter. The general notion is that they
are safe for this session, but it is a very inglorious safety. It now
appears as if they would scramble and hobble on until the whole Liberal
party is reunited, and a reconciliation effected between Palmerston and
John Russell, to bring about which it is clear that much exertion is
being made.
While I was at Newmarket this week I had several letters from the Duke
of Bedford, all bearing upon this matter. He writes on the 16th: 'I
hear that the feeling against John has been very strong and that lies
have been told as usual. It is said that he has been in communication
with Derby indirectly, through Lady Derby, and that he wrote to
Disraeli. If he did, it was only on a matter of ordinary courtesy,
to ask him to postpone the second reading of the India Bill, to give
time for a different course which he intended to suggest and did the
first day the House met. John has been left by circumstances or by
his old colleagues to pursue his own independent course, and ought
not to be found fault with, if he pursued that course, as he did in
this instance, after conferring with the friends I named to you, and
receiving their approval. No doubt his move was very successful to
the Government, and helped them out of an enormous difficulty, but
I can see no harm in that.' There was a great deal more about the
communications between Lord John and George Lewis, which now only
signifies as demonstrating the extreme difficulty of getting at the
truth. It is evident that there is a great desire on the part of the
Whigs to bring about a reunion with Lord John and those who follow
him, in order to get the Government out, for which the rank and file
are getting more and more impatient. Lewis told me last night that
_they_ are holding constant Cabinets, which always ended with the same
resolution, not to do anything, or to make any serious attack; and
they have made up their minds to acquiesce in Derby's going on through
this session; but nothing can exceed the contempt and aversion with
which Lewis speaks of the Government and of all their proceedings,
certainly not without reason, for there is no example of any Government
consenting to hold office on terms so humiliating, and to such a
powerless existence. They dare not originate anything, and they submit
to everything that anybody proposes or suggests, having seemingly no
object but that of currying favour, and avoiding to give offence. The
way in which Disraeli withdrew his India Bill upon a few words spoken
by John Russell is a curious exemplification of their forlorn state.
Lord Cowley, whom I saw yesterday, is desirous, like everybody else, to
see the end of this feeble rule; but he thinks Palmerston's disposition
is very unbending, and doubts his and Lord John's being brought
together, notwithstanding that Lady Palmerston tells the Duke of
Bedford that Palmerston 'has a great affection for John.' Cowley talked
a great deal about French affairs and the state of things between the
two countries, and he expressed great apprehensions lest Malmesbury
should make too many concessions to the French Government,[1] which,
however, he meant to prevent if he could. He mentioned one or two odd
things. First of all he told me that he had foreseen all the effects
produced by the Walewski letter, and had done all he could to prevent
its being sent, and he was amazed at Clarendon having taken it so
quietly, and that he should have seen no impropriety or danger in it,
but on the contrary thought it would do good. Then with regard to
Walewski's other letter in reply to Malmesbury, which, objectionable
as it was, had been greatly softened from the original draft, had it
been despatched as at first composed by Walewski, he said it would have
raised an inextinguishable flame here. Cowley said that the Emperor's
nerves were shaken to pieces by the _attentat_, and he was greatly
changed.
Footnote 1: [The publication of Lord Malmesbury's autobiography has
proved that he was not at all disposed to make any undue concessions to
the French Government, and that he acted as long as this Administration
lasted in strict union with Lord Cowley. The Emperor Napoleon
complained that his old friend assumed too stern an attitude towards
France in the course of the events which followed in the next few
months and led to the Italian War.]
[Sidenote: DECADENCE OF THE MINISTRY.]
_April 29th._--Every day the position of the Government gets worse
and worse. The disposition there was to give them a fair opportunity
of carrying on public affairs as well as they could has given way to
disgust and contempt at their blundering and stupidity, and those
who have all along resented their attempt to hold office at all are
becoming more impatient and more anxious to turn them out. There
is a very temperate, but very just, article in the 'Times' to-day,
which contains all that is to be said on the subject, stated without
bitterness or exaggeration. The Whigs, however, seem aware that it
is not expedient to push matters to extremity, and to force their
resignation, until the quarrels of the Liberal party are made up, and
till Palmerston and John Russell are brought together and prepared to
join in taking office, and to effect this object the most strenuous
efforts are making. What the pacificators aim at is, that Palmerston
should go as Premier to the House of Lords, and leave Lord John to
lead the House of Commons. This is the most reasonable compromise, and
one which ought to be satisfactory to both; but even if this leading
condition were agreed to, it is not certain that there might not be
others presenting great obstacles to the union, such as whether Lord
John would agree to join without bringing a certain number of men
with him, and whether Palmerston would consent to exclude so many of
his former Cabinet to make room for them. Graham, Lord John would, I
suppose, certainly insist upon; Gladstone would probably be no party
to any arrangement, and he has recently evinced his extreme antipathy
to Palmerston by a bitter though able review in the 'Quarterly' on
France and the late Ministry, in which he attacks Palmerston with
extraordinary asperity.
Ever since he resigned Palmerston has been very active in the House of
Commons, and kept himself constantly before the public, evidently with
the object of recovering his former popularity as much as possible,
and he made a very clever and lively speech two nights ago, which his
friends praise up to the skies.
I met Derby in the Park yesterday, and soon after the Chancellor in
Piccadilly, and had some talk with both of them. They were neither
of them in a very sanguine mood, and apparently well aware of the
precariousness of their position. Derby attributed the state of
affairs, which he owned was very bad, to the caprice and perverseness
of the House of Commons, which he said was unmanageable. I did not, as
I might have done, tell him that he had no right to complain of this
House, and that it was the mismanagement of his own colleagues which
was the cause of the evil. Lyndhurst made an extraordinary speech on
the Jew Bill on Tuesday night.
_May 1st._--Ellice flattered himself that he could get up a party
in the House of Commons which would have power enough to stop the
progress of the Indian measure, and to lead to a better measure next
year, as well as to the formation of a Government; and in pursuance
of this scheme it was arranged that Lord Harry Vane should move the
postponement of Indian legislation, and Ellice told me they should be
supported by 150, and many men of note. All this went off in smoke
last night. After a short debate the motion was rejected by an immense
majority, and Ellice could only muster 55 people.
The hopes of those who are trying to bring Lord John and Palmerston
together are damped by a letter I have received (and shown to George
Byng) from the Duke of Bedford, who says: 'I saw much of Palmerston and
Lady Palmerston last week, but could see no disposition to reunion,
although we came to that point more than once. I suggested to Lady
Palmerston the wish of many that Palmerston should go to the House
of Lords. She said that Palmerston had always entertained a great
dislike to it, and hinted, or more than hinted, that he would place
no confidence in John as leader of the House of Commons.' I went to
hear Professor Owen lecture yesterday. His style of lecturing is very
good, but the subject (vertebrated animals) was too scientific for my
ignorance.
_Savernake, May 11th._--I have been out of town all the last week,
at Chester, and came here on Saturday. While I was at Chester the
Duke of Bedford sent me a note he had received from Lord John, which
looked like the beginning of a _rapprochement_ between him and
Palmerston, though it did not amount to a great deal, and may lead
to nothing. I was obliged to return it, and was too much occupied
to copy the contents of it here. I refer so often to this subject,
because it appears to be the one upon which the existence of the
present Government depends, for as soon as the Liberals can come to
an understanding and act in concert, the doom of the Ministry will
be sealed. Without their committing any great faults they seem to be
falling into greater contempt every day.
[Sidenote: LORD CANNING'S OUDE PROCLAMATION.]
The only point of attack the Opposition have found has been the affair
of Canning's recent Proclamation.[1] Canning has not been lucky in
his Proclamations, the first having been severely criticised for its
clemency, and the second for its severity. The complaint against the
Government is for having made public their disapproval of it and their
censure of his acts. I think their disapprobation quite right, and
that they were right in conveying it to Canning, but they might have
refused to express any opinion or to publish or half publish any of
the correspondence that passed, though it cannot be doubted that such
refusal would have drawn upon them all sorts of attacks and reproaches,
but it would have been the proper course for them to adopt. It is,
however, certainly premature to express any definite opinion upon an
act of which we are not yet furnished with an explanation.
I went yesterday to see Littlecote House, Mr. Popham's, a very curious,
interesting old house, and the scene of the Wild Dayrell story and
murder, the tradition of which has been often narrated, but the truth
never ascertained. I saw all the rooms, including the one in which
the murder is supposed to have been committed, but they have been
much altered. There is a fine old hall, hung round with the armour
and buff coats of Colonel Popham's troopers, and it is a remarkable
fact that they are all so small that no man of ordinary size could
wear them, a clear proof that the present generation are much bigger
than our ancestors of two centuries ago. King William III. slept at
Littlecote for two or three nights in 1689 (while King James was at
Salisbury), and he seems to have left behind him a good many papers,
which have ever since been preserved in the house. There is also a
large collection of miscellaneous letters of the time of the Civil War,
more or less curious, which were preserved by a lucky accident. Popham
told me that his father told him there was a mass of papers in an old
box under the roof of the house which had better be destroyed. His son
went up for the purpose, and discovered the contents of the box, saved
the papers, and had them arranged in a book. I urged him to publish
them, and I hope he will. I had only time to look over a few of them;
as autographs alone they are valuable.[2]
Footnote 1: [The Proclamation of March 3, addressed to the chiefs
and people of Oude, is here referred to. It was strongly opposed and
attacked as a wholesale measure of confiscation, before the motives
and policy of the act were understood; but Lord Canning's object was
to reinstate the talookdars in their possessions by a tenure under the
British Crown, and subsequent events have shown that the resettlement
of the conquered province was accomplished without violence or
injustice.]
Footnote 2: [Amongst these Littlecote papers was found the
correspondence of Queen Henrietta Maria with Charles I. when she went
to Holland to raise money for carrying on the Civil War. I am not aware
that they have been published.]
[Sidenote: THE WHIGS NEGOTIATE.]
_London, May 13th._--Nothing ever was like the state of confusion
and excitement which has prevailed here during the last fortnight,
while I have been out of town, particularly on the resignation of
Ellenborough, which took everybody by surprise. Before I went away the
impression had become general that this Government neither could nor
ought to be endured much longer, and that their repeated and enormous
blunders made them a nuisance which must be abated. All the Liberals
(except some of the extreme Radicals who wished them to stay on some
time longer), however they differed on other questions, were agreed
on this. Numerous meetings took place, and there was a prodigious
activity of negotiation, communication, and going backwards and
forwards, with a view to some general organisation and combination of
attack on the unfortunate Ministry. The Duke of Bedford was brought up
to see what he could do to bring Lord John and Palmerston together.
Lord John joined heartily in the plan of turning the Government out,
and said that _anything_ was preferable to leaving them any longer
in office. Clarendon, who had been informed of Lord John's peculiar
grudge against him, expressed a wish to have an interview with him,
which the Duke brought about. Lord John called on Clarendon, and
they had a frank communication, so far as Lord John telling him all
that he thought about foreign affairs, and in what he disagreed with
the late Government on various questions; but he did not allude to
Vienna, which is the real gist of his grievance and the source of his
hostile feeling, so that with that reticence it is not strange that
they should have parted much as they met. Then Palmerston expressed a
wish to have a _tête-à-tête_ conversation with Lord John, which the
latter assented to, but Palmerston seems to have changed his mind, and
to have shrunk from it when the opportunity presented itself. Charles
Wood is the man who has been constantly communicating with Lord John in
behalf of the Whig Cabinet, and one day Palmerston came into Charles
Wood's while Lord John was there. It rained, and Palmerston offered
to take Lord John home, which he accepted, but nothing passed on the
way, nor did Palmerston propose to get out and enter the house when he
might have had the conversation he had expressed a wish for, and so it
ended. The plans imagined by mutual friends for effecting a political
reconciliation have vanished into air. Palmerston is resolved not to go
to the House of Lords, and Lord John is equally determined not to take
office under him. Palmerston says he cannot trust Lord John to lead the
House of Commons. Personally, meanwhile, they are ostensibly friends,
and Lord John dines at Cambridge House to-morrow. Charles Wood asked
the Duke of Bedford, supposing the Government resigned, and Palmerston
was again sent for, what he thought Palmerston ought to do, to which he
replied that he ought to accept the task, send to Lord John, and on his
refusal to join (as he probably would), to do the best he could with
the materials he could command. This advice would, I conceive, be very
palateable to Palmerston, and it is what he would naturally do without
any advice.
I called on Lyndhurst the night I came to town, and found him very
dissatisfied with the Government, both on account of their management
and errors, and because they have treated him with personal neglect; he
had begged Derby and Disraeli to do something for his son-in-law, but
both put him off with excuses, and would do nothing. He is particularly
disgusted with the state of the Jew question, and with the foolish and
obstinate conduct of the Government in the House of Lords about it, on
which he was very eloquent, particularly for their having made a great
whip, and getting up every man they could lay hands on to come and
vote, instead of leaving it to take its chance, and at least making an
open question of it.
_May 16th._--The first great battle took place in the House of Lords
the night before last, at which I was present.[1]
[Sidenote: DEBATES ON THE OUDE PROCLAMATION.]
It was a very spirited fight, and I never recollect seeing the House
of Lords so crowded both with ladies and lords. Pretty good speaking;
Lord Grey's was about the best speech and the one I most agreed with.
I cannot see the matter of Canning's Proclamation and Ellenborough's
despatch in the light that either side does, and think there is much
to be said both ways. In the Commons the fight began on Friday also,
and the most remarkable speech in it was that of Cairns, the new
Solicitor-General, which was very clever and effective. John Russell
also spoke very well and vigorously, quite in his old style. There is
much difference of opinion as to the amount of majority, though it is
generally expected there will be one against Government, and I now hear
that they have determined positively to dissolve if they are beaten,
though with little or no chance of their bettering themselves by a
dissolution.
Footnote 1: [On May 14, Mr. Gardwell moved a resolution condemning the
despatch which Lord Ellenborough had written and published, censuring
the Proclamation of the Governor-General of India. A similar Resolution
was moved by Lord Shaftesbury in the House of Lords, where it was
defeated by a majority of nine. The debate in the House of Commons
lasted four nights, and in the interval Lord Ellenborough resigned. Mr.
Cardwell then withdrew his motion, and the attack on the Government
suddenly collapsed.]
[Sidenote: MR. CARDWELL WITHDRAWS HIS MOTION.]
_May 23rd_.--The excitement of Epsom during the whole of last week
was not greater than that which prevailed in London during the great
debates in the House of Commons, the result of which, on Thursday
night, produced such unusual surprise, with so much triumph on one
side and such mortification and disappointment on the other. In my
long experience I do not recollect to have seen so much political
bitterness and violence (except perhaps during the great contests of
the Catholic question and Reform), and certainly there never was a
great Parliamentary battle distinguished by so much uncertainty and so
many vicissitudes, and in which the end corresponded so little with the
beginning and with the general expectation. For a considerable time
not only all the late Cabinet and their supporters, but the whole body
of Whigs, both Palmerstonians and Russellites, had been growing more
and more impatient of the Derby Government, and they were considering
how they could make a final and irresistible attack upon them, and
for the last three weeks there had been nothing but negotiations and
_pourparlers_ to effect a coalition between the rival leaders and their
friends for the purpose of their at least uniting in one great hostile
vote, which should drive the Derbyites to resignation or dissolution,
hoping and expecting that their majority would be so large as to put
the latter out of the question. The occasion seemed to present itself
upon Ellenborough's letter to Canning censuring his Proclamation. A
meeting took place at Cambridge House, when the whole plan was matured,
and though John Russell did not attend it, he agreed to be a party to
the Motion of Censure. Shaftesbury was put forward in the Lords, and
Cardwell was induced to take the initiative in the House of Commons.
Nobody doubted of success, and the only question was (much debated and
betted upon) by how many the Government would be beaten. Meanwhile
Ellenborough resigned, which gave a new aspect to the affair, and the
Government got a small majority in the Lords. It was evident that no
popularity attached to the motion, and many of the Liberals were of
opinion that upon Ellenborough's resignation the affair ought to drop
and the motion be withdrawn. But the die was cast, the Palmerstonians
were quite confident and eager for the fray, and would not hear of
stopping in their career. The debate began, the speaking being all
along better on the Government side, and every day their prospects as
to the division appeared to be mending and public opinion more and
more inclining against the Opposition and the Proclamation, though
still blaming Ellenborough's letter. If the debate had ended on Tuesday
as was expected, Government would probably have been beaten, but Sir
Charles Napier had got Tuesday, and would not give it up, so that the
decision was of necessity adjourned; the delay was all in favour of
the Government, and on Thursday night arrived the Indian despatches
with Canning's explanations and the Outram correspondence, which was
immediately published, and although Palmerston and his friends and
newspapers pretended that they considered these documents favourable
to their cause, the general impression was rather the other way. All
this time the Government people found their cause improving, and
their chances in the division mending, and though their enemies still
pretended to be certain of success, and I was told on Thursday night
that I might safely lay any odds on their having a majority, the best
informed of them in the House of Commons began to see danger, and at
last they confessed only to expect a bare majority, and the Speaker
told somebody it was very likely he should have to give a casting vote.
The Radicals, or those of them who professed to be adherents of the
Whig Cabinet, strongly urged the withdrawal of Cardwell's motion, and
at last on the Thursday seem to have made up their minds that defeat
in some shape was inevitable, and that the best thing left for them to
do was to get rid of the debate in any way they could. Henry Lennox
called on me yesterday morning to tell me what had passed, to this
effect: that on Friday Disraeli had received a letter from Cardwell,
in which he asked if Disraeli would allow him to withdraw his motion,
and subsequently Palmerston desired to confer with him, when he put the
same question to him, to which (according to Henry Lennox's statement)
Disraeli replied, in a very lofty tone, that he would hear of nothing
which could possibly be construed into any admission on their part
of their meriting any part of the censure which the Opposition had
been labouring to cast upon them. The Government had by this time
ascertained that the Opposition had made their minds up to back out of
the motion as best they might, and their retreat was not very cleverly
done, beginning with Cardwell's refusal to withdraw, and ending with
Palmerston's recommendation to him to yield, which was a got up thing.
The scene in the House was most extraordinary, and particularly
mortifying to Palmerston, who saw himself involved in inevitable
defeat, and without the power of rallying again for some time. If
anybody could be excused for the impatience which brought him and his
party into this dilemma, it was Palmerston, who in his seventy fourth
year, and resolved to die in harness if he could, had no time to lose.
This affair has been the battle of Marengo of political warfare. The
Whigs appeared to be victorious, and carrying everything before them up
to the eleventh hour, and then came a sudden turn of affairs, and the
promise of victory was turned into rout and disaster. The campaign is
lost, and for the rest of this session the Government have it all their
own way. The Whigs are in the condition of a defeated army, who require
to be completely reorganized and re-formed before they can take the
field again. The general resentment and mortification are extreme. They
have naturally lost all confidence in their leaders, and they are now
all ready to complain of the tactics of which they entirely approved
till they found that defeat had been the consequence of their adoption.
It is not probable that Palmerston and his late Cabinet will attempt
anything more during this session, and everything is in such a state of
confusion and uncertainty that the best thing they can do is to remain
quiet, merely in a state of watchfulness, and to see what the _volvenda
dies_ may bring about in the course of the next six months, leaving
the Derbyites unmolested during that time. Derby will get Gladstone if
possible to take the India Board, and this will be the best thing that
can happen. His natural course is to be at the head of a Conservative
Government, and he may, if he acts with prudence, be the means of
raising that party to something like dignity and authority, and
emancipating it from its dependence on the discreditable and insincere
support of the Radicals.
_June 7th._--At Cleveden, at Ascot, and at Hatchford all the past week,
during which I heard little or nothing about politics. The matter which
made the most stir was Disraeli's impudent and mendacious speech at
Slough, in which he bitterly attacked the last Ministry and glorified
his own. The Whigs were stung to madness, and two or three nights were
occupied in both Houses, principally by Palmerston and Clarendon, in
answering this speech, and demonstrating its falsehood. The proceeding
was not very dignified, and they might just as well have left it alone,
particularly as nobody cared much about what Disraeli said; but there
was so little sympathy for the ex-Ministers, that no indignation was
excited by it, except among themselves and their immediate friends.
There seems little chance now of anything but a desultory warfare
going on in the House of Commons, without any serious attack on
the Government, who seem safe for this session at least. The most
interesting event last week was the virtual settlement of the eternal
Jew Question, which the House of Lords sulkily acquiesced in. It was
very desirable for many reasons to put an end to it.
[Sidenote: UNPOPULARITY OF LORD PALMERSTON.]
_Norman Court, June 16th._--Every day it appears more and more evident
that Palmerston's political career is drawing to a close, and he alone
seems blind to the signs which denote it. Few things are stranger
than the violent reaction which has deprived him of his popularity,
and made him an object of bitter aversion to a considerable part of
the Liberals, not only to such men as Graham and Bright, but even to
many of his former followers and adherents. I cannot say I am sorry
for it, but I do in fairness think that this reaction is overdone and
exaggerated, and the hostility to Palmerston greater than there is any
reason for. I do not wish to see him again at the head of affairs, but
I should be sorry to see a man so distinguished, who has been exalted
so high, and who has many good qualities, end his life, or at least his
political career, under circumstances of mortification and humiliation.
If this happens it will be owing principally to his obstinacy in
persisting in leading a party who have no longer any mind to be led
by him, and the insatiable ambition which cannot brook the notion of
retirement at any time of life. If he was wise, and was not blinded
by vanity and the flattery of his hangers-on, he would take a juster
and clearer view of his position, and supposing him still intent on
playing the political game, he would endeavour to act a part as nearly
like that which Peel acted in his last years as the difference of
circumstances would admit.
But the determination to have no more to do with Palmerston has not
made the Whigs and Liberals more disposed to throw themselves into
the arms of Lord John, and as yet, so far from any appearance of a
reorganisation of the Liberal party, they seem more disunited and
scattered than ever. Even Lord John and Graham, who seemed to be most
closely allied, are now continually voting different ways; and as to
the other leading men, it is impossible to predict how they will vote
on any subject that comes before Parliament. In this state of confusion
many Liberal-Conservatives are beginning to wish for the consolidation
of the Government, and are inclining to support it, if the Government
itself will give them an opportunity of doing so, by asserting their
own independence as a _Conservative_ Government, and will leave off
truckling to the Radicals, by accepting measures which everyone knows
to be repugnant to their feelings and opinions, and inconsistent
with the principles they have always professed. Men who supported
Palmerston's Government because they considered it to be a Conservative
one, foresee that before long parties must assume the character of
Radical and Conservative, the Whigs being merged in the former, and
that the party of the present Government forms the only force capable
of resisting the Whig and Radical union when it takes place, and that
their best course will be to join the Conservative camp, if the present
Government do not, by unprincipled and inconsistent concessions for the
sake of an easy official existence, render it impossible for them to do
so. I do not know to what extent this feeling prevails, but I believe
it is extending, and Lord St. Germans, who is a very staunch friend to
the late Government, and latterly belonged to them, told me the other
day that Granville had great difficulty in keeping his people together.
Ashburton is very warm and eager in this sense, and though neither of
these men have much weight, I have no doubt they are exponents of the
sentiments of a much larger number. I called on Lyndhurst on Monday
evening, and talked this question over with him, and entreated him to
speak to Derby upon it. We were very well agreed, and he said he would
endeavour to talk to Derby, but he is rather embarrassed, because he
does not know what Derby is going to do about the Jew Bill, there being
some strange signs of an intention on the part of Derby to throw it
over after all, though this would be so extremely foolish, as well
as so false and dishonourable, that I cannot believe it is in his
contemplation.
[Sidenote: MINISTERS GAIN GROUND.]
_June 22nd._--During the week I passed at Norman Court the Government
here were gaining ground. They had two good divisions in the House of
Commons, sufficient to prove that if they cannot command a majority
here, they have at least as much influence and power and are as well
supported as any other leader or party. Then the publication of the
Cagliari papers, and the way in which that question was settled,
was a real triumph to the Foreign Office, and acknowledged to be so
by the whole Press of every shade, and by everybody in Parliament,
not excepting the ex-Ministers themselves. They are undoubtedly
gaining strength, while the chances of another Palmerston Government
become more and more faint and remote. All information coincides in
representing Palmerston's unpopularity as great and general, certainly
the most extraordinary change that ever took place in so short a time.
The Duke of Bedford writes to me from Endsleigh: 'I hear of only one
general feeling against Palmerston in the West. What a change since
this time last year!'
I had a long talk with Tom Baring at Norman Court about the Government,
their proceedings and their prospects, and we agreed entirely on the
subject. I wanted him to speak to some of his friends the ministers,
and to endeavour to get them to act a bolder and more consistent part
as a Conservative Government, and he urged me to speak to Disraeli,
which I told him I would do, and only refrained from doubting if I
could do any real good with him. The Government are certainly placed
in a difficult position. The Government and party whom they replaced
were determined to thrust them out again as soon as possible, and their
weakness and danger drove them into a quasi-alliance with the Radicals,
or at least into so much deference and so many concessions to Radicals
and Ultra-Liberals, that the Whigs, who were baffled and kept out by
this policy, held them up to bitter scorn and reproach for acting in
this manner, and now, when they agree to any measure with regard to
which concession is reasonable and prudent, they are always assailed
with the same reproaches instead of getting credit for so doing. To be
sure they often contrive to make their concessions in such a way as to
deprive them of all grace and merit. This has been pre-eminently the
case with the Jew Bill.
[Sidenote: ADMISSION OF THE JEWS TO PARLIAMENT.]
Among the events of last week one of the most interesting was the
Queen's visit to Birmingham, where she was received by the whole
of that enormous population with an enthusiasm which is said to
have exceeded all that was ever displayed in her former receptions
at Manchester or elsewhere. It is impossible not to regard such
manifestations as both significant and important. They evince a
disposition in those masses of the population in which, if anywhere,
the seeds of Radicalism are supposed to lurk, most favourable to the
Conservative cause, by which I mean not to this or that party, but
to the Monarchy and the Constitution under which we are living and
flourishing, and which we may believe to be still dear to the hearts
of the people of this country. This great fact lends some force to
the notion entertained by many political thinkers, that there is more
danger in conferring political power on the middle classes than in
extending it far beneath them, and in point of fact that there is so
little to be apprehended from the extension of the suffrage, that
universal suffrage itself would be innocuous. Amongst the concessions
of last week was the passing of Locke King's Bill for abolishing a
property qualification, which was done with hardly any opposition.
There can be no doubt that the practice was a mere sham, and that
a property qualification was very often a fiction or a fraud, and
such being the case, that it was useless to keep up the distinction;
but it struck me, though I do not find that it occurred to anybody
else, that the abolition might sooner or later have an indirect
influence upon the question of the suffrage, for it may be urged, not
without plausibility, that if it be held no longer necessary that
a representative should have any property whatever, there is great
inconsistency in requiring that the elector should have a certain
amount of property to entitle him to vote.
_June 26th._--The India Bill appears now likely to pass rather rapidly
and in the shape presented by the Government. Everybody is tired to
death of the subject and anxious to have it over, and the general
impatience is increased by alarm at the foul state of the Thames, which
(long discussed in a negligent way, and without much public attention
or care) has suddenly assumed vast proportions, and is become an object
of general interest and apprehension. This makes the House of Commons
eager to finish its business as expeditiously as it can, and members
impatient to betake themselves to a purer and safer atmosphere. The
Government continues to maintain its ascendency there, and last night
Palmerston was beaten by considerable majorities on two amendments he
moved to the India Bill.
The Chancellor has drawn down great obloquy on himself by a speech
which he made at the Mansion House a night or two ago. Derby's illness
having prevented his going to the dinner (given to the Ministers),
Thesiger had to speak for him, and he made the very worst, most
injudicious, and unbecoming speech which was ever delivered on such
an occasion. No rule is more established than that politics are not
to be introduced at these dinners, and yet his speech was nothing but
a political song of triumph and glorification of his own Government
and colleagues, as somebody said, a counterpart (though less offensive
one) of Disraeli's Slough speech. All their heads are turned, and the
Chancellor's as much or more than any.
Then there is a grand mess about the Jew question, which is hung up
in a sort of abeyance in consequence of Derby's not being able to
come down to the House of Lords. From the moment that Derby took
upon himself to announce his abandonment of the contest, which he
did not frankly and fully, but sulkily and reluctantly, he seems
to have half repented of what he did, and to have, if not made,
permitted and connived at, all sorts of difficulties and obstacles,
while his subordinates and some of his colleagues have interposed to
prevent or delay the final settlement. It is difficult to believe
that he himself ever cared a straw about the Jew question, or that
his opposition had any motive except that of pleasing the bigoted and
narrow-minded of his party. His good sense saw that the moment was come
when surrender was the best policy if not an absolute necessity, and
having given utterance to this conviction, no doubt to the enormous
disgust of many of his followers, it was his interest to get rid of
the question as quickly as possible, and dismiss what as long as it
remained on the _tapis_ in any shape was a source of disagreement and
ill-humour between him and his party. It is marvellous, therefore,
that so clever a man should have acted so foolish a part as he has
done. Having disgusted his own party by his concession, he is now
disgusting everybody else and all other parties by his hesitation and
pusillanimity in carrying it out, and, with an absence of dignity and
firmness which is utterly unworthy of the high position he holds, he
has permitted his Chancellor and some half-dozen subordinate members
of his Government to do all they can to thwart the settlement of the
question, and prolong the exclusion of the Jews. Instead of taking the
matter into his own hands, and dealing with it according to the plain
suggestions of common sense and sound policy, he has permitted a sort
of little conspiracy to go on, which is exceedingly likely to bring
about a collision between the two Houses, and to raise a flame in the
House of Commons the consequences of which may be more serious to the
Government than any one contemplates. Lyndhurst, whose wise head is
provoked and disgusted to the last degree at all these proceedings, has
bitterly complained of them, and at the way in which they have treated
him, and the bill he drew up for the express purpose of putting an end
to the dilemma.
_July 9th._--After all Derby ran true to the Jew Bill, and if he did
it in an awkward way, allowances must be made for him and for his
difficulties with his party, who are full of chagrin at being compelled
to swallow this obnoxious measure. It is on the whole better that the
bulk of them should have voted in conformity with their notorious
opinions, as it made no difference as to the result, and has a better
appearance than if they had whisked round at Derby's bidding. The India
Bill has passed the House of Commons pretty harmoniously, and people
seem to think it has been licked into a very decent shape.
The most interesting event of the present day is the marriage of Lord
Overstone's daughter to a Major Lindsay,[1] who has got the greatest
heiress who ever existed, that is, supposing she inherits her father's
prodigious wealth, which since old Jones Loyd's death is reckoned to
amount to six or seven millions.
Footnote 1: [Afterwards Sir Robert Loyd Lindsay, V.C., raised to
the Peerage in 1885 by the title of Lord Wantage. The property of
Lord Overstone, as disposed of by his will, amounted to about three
millions, and would pass in reversion to the Loyd family on the failure
of issue by his daughter.]
_July 13th._--After an ineffectual attempt on the part of the
Opposition to get rid of the 'reasons' of the Lords, the Jew Bill has
passed, Granville and Lansdowne protesting against the absurdity of the
conduct of Derby with regard to it. It is remarkable that though Lord
Lansdowne has for some time appeared much _baissé_, his speech was as
good and sensible a speech as he ever made in his life. As to Derby,
as it is impossible that so clever a man as he is could willingly act
so foolish and even ridiculous a part as he has done on this occasion,
I conclude that he felt obliged to do what he has done in order to
avoid quarrelling with his own friends, who without doubt are intensely
disgusted at the bitter pill he has obliged them to swallow, and as
he knows best what he can venture with them and what not, it is more
reasonable to accept the measure on his own terms than to be angry with
him for the way in which he has contrived it.
[Sidenote: CONTINUED WARFARE IN INDIA.]
The last accounts from India are far from satisfactory, and the
apprehensions which I long ago felt and expressed, but which I had
begun to think unfounded, seem not unlikely to be realised. It is
clear that the contest is neither over nor drawing to a close. Our
danger consists in the swarms of armed and hostile natives, and in
the climate. The rebels we always beat when we can grapple with them,
but we cannot crush and subdue them. They gather together and assail
our people when a good opportunity presents itself, and when they
are repulsed (as is always the case) their masses are dissolved and
scattered abroad, without any material diminution of their numbers,
and ready to assemble and attack any other vulnerable point, while the
British troops are harassed to death by unceasing pursuits of foes
so much more nimble and able to endure the climate than themselves.
This species of warfare must be disheartening and disgusting, and it
involves a consumption of life requiring more reinforcements than we
can supply. All the accounts we receive concur in the insufficiency of
the European force and the necessity of fresh supplies. One letter I
saw yesterday talks of 40,000 men being requisite.
_Petworth, July 31st._--I came here from Goodwood, not having been here
for twenty years, and am rather glad to see once more a place where I
passed so much of my time in my younger days. I think it is the finest
house I have ever seen, and its collection of pictures is unrivalled
for number, beauty, and interest. Parliament is to be up on Monday, and
the Council for the prorogation is to take place to-day at Osborne.
[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH COUNT BRUNNOW.]
I met Brunnow at Goodwood, who talked over the political events of the
Russian war, and assured me that the part he had played in it had been
much misrepresented, that he had never been misled by Aberdeen, nor
had he ever misled the Emperor Nicholas, but on the contrary had told
him, without any disguise, the real state of affairs, and the almost
certainty that war would ensue, that he was well aware himself, and had
impressed on his master, that although Aberdeen was most anxious to
avoid war, he had no power to do so, and that though he was nominally
Prime Minister, he was destitute of the authority of one. He said the
Emperor was quite sincere in all he had said to Hamilton Seymour, and
if we had had at Petersburg a minister with more tact and judgement,
war would not have taken place.
He (Brunnow) had urged Aberdeen to send Granville there for the
purpose, who, he thinks, would have done very well, and of whom he has
a high opinion.
_London, August 15th._--I returned to town from Petworth last Monday
week, and on Tuesday a fit of gout came on, which has laid me up
ever since, leaving me no energy to do anything, and least of all to
execute the purpose I entertained of sketching the past session of
Parliament, and the curious events which it evolved; the decline and
fall of Palmerston and his Government, the advent of Derby, and the
vicissitudes of his career, deserve a narrative which might, if well
handled by some well-informed writer, be made very interesting: but
I am conscious of my own unfitness and dare not attempt it. It is in
truth time for me to leave off keeping a journal, for by degrees I
have lost the habit of communicating with all the people from whom I
have been in the habit of obtaining political information, and I know
nothing worth recording.