[738] Corre, pp. 15, 16.
[739] In the first edition of this book we had counted such peoples as
the Fulbe, the Haussa and the Tuareg among the savages. Dr. Vierkandt,
in his article on “Die Verbreitung der Sklaverei und ihre Ursachen”,
rightly remarks that they are rather to be regarded as semi-civilized
peoples.
[740] Chaillé Long, p. 29.
[741] Wilson and Felkin, II pp. 163, 162.
[742] Schweinfurth, I p. 164.
[743] Schweinfurth; Junker.
[744] Junker, I p. 531; Wilson and Felkin, II p. 96.
[745] Stuhlmann, pp. 774 sqq. (by Emin Pascha).
[746] Stuhlmann, pp. 492–529.
[747] Ibid., pp. 530 sqq.
[748] Junker, II pp. 477, 462.
[749] Junker, I pp. 331, 411, 428.
[750] Schweinfurth, II pp. 164, 190; Junker, III pp. 4, 292.
[751] Schweinfurth, II, pp. 45, 82; Junker, II pp. 265, 266, 317; III
p. 129.
[752] Burrows, p. 45.
[753] Junker, III p. 507.
[754] Baumann, p. 224.
[755] Baumann, p. 179.
[756] Ibid., p. 173. Kannenberg’s statement, that captives are made
slaves, does not seem to prove anything. These slaves may be sold
abroad (see Kannenberg, p. 167, and below p. 164).
[757] Baumann, p. 187.
[758] Schweinfurth; Junker; Wilson and Felkin.
[759] Compiègne, Gabonais, p. 92; Hutchinson, p. 191.
[760] Sibree, p. 227.
[761] Hildebrandt, West-Madagascar, p. 113
[762] Walter, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 381, 387.
[763] Fritsch, p. 261.
[764] Fritsch, p. 364.
[765] See above, p. 139.
[766] Galton, p. 142.
[767] Wandrer, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 323.
[768] Holub, Süd-Afrika, I, p. 112.
[769] Livingstone, Miss. Trav.; Fritsch; Theal; Passarge, Die
Buschmänner.
[770] Fritsch, p. 444.
[771] Schweinfurth, II pp. 107–126; Emin Bey; Burrows.
[772] Burrows, pp. 39, 38.
[773] Lenz has some notes on the Abongos.
[774] Serpa Pinto, I p. 322.
[775] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 154, 155.
[776] Ibid., p. 207.
[777] Ibid., pp. 231, 239, 244, 245.
[778] Ibid., pp. 279, 308–311 etc.; see also Junker I p. 180; von
Müller, p. 428.
[779] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 483, 484, 497.
[780] Munzinger, Bogos, pp. 42, 43, 48–56.
[781] Paulitschke, I pp. 261, 262; II pp. 139–141.
[782] Paulitschke, I pp. 260, 263; II pp. 138, 139. Concerning the
Somal see also Bottego, pp. 422–425; Hildebrandt, Somal, p. 4.
[783] Baumann, p. 165; Kallenberg, p. 93; Merker, pp. 96, 97, 118, 208.
[784] Kannenberg, p. 155; Baumstark.
[785] Kandt, p. 254.
[786] Thomson, Through Massailand; Johnston; Baumann; Kallenberg; von
Höhnel.
[787] Thomson, l.c. p. 448; Johnston, p. 402.
[788] On Kannenberg’s statement that the Wandorobo enslave captives the
same may be remarked as above with regard to the Warangi (See
Kannenberg p. 170).
[789] Thomson, l. c; Johnston; von Höhnel.
[790] See above, p. 157, note 1.
[791] In this paragraph we speak of “positive” and “negative cases”,
meaning only the clear cases.
[792] Morgan, Anc. Soc., see especially, pp. 10–12.
[793] Vierkandt, Culturtypen, pp. 67, 69.
[794] Vierkandt, l.c., p. 61.
[795] Peschel (pp. 144, 145) has already given nearly the same list.
Vierkandt adds to Peschel’s list the Negritos, Kubus and African
pigmy-tribes. The earliest enumeration of “lowest races” we know of is
that given by Malthus (Population, pp. 15–20). He mentions as such the
Fuegians, Tasmanians, Andamanese and Australians.
[796] Steinmetz, Classification, p. 133.
[797] Vierkandt, l.c., pp. 67, 69, 71, 72. His distinction of nomadic
and settled semi-civilized peoples is entirely an economic one.
[798] We may leave out of the question Zu Wied’s uncertain statement
about the Botocudos. Of the pigmy-tribes we do not know very much; but
nowhere is it stated that any of them have slaves.
[799] On the different systems of classification, see Steinmetz’s
“Classification”, from which it clearly appears that a good division of
the peoples of the earth according to their general culture is still
wanting.
[800] Bagehot, p. 72.
[801] Grünberg, Article “Unfreiheit”, in Handwörterbuch der
Staatswissenschaften, 2nd edition.
[802] Spencer, Ind. Inst., p. 456.
[803] Tourmagne, p. 3.
[804] Morgan, Anc. Soc., pp. 80, 10, 13, 11.
[805] Schmoller, Die Thatsachen der Arbeitsteilung, p. 1010.
[806] Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 339.
[807] Ingram, pp. 1, 2.
[808] Flügel, p. 95.
[809] Schurtz, Katechismus, p. 110.
[810] Lippert, II pp. 522, 535.
[811] Lamprecht, I p. 165.
[812] Dimitroff, p. 88.
[813] Peschel, p. 253. “Koloshes” is the Russian name for Tlinkits.
[814] Wagner, p. 375.
[815] Tylor, Anthropology, p. 434.
[816] Spencer, Ind. Inst., p. 459.
[817] Bos, p. 191.
[818] Felix, II pp. 250.
[819] Mommsen, I p. 191.
[820] Letourneau, p. 491. See also Sutherland, I p. 379.
[821] Dargun, pp. 59–61.
[822] Grosse, p. 28.
[823] Hahn, Die Haustiere, pp. 388 sqq. In a recent little book (Die
Entstehung der wirtschaftlichen Arbeit, 1908, p. 92), Dr. Hahn,
speaking of the first edition of the present work, observes that the
result of our investigations amounts to very little, the reason being
that we have confined ourselves to the study of those peoples among
which the cultivation of the soil is of no consequence. The mere fact,
that our chapter on agricultural tribes occupies more spaces than the
chapters on hunters and fishers and on pastoral tribes taken together,
proves the incorrectness of Dr. Hahn’s remark.
[824] Whereas our 5 economic groups are not an ascending series, these
3 agricultural groups are. Primitive agriculture must be anterior to a
more developed state of agriculture.
[825] This group is nearly identical with Dargun’s Jägerbauern; see
Dargun, p. 60 note 1.
[826] See Dargun, p. 110, and Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 42, 43.
[827] Under “trade” we shall for the sake of convenience also
comprehend industry.
[828] About the Malay Archipelago we have also consulted De Hollander,
and about Africa, Ratzel, Völkerkunde.
[829] Roosevelt calls them hunters; but in the Jesuit Relations it is
stated, that they were not entirely unacquainted with agriculture.
[830] On Musters’ authority. According to Charlevoix, agriculture was
not entirely unknown amongst them.
[831] On Keane’s authority. According to Zu Wied and Martius, there are
some slight traces of agriculture.
[832] Thomson, Through Massailand, p. 448; Johnston, p. 402.
[833] See above, pp. 53, 58, 80, 81, 124, 52, 74. The Montagnais seem
also sometimes to have adopted prisoners. Le Jeune observed a young
Iroquois, whom they had adopted, Jesuit relations, VI p. 259.
[834] Spencer, Ind. Inst., p. 459.
[835] Dawson, p. 5.
[836] Man, p. 109.
[837] Another instance of people providing for the wants of others is
the marriage by service, the young man serving the parents of his
bride, sometimes for several years. This even occurs among the Ainu,
Bushmen, and Fuegians; see Westermarck, Human marriage, pp. 390, 391.
[838] Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 1, 2.
[839] Sutherland, I p. 360.
[840] Social institutions are sometimes made; but this is the
exception: generally they grow.
[841] See Ferrero’s beautiful exposition of this character.
[842] Tanner, p. 112.
[843] Bonwick, p. 62.
[844] Blumentritt, Negritos, p. 65.
[845] Jones, Ojibway Indians, pp. 79, 80.
[846] Dawson, p. 35.
[847] Man, p. 109.
[848] Jesuit Relations, VII p. 173.
[849] Histoire de Kamtschatka, I p. 287.
[850] Gibbs, p. 193.
[851] Muratori, pp. 28, 33.
[852] Russell, p. 164.
[853] Bossu, p. 247.
[854] Fritsch, p. 324.
[855] As to Australia, see Steinmetz, Strafe, I pp. 430, 431.
[856] Members of despised classes are often excluded from the
occupations considered noble by the community. So the Jews in the
Middle Ages were not allowed to hold real property (except in some
periods in the South of France and Spain), nor to enter into
corporations and trades. (Nys, p. 136). Mr. A. C. Kruijt tells us that,
in Central Celebes, slaves who excel in those qualities which are
highly valued in free men, i.e. bravery or oratorical power, are
practically no longer regarded as slaves.
[857] Grinnell, p. 123.
[858] See Charlevoix, Nouv. France, III p. 246 (about the Hurons and
Iroquois); in the same sense Lery, p. 225, about the Tupinambas of
Brazil. These tribes are not hunters proper, but Jägerbauern; but this
is rather a proof a fortiori.
[859] Mr. Westermarck observes: “The prevalence of slavery in a savage
tribe and the extent to which it is practised must also depend upon the
ability of the tribe to procure slaves from foreign communities and
upon its willingness to allow its own members to be kept as slaves
within the tribe. It may be very useful for a group to have a certain
number of slaves, and yet they may not have them, for the reason that
no slaves are to be had” (Moral Ideas, I p. 674). It will be seen from
what we have just said, that we fully agree with this. For some hunting
tribes it might be very useful, in an economic sense, to keep slaves;
but there is a series of social and psychical factors that render the
subjection of men as slaves impossible. We do not think, therefore,
that Mr. Westermarck is quite right in remarking that in our book “the
influence of economic conditions upon the institution of slavery has
perhaps been emphasised too much at the cost of other factors” (Ibid.).
[860] Mill, p. 302.
[861] Cairnes, p. 46.
[862] Kruijt, N. Z. G. XXXIX p. 122.
[863] Schurtz, Das Afrikanische Gewerbe, p. 142.
[864] See Wagner, p. 389. Schmoller (Grundriss, I p. 340) also remarks
that slaves have no interest in the result of their work.
[865] See Bücher, p. 9, and Fritsch’s beautiful description of Bushman
hunting, Fritsch, pp. 424 sqq.
[866] See the exposition of the causes and development of this
mitigation by Wagner, pp. 390–405.
[867] The assertion of some writers (e.g. Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 767,
796), that the Australians have declined from a higher state of
culture, seems to us quite unfounded.
[868] This description, given by Dawson (p. 37) of female labour in
Western Victoria, may be taken as a fair type of female labour among
hunters in general.
[869] See Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 96 sqq.
[870] Crantz, I p. 185.
[871] Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 580.
[872] Tanner, p. 98.
[873] Crantz, I p. 211, 215.
[874] Such men, treated as wives and performing female labour, were
very numerous in Kamchatka; see Steller, p. 350 note.
[875] Sutherland (I p. 379) remarks that “when a slave has to be fed by
the huntsman skill of his master, he is a burden rather than a help,
and amid roving habits it is difficult to see how there can be enough
of drudgery to made it convenient to feed him.”
[876] The Germans call such people Sammler.
[877] Bancroft, p. 118; see also Mackenzie, I p. 151.
[878] The positive cases here are 5 + 14 = 19, instead of 18, because
the Indians about Puget Sound count double, some of them being hunters
and others fishers. The negative cases are 54 + 15 = 69, instead of 70,
because we have omitted the Chepewyans.
[879] Wemiaminow, p. 214.
[880] Bancroft, p. 161.
[881] Ibid., p. 122.
[882] Ibid., p. 213.
[883] Holmberg, I p. 17; see also p. 22.
[884] Kane, p. 314.
[885] Gibbs, p. 197.
[886] Bancroft, p. 232.
[887] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 151.
[888] Ibid., pp. 76–78.
[889] Krause, pp. 155, 159, 181. See also Holmberg, I pp. 22–24.
[890] Bancroft, pp. 161–163.
[891] Ibid., pp. 212, 213.
[892] Sproat, pp. 53, 89.
[893] Bancroft, p. 123.
[894] Allison, p. 308.
[895] Gibbs, pp. 193–195.
[896] Bancroft, pp. 232–234.
[897] See Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 724.
[898] Bancroft, pp. 74, 75; Holmberg, I p. 90.
[899] Krause, pp. 123, 155; Bancroft, p. 104. See also Holmberg, I pp.
22, 24.
[900] Krause, p. 307; Bancroft, p. 163.
[901] Bancroft, pp 183–187.
[902] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 132, 134, 151. See also
Sproat, p. 37.
[903] Gibbs, pp. 194–196.
[904] Bancroft, pp. 211–213.
[905] Ibid., p. 123.
[906] Ibid., pp. 231, 233; Swan, The Northwest Coast, p. 161.
[907] Allison, p. 309.
[908] Gibbs remarks: “East of the Cascades, though it [slavery] exists,
it is not so common; the equestrian habits of the tribes living there
probably rendering it less profitable or convenient than among the more
settled inhabitants of the coast.” (Gibbs, p. 188).
[909] Kane, p. 238.
[910] Bancroft, p. 90.
[911] Ibid., p. 86; Holmberg, I pp. 99–103, 79.
[912] Krause, pp. 159, 173, 181, 183, 186. See also Holmberg, I pp.
26–29.
[913] Krause, pp. 306, 307, 313; Swan, Haidah Indians, pp. 2, 3;
Bancroft, p. 165.
[914] Niblack, p. 252; Bancroft, p. 166.
[915] Bancroft, p. 135.
[916] Gibbs, pp. 195, 193, 188, 189.
[917] Bancroft, pp. 211, 216–218.
[918] Ibid., pp. 192, 187, 194.
[919] Sproat, pp. 38, 97; Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 123,
115, 137.
[920] Gibbs, p. 175.
[921] Bancroft, p. 122.
[922] Ibid., pp. 238–240; Swan, The Northwest Coast, pp. 164, 158, 166.
[923] Bancroft, p. 195.
[924] Holmberg, I p. 79.
[925] Kane, p. 220.
[926] Trading itself is not a drudgery, but a highly agreeable
occupation. “Most of the Africans” says Livingstone (Zambesi, p. 50)
“are natural-born traders; they love trade more for the sake of
trading, than for what they make by it.” Bücher decidedly underrates
the significance of trade among savages.
[927] So Bancroft (p. 91) says of the Aleuts: “Notwithstanding their
peaceful character, the occupants of the several islands were almost
constantly at war.” This is far from clear; for we can hardly imagine
peaceful people being always at war with each other.
[928] Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 195.
[929] Bancroft, p. 84; Holmberg, I p. 112.
[930] Krause, pp. 167, 122.
[931] Bancroft, p. 167; Swan, p. 3.
[932] Kane, pp. 220, 221.
[933] Bancroft, p. 191.
[934] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 216.
[935] Mayne, p. 263.
[936] Boas, Kwakiutl, p. 341.
[937] Gibbs, p. 175.
[938] Bancroft, p. 123.
[939] Gibbs, p. 185, 187.
[940] Bancroft, p. 217.
[941] Ibid., pp. 239, 240.
[942] Kane, p. 216; Holmberg, I p. 14.
[943] Bagehot, p. 72.
[944] Allison, pp. 309, 306, 315.
[945] Niblack, p. 252.
[946] Petroff, p. 152.
[947] Bancroft, p. 108; see also Niblack, p. 252.
[948] Boas, Die Tsimshian, p. 244.
[949] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 130.
[950] Petroff, p. 152.
[951] Bancroft, p. 499.
[952] Niblack, p. 252.
[953] Boas, Die Tsimshian, p. 237.
[954] Meares, as quoted by Bancroft, p. 188.
[955] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 130, 201.
[956] See above, p. 196.
[957] See above, p. 174.
[958] Letourneau also seems to consider slavery foreign to the way of
life of these tribes. He has not, however, recourse to a hypothetical
former agricultural state, but to the great ethnological pons asinorum,
derivation (pp. 132, 134). But he does not inform us whence slavery can
have been derived. Perhaps from the inland tribes who, as Letourneau
himself proves to be aware, have no slaves? Or from the Siberians, who
are rather in a lower than in a higher economic state as compared with
the Indians of the Pacific Coast? Or from the Hindus or any other
mythical early visitors of America?
[959] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 130.
[960] Boas, Die Tsimschian, pp. 237, 240.
[961] Bancroft, pp. 196, 195.
[962] Sproat, pp. 90, 39; Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, pp. 130,
131.
[963] Mayne, p. 253.
[964] Bancroft, p. 240.
[965] Niblack, p. 252.
[966] Bancroft, p. 124.
[967] Holmberg, I p. 78.
[968] Niblack, p. 253.
[969] Bancroft, pp. 239, 234.
[970] Lewis and Clark, III p. 38.
[971] Krause, pp. 186, 159.
[972] Sproat, pp. 97, 38.
[973] Gibbs, p. 193.
[974] Bancroft, p. 112; see also Krause, p. 161.
[975] Brancroft, p. 196.
[976] Ibid., p. 218.
[977] Ibid., p. 242.
[978] Brown, Adventures of John Jewitt, p. 241.
[979] Elliott, p. 164.
[980] Krause, p. 161; Bancroft, p. 109.
[981] Bancroft, p. 196.
[982] Sproat, p. 95.
[983] Holmberg, I p. 119.
[984] Gibbs, pp. 198, 185, 187.
[985] Ibid., p. 199.
[986] Bancroft, p. 218.
[987] Ibid., p. 242.
[988] Swan, The Northwest Coast, p. 160.
[989] Elliott, p. 164.
[990] Mackenzie, II p. 268.
[991] A writer of the 18th century tells us of the women of the Dutch
isle of Ameland (the men being fishers and mariners): “They are
generally somewhat imperious, and by their foolish cleanliness most men
are hardly ever allowed to have a fire on the grate during the winter.
The cause of this imperious behaviour of Ameland women is not difficult
to detect: as the men are at home only in the winter, the women rule
for the greater part of the year, and are not inclined to part with
their authority in winter-time. Therefore most men, so to speak, board
at their wives’ houses, and if they want to keep peace, have to put up
with female ascendency.” Tegenwoordige Staat der Vereenigde
Nederlanden, XIV pp. 363, 364.
In the same sense Professor Nieuwenhuis writes about the Kayans on the
Mendalam: “As the men are often absent on long journeys, the women get
the lead in household affairs” (Door Centraal-Borneo, I p. 77.).
[992] Bancroft, p. 93.
[993] Lewis and Clark, II pp. 334, 335.
[994] Grosse, p. 65.
[995] Ibid., pp. 74–78.
[996] Bancroft, p. 437.
[997] Ibid., p. 412.
[998] Powers, as quoted by Bancroft, p. 351.
[999] Bancroft, p. 351.
[1000] Ibid., p. 117.
[1001] Ibid., pp. 117–119.
[1002] Ibid., pp. 131, 132.
[1003] Ibid., p. 169.
[1004] Some other writers, however (whom Grosse does not refer to),
speaking of the Kutchins in general, state that women are badly
treated; see Kirby, p. 419; Hardisty, p. 312; Jones, Kutchin tribes, p.
325.
[1005] Grosse, p. 65.
[1006] Dobrizhoffer, II pp. 149, 151, 152.
[1007] Ibid., pp. 119, 120.
[1008] Falkner, p. 126.
[1009] Steller, p. 235 note.
[1010] Ibid., pp. 245, 286, 286 note, 317, 318.
[1011] Ibid., pp. 210 sqq.
[1012] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 724, 725.
[1013] Thomas, p. 88.
[1014] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 724, 725.
[1015] Eylmann, p. 293.
[1016] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 21.
[1017] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 732, 733, 738.
[1018] Ibid., p. 722.
[1019] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 8.
[1020] Brough Smyth, I p. 123.
[1021] Eylmann, p. 155.
[1022] Thomas, p. 26.
[1023] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 53.
[1024] Literature. On the Moore River District, Oldfield; on S. W.
Australia, Salvado; on the natives on Herbert River, Lumholtz; on the
Cammarray, Collins; on N. S. Wales, Fraser and Angas; on Central
Australia, Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 53; on the Tasmanians,
Ling Roth. As we had not got all the books at hand, but only some notes
which we had previously made, in which the pages were not specified, we
could not give all the exact references.
[1025] Matthews, in Fraser’s Notes, p. 188.
[1026] Forrest, p. 318.
[1027] Thomas, p. 117.
[1028] Fraser, p. 67. “Taurai” is the land owned by a tribe or a
division of a tribe, see ibid., p. 36.
[1029] Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 27, 29.
[1030] See Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 333.
[1031] Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 20–34.
[1032] Roth, p. 141.
[1033] Fraser, pp. 38, 39; Wilkes, II p. 204.
[1034] Gason, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 173.
[1035] The Stationmaster, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 179.
[1036] Matthews, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 189.
[1037] Spencer and Gillen, Native tribes, p. 10.
[1038] Eylmann, p. 172.
[1039] Foelsche, in Frazer’s Notes, pp. 196, 197.
[1040] Thomas, p. 143; see also Howitt’s detailed account of
chieftainship in South East Australia, pp. 296–320.
[1041] Brough Smyth, I p. 126. The ethnographers give many more details
regarding tribal government; but we have only quoted those that bear
directly on the question at issue, i.e. that show on what qualities
influence and power depend.
[1042] Steinmetz, Strafe, II p. 28.
[1043] Gason, in Frazer’s Notes, p. 171.
[1044] Steinmetz, Strafe, II p. 20.
[1045] See above, pp. 10–23.
[1046] Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 3 sqq.
[1047] Jes. Rel., VI p. 277.
[1048] Mackenzie, I p. 151.
[1049] Hardisty, p. 311.
[1050] Mackenzie, II p. 193.
[1051] Schoolcraft, I p. 231.
[1052] Lewis and Clark, II p. 116.
[1053] Grinnell p. 48.
[1054] Further papers, p. 47.
[1055] Jes. Rel., VI pp. 83, 259, 149.
[1056] Ibid., p. 133; see also Sagard, p. 78.
[1057] Keating, II pp. 149, 51; Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 58; Kohl, II
pp. 133 sqq.
[1058] Mackenzie, I p. 128.
[1059] Reports of Expl., I p. 448; XII Part I p. 73.
[1060] Ross, p. 310.
[1061] Elliott, p. 417.
[1062] Jones, Kutchin tribes, p. 321; Kirby, p. 418; Hardisty, p. 312.
[1063] Mackenzie, II p. 10.
[1064] Schoolcraft, II p. 172.
[1065] Hunter, Gedenkschriften, pp. 49, 46.
[1066] Schoolcraft, V p. 260; Bancroft, p. 485.
[1067] Schoolcraft, I p. 231; Bancroft, p. 492.
[1068] Grinnell, p. 48.
[1069] Jes. Rel., VI p. 273.
[1070] Ibid., p. 19.
[1071] Reports of Expl., I p. 444.
[1072] Jones, Kutchin tribes, p. 324; Hardisty, p. 311.
[1073] Hunter, Gedenkschriften, p. 50.
[1074] Grinnell, pp. 146, 150, 152–156, 160, 161.
[1075] Jes. Rel., V p. 195.
[1076] Roosevelt, I p. 90.
[1077] Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 108.
[1078] Reports of Expl., XII Part I p. 76; Schoolcraft, V p. 686.
[1079] Jones, Kutchin tribes, p. 325; Hardisty, p. 312; Whymper, p.
280.
[1080] Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika, p. 365.
[1081] Eastman, Dahcotah, pp. 82–84; Neill, p. 86.
[1082] Schoolcraft, V p. 260; Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika, p. 195;
Bancroft, p. 508.
[1083] Schoolcraft, I p. 231; II p. 132.
[1084] Hardisty, p. 314.
[1085] Mackenzie, I p. 153. On the Sioux see Neill as quoted on p. 241.
[1086] Hunter, Gedenkschriften, p. 50.
[1087] Jes. Rel., V p. 181, VI p. 233.
[1088] Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 108; Long, p. 137; Kohl, I p. 8, II
p. 252.
[1089] Mackenzie, I p. 120.
[1090] Zu Wied, Nord-Amerika, I p. 573.
[1091] Mackenzie, I p. 147.
[1092] See above, p. 224.
[1093] Mackenzie, II p. 11.
[1094] Dodge, p. 122.
[1095] Eastman, Dahcotah, p. XXIV; Schoolcraft, II p. 189.
[1096] Bancroft, pp. 511, 513.
[1097] Schoolcraft, I p. 235, II p. 132.
[1098] Lewis and Clark, II pp. 118, 119.
[1099] Grinnell, pp. 46, 47.
[1100] Ten Kate, Noord-Amerika, p. 365.
[1101] Roosevelt, I p. 82.
[1102] Jones, Ojibway Indians, p. 64.
[1103] Mackenzie, I pp. 130, 123.
[1104] Reports of Expl., I p. 443.
[1105] Mackenzie, I p. 271.
[1106] Ibid., II p. 33.
[1107] Eastman, Dahcotah, p. X.
[1108] Bancroft, p. 524.
[1109] Ibid., p. 499.
[1110] Adoption of captives was very frequent among the Indians of
North America. Of the tribes, on which we were able to get information,
the following practised this custom: Delawares, Ojibways, Shahnees,
Crees, Cheyennes, Abenakies, Iroquois, Hurons, Cherokees, Sioux,
Hidatsas, Omahas, Osage and Kansas Indians, Mandans, Comanches,
Montagnais. See above, pp. 52–65, 192.
[1111] Crantz, I p. 161.
[1112] Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 419.
[1113] Bancroft, p. 54.
[1114] Crantz, I pp. 158 sqq.; Boas, l.c. pp. 540 sqq.; Bancroft, pp.
50 sqq.
[1115] Rink, p. 9.
[1116] Boas, l.c. p. 547.
[1117] Crantz, III p. 147.
[1118] Rink, p. 27.
[1119] Crantz, I p. 159.
[1120] Rink, p. 33.
[1121] Further papers, p. 43.
[1122] Crantz, I pp. 162–164.
[1123] Boas, l.c. pp. 550, 574.
[1124] Bancroft, p. 55.
[1125] Rink, p. 11.
[1126] Crantz, I pp. 195, 196.
[1127] Boas, l.c. p. 469.
[1128] Bancroft, pp. 63, 64.
[1129] Rink, p. 13.
[1130] Boas, l.c. p. 486.
[1131] Crantz, I pp. 165–168.
[1132] Bancroft, pp. 59, 61.
[1133] Crantz, I pp. 201, 202; III p. 180 note.
[1134] Rink, pp. 9, 29.
[1135] Boas, l.c. p. 581.
[1136] Bancroft, p. 65.
[1137] Rink, p. 26.
[1138] Crantz, I pp. 214, 215.
[1139] Crantz, I p. 187.
[1140] Bancroft, p. 65.
[1141] Crantz, I p. 180.
[1142] Boas, l.c. pp. 579, 580.
[1143] Bancroft, p. 66.
[1144] Crantz, I p. 186.
[1145] Crantz, I p. 207.
[1146] Boas, l.c. p. 465.
[1147] Bancroft, p. 120.
[1148] See above, p. 200.
[1149] Crantz, I pp. 172, 173, 184, 185.
[1150] Bancroft, p. 56.
[1151] Boas, l.c. pp. 471 sqq.
[1152] See above, pp. 47–48.
[1153] Crantz, I p. 186.
[1154] Boas, l.c. p. 581. See also Murdoch, p. 419, and Ray, p. 44 on
adoption among the Eskimos of Point Barrow.
[1155] Boas, l.c. p. 581.
[1156] Crantz, I p. 215.
[1157] See above, p. 212.
[1158] Such a state of things, in Wilkes’s time, prevailed in Tahiti.
“A native” he remarks “may in the morning be wholly destitute even of
implements wherewith to work, and before nightfall he may be found
clothed, lodged, and have all the necessaries of life around him in
abundance.” Wilkes, II p. 17.
[1159] “Preserving of food” occurs twice, because it works in different
directions.
[1160] See above, p. 173.
[1161] See above, pp. 127, 128, 131, and Baumann, p. 165.
[1162] Fritsch, pp. 79, 80, 135, 136.
[1163] Geoffroy, pp. 430, 431.
[1164] Bell, I p. 170; Klaproth, p. 567.
[1165] Roscoe, p. 100.
[1166] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 154, 155.
[1167] Ibid., p. 310; Von Müller, p. 429.
[1168] Paulitschke, II pp. 138, 139; I pp. 260, 213, 263; Bottego, p.
423.
[1169] Robertson, pp. 78, 79.
[1170] Holub, Süd-Afrika, II pp. 348, 189, 262.
[1171] Wilson and Felkin, I p. 186.
[1172] Tautain, Mandingues, pp. 348–350.
[1173] Hildebrandt, West-Madagaskar, p. 113.
[1174] Munzinger, Bogos, pp. 49, 50, 35.
[1175] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 207, 206.
[1176] Blumentritt, Ethnographie, pp. 54, 53; Jansen, p. 225.
[1177] Hagen, p. 97.
[1178] Klaproth, II p. 615.
[1179] Paulitschke, I p. 262; II p. 140.
[1180] Lander, I pp. 17, 37, 113.
[1181] Burckhardt, I p. 356.
[1182] Bell, I pp. 169, 308.
[1183] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 309.
[1184] Paulitschke, I p. 260.
[1185] Ujfalvy, Les Aryens, p. 352.
[1186] See Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 35, 36.
[1187] Burckhardt, I p. 182.
[1188] Geoffroy, pp. 420, 425, 434.
[1189] Levchine, 348, 349, 344 note 1; Radloff, Aus Sibirien, I pp.
462, 463, 416; see also Ujfalvy, Expéd. Scient., p. 112.
[1190] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, pp. 298, 302, 303, 287, 295, 312.
[1191] Pallas, as quoted by Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, p. 36.
[1192] Hildebrand, l.c., p. 36; see also Obrutschew, I p. 37, and
Iwanowski, pp. 8, 11.
[1193] Von Stenin, Die Kurden, p. 221.
[1194] Müller, Unter Tungusen und Jakuten, p. 50. See also Georgi, as
quoted by Hildebrand, l.c. p. 36.
[1195] Sumner, p. 66.
[1196] Pallas, Reise, III p. 74; Von Stenin, Samojeden, p. 187.
[1197] Histoire de Kamtschatka, II pp. 239, 243, 233; see also
Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, p. 36 (after Georgi).
[1198] Hildebrand, l.c.
[1199] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 318.
[1200] Merker, p. 117.
[1201] Fritsch, p. 364.
[1202] Tromp, De Kaffers, p. 197.
[1203] Kropf, pp. 109, 170, 171.
[1204] Hahn, Die Ovaherero, p. 245; Viehe, in Steinmetz’s
Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 301.
[1205] See above, p. 144.
[1206] Klaproth, II p. 615.
[1207] Livingstone, Miss. Trav., pp. 109, 160.
[1208] Casalis, pp. 227, 228.
[1209] Holub, Süd-Afrika, II p. 348.
[1210] Schweinfurth, I p. 164.
[1211] Chaillé Long, p. 29.
[1212] Paulitschke, I p. 333.
[1213] Munzinger, Bogos, p. 46.
[1214] L. Marx, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 359.
[1215] The cattle, among pastoral tribes, are the property of
individuals, not of the community; see Dargun, pp. 58–69.
[1216] Schmoller remarks, that in pastoral life, among the savages of
to-day as well as among the ancient nations of Europe and Asia, the
contrast of wealth and poverty and the dependence of the poor upon the
rich are strongly marked. (Grundriss, I pp. 198, 370, 371).
[1217] “It is the nature of pasturage to produce food for a much
greater number of people than it can employ. In countries strictly
pastoral, therefore, many persons will be idle, or at most be very
inadequately occupied.” Malthus, Book II Ch. V (Bettany’s edition, p.
196).
[1218] Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, first edition, pp. 37, 38 (after
Prschewalsky, Radloff and Burckhardt). On the Mongols see also
Iwanowski, p. 12.
[1219] Levchine, p. 341.
[1220] Rowney, p. 51.
[1221] Merker, p. 117.
[1222] Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 197.
[1223] Schurtz, Das Afr. Gewerbe, p. 78.
[1224] Geoffroy, pp. 429–431.
[1225] On the economic function of these pariah tribes of Africa, see
Schurtz, Das Afr. Gewerbe, pp. 38–45.
[1226] Hildebrandt, Somal, p. 4.
[1227] Mrs. French-Sheldon, p. 380; Thomson, Through Masailand, p. 448;
Johnston, p. 402.
[1228] Munzinger, Bogos, pp. 48, 49.
[1229] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 207.
[1230] Ibid., pp. 235–242.
[1231] Ibid., pp. 311, 312, 316, 317.
[1232] See above, pp. 139–143.
[1233] Geoffroy, pp. 412, 414, 415.
[1234] Bell, I, p. 337; Klaproth, p. 567.
[1235] It is stated, that the nomadic Koryakes regard the settled
Koryakes as slaves (Histoire de Kamtschatka, II p. 223). But we are not
told that they require tributes or services from them. Probably our
informant only means to say, that the settled Koryakes are despised by
the nomads (see p. 222, ibid.).
[1236] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 149, 150.
[1237] Ibid., p. 327.
[1238] Geoffroy, p. 432.
[1239] Bell, I p. 170.
[1240] Paulitschke, I p. 263.
[1241] Several instances of this phenomenon are on record with
Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, pp. 30, 31, 37, 38.
[1242] Malthus, in his chapter on modern pastoral nations (Bettany’s
edition, p. 73), remarks: “The power and riches of a chaik consist in
the number of his tribe.... His own consequence greatly depends on a
numerous progeny and kindred; and in a state of society where power
generally procures subsistence, each individual family derives strength
and importance from its numbers.”
[1243] Viz. as long as the country is thinly peopled. We shall see
later on, that among some savages the desire to occupy land is a great
motive for making war.
[1244] Geoffroy, pp. 425, 422, 441.
[1245] Levchine, pp. 349, 350, 397.
[1246] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., pp. 311, 327.
[1247] Histoire de Kamtschatka, II p. 218.
[1248] Paulitschke, I pp. 254, 195.
[1249] Fritsch, pp. 79, 226, 93; Kropf, p. 179.
[1250] See above, pp. 274, 277.
[1251] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 310.
[1252] Von Stenin, Samojeden, p. 187.
[1253] Müller, Unter Tungusen und Jakuten, p. 173; Sumner, p. 67.
[1254] Latham, as quoted by Spencer, Descr. Soc., V p. 16.
[1255] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, I p. 312.
[1256] Licata, as quoted by Paulitschke, I p. 253.
[1257] Geoffroy, p. 434.
[1258] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 154.
[1259] Even among the simple Todas; for it is stated that the decision
of their disputes by the priest is “generally given in favour of the
wealthiest of the litigants.” Metz, as quoted by Spencer, Descr. Soc.,
V p. 12.
[1260] Burckhardt, I p. 356.
[1261] Geoffroy, p. 440.
[1262] Chantre, IV pp. 79, 136.
[1263] Paulitschke, I p. 260.
[1264] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 155.
[1265] Ibid., pp. 308, 311.
[1266] Galton, p. 142.
[1267] Hutter, p. 343.
[1268] Pallas. Reise, I p. 337.
[1269] “Preserving of food” occurs twice, because it works in different
directions.
[1270] In this paragraph we shall use the same abbreviations as in Part
II, Chap. I, § 3.
[1271] Cunningham (English Industry, I p. 31) remarks that “primitive
agriculture is perfectly consistent with a very migratory life.”
[1272] Azara, II p. 160.
[1273] Lery, pp. 123, 127, 141–175, 312.
[1274] Von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern, pp. 201, 214.
[1275] Hahn, Die Haustiere, pp. 388 sqq.
[1276] Radloff, Aus Sibirien, I pp. 463–465.
[1277] Levchine, p. 413.
[1278] Bagehot, pp. 72, 73. Hutter (pp. 353, 354), speaking of the Bali
tribes of Cameroon, remarks that there is a difference between rich and
poor, but the poor are not so badly off as in Europe, for the land is
open to every one.
[1279] Sombart, I p. 342.
[1280] Adam Smith as referred to by Ingram, p. 282. Loria (p. 97) also
holds that production was decreased by the introduction of slavery.
[1281] Cairnes wrote in 1862.
[1282] Cairnes, pp. 43, 44, 49–52.
[1283] Such was the slave system of the ancient Germans described by
Tacitus: “You cannot tell master from slave by any distinction in
education: they spend their time among the same flocks, upon the same
land, until age separates the nobles and their valour causes them to be
acknowledged.” Tacitus, Germania, 20. On the character of primitive
slavery, see also Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 339.
[1284] Bagehot, pp. 73, 74; see also Flügel, p. 96, and Jhering’s
excellent description of the character of slavery in early Rome
(Jhering, II Part I pp. 172 sqq.).
[1285] Cairnes, pp. 53–56, 62, 179 sqq.
[1286] Weber’s Article “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, in
Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition (1909) I p. 63.
[1287] Cairnes is also aware of the difference between ancient and
modern slavery (pp. 109 sqq.).
[1288] Loria, pp. 2–6.
[1289] On Loria’s incorrect manner of reasoning, see B. Croce’s essay
on “Le teorie storiche del Prof. Loria”, in “Materialismo storico ed
economia Marxistica”. A much better opinion of Loria is held by Sombart
(I p. 358).
[1290] Wakefield, pp. 323–325. Marx (I pp. 795–804) gives a detailed
account of the same argument as developed in another book of
Wakefield’s, and adds that the exclusion of the mass of the people from
the soil forms the basis of the capitalistic mode of production (ibid.,
p. 798).
[1291] On the practical result of Wakefield’s plan, see Cunningham,
English Industry, II pp. 603–607. Professor Cunningham justly calls
Wakefield “a judicious and far-seeing man” (ibid., p. 605, note 3).
[1292] Merivale, pp. 305, 313–317. See also Waltershausen, article
“Negerfrage”, in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 2nd edition,
V p. 973.
[1293] See Dargun, pp. 49 sqq. Hildebrand (Recht und Sitte, pp. 134
sqq.) rightly remarks that in primitive societies the uncultivated land
is not the property of the community, but nobody’s property (res
nullius).
[1294] Where the State owns the land and gives it in use gratuitously
or at a low rent, the land is practically free. Such was the case in
China, in the 5th century of our era, where the State gave allotments
to farmers at a definite tax. “It is obvious, that the condition of the
free cultivators without land could not become intolerable so long as
they were able to rent in on the simple condition of paying the
ordinary tax; and as long as the State had land to let on these terms,
private agglomerators would be unable to get farmers to pay more to
themselves; so that large estates could only be profitable on condition
of evading the land tax, or being tilled for the owner by servile
labour.” Simcox, II p. 127.
[1295] “Destitute of land” is not the same as: “who own no land.” When
the population is so scarce that even the most fertile land has no
value, nobody owns land; but there are no men destitute of land, any
more than in our countries there are men destitute of air or water;
every one has land at his disposal. Only when every piece of land has
an owner, can there be people destitute of land, i.e. who have no land
at their disposal.
[1296] Ricardo, pp. 35, 36.
[1297] Spenser St. John, I pp. 74, 60.
[1298] Jenks, pp. 160–163.
[1299] Dr. Tönnies, in his review of the first edition of this work,
remarks that the last sentences contain a most important qualification
of our theory of the connection between slavery and land tenure. Every
one does not want to take land into cultivation, though he may do so
without any payment. On the other hand, where there are people
destitute of land, it is not certain that they serve the landowners and
so make slavery superfluous. It may be that, though they own no land,
they have other resources to live upon, or that they are not apt to
perform such work as is most wanted by the rich, etc.
We are well aware of all this. Yet we think we are justified in
concluding that, generally speaking, slavery only exists where there is
still free land, i.e. free land fit for cultivation. That we admit many
exceptions to this rule, will appear from the last paragraphs of this
chapter.
[1300] Mahler, pp. 58, 59.
[1301] Waltershausen, pp. 17, 18.
[1302] Mariner, II pp. 162, 160; West, p. 262.
[1303] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 143.
[1304] Turner, Samoa, pp, 176, 177; Von Bülow, p. 192.
[1305] Hoag is a large family-group of which the pure is the head.
[1306] Gardiner, pp. 483–485; 497.
[1307] Hale, p. 105.
[1308] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 116; I pp. 109, 103; Moerenhout, II p.
12.
[1309] Ellis, Pol. Res., IV pp. 412, 413, 416; Hale, p. 36; Remy, p.
XLVI; Chamisso, in Kotzebue, p. 149; Marcuse, p. 95.
[1310] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 199; Meinicke, Die Inseln des stillen
Oceans, II p. 148.
[1311] Waitz-Gerland, VI pp. 216, 217; Meinicke, l.c., p. 254; Hale, p.
36.
[1312] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 219.
[1313] Meinicke, l.c., p. 264.
[1314] Tutuila, as quoted by Schurtz, Anfänge des Landbesitzes, p. 355;
Lister, p. 54.
[1315] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 535.
[1316] Tregear, p. 106; Thomson, New Zealand, I pp. 96, 97, 98; Taylor,
p. 355; Polack, II p. 69.
[1317] Geiseler, p. 42.
[1318] Kubary, Die Ebongruppe, pp. 36, 37.
[1319] Senfft, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 448, 452;
Steinbach, p. 297; Krämer, Hawaii, etc., pp. 430, 431.
[1320] Jung, p. 68.
[1321] Kubary, Soc. Einr. der Pelauer, pp. 47, 48; Kubary, Die
Verbrechen, p. 85.
[1322] Kubary, Mortlock-Inseln, p. 253.
[1323] Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 pp. 120, 121, 78.
[1324] Ibid., p. 118.
[1325] Hale, p. 83.
[1326] Waitz-Gerland, l.c., p. 114.
[1327] See above, pp. 107–109.
[1328] Wilkes, p. 96; Hale, p. 102.
[1329] Codrington, Soc. Reg., p. 306; see also Codrington, The
Melanesians, pp. 59, 60.
[1330] Codrington, Soc. Reg., pp. 311, 312.
[1331] Somerville, New Georgia, p. 404.
[1332] Ribbe, p. 272.
[1333] Ribbe, p. 116.
[1334] Woodford, pp. 32, 33.
[1335] Inglis, p. 24.
[1336] Brainne, p. 241; Glaumont, p. 75; Lambert, pp. 82, 85; Meinicke,
Die Inseln des stillen Oceans, I p. 230; Rochas, pp. 245, 262.
[1337] Williams, pp. 18, 22; Seemann, p. 233; Hale, p. 59; Fison, Land
tenure in Fiji, pp. 336, 338, 343.
[1338] Pfeil, p. 69; Hahl, p. 82; Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 158.
[1339] Sorge, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 401, 422.
[1340] Haddon, p. 334.
[1341] Hunt, p. 7.
[1342] See above, p. 107. In Tahiti there were also people destitute of
land, of whom we shall have to speak in this paragraph.
[1343] Ellis, Pol. Res., I p. 107.
[1344] Ibid., IV p. 414; Wilkes, IV p. 36; Remy, p. 155.
[1345] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 143.
[1346] Jung, p. 67.
[1347] Hale, p. 102.
[1348] Waterhouse, p. 316; Williams, pp. 43, 54; Wilkes, III p. 85;
Fison, Land tenure in Fiji, p. 343.
[1349] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 360; Thomson, New-Zealand, p. 148.
[1350] Rochas, p. 243.
[1351] Von Bülow, p. 193.
[1352] Williams, p. 29; Fison, l.c., p. 345; see also Wilkes, III p.
98.
[1353] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 122.
[1354] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 143.
[1355] See above, p. 322.
[1356] Krämer, Hawaii, etc., p. 334.
[1357] Ibid., p. 451; Jung, p. 65.
[1358] Codrington, Soc. Reg., p. 311.
[1359] Gardiner, pp. 485, 470.
[1360] Turner, Samoa, p. 173; Von Bülow, p. 194.
[1361] Mariner, II p. 350.
[1362] Thomson, Savage Island, p. 138.
[1363] Turner, Samoa, pp. 175, 171; Hale, p. 28.
[1364] Ellis, Pol. Res., III pp. 96–98; Wilkes, II p. 22.
[1365] Ellis, Pol. Res., IV pp. 413, 416, 417.
[1366] Wilkes, IV p. 37.
[1367] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 199.
[1368] Radiguet, p. 156.
[1369] See above, p. 319.
[1370] Tutuila, in Schurtz, Anfänge des Landbesitzes, p. 355.
[1371] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 535.
[1372] Polack, II p. 156.
[1373] Geiseler, p. 41.
[1374] Waitz-Gerland, VI p. 165.
[1375] Steinbach, p. 297; Krämer, Hawaii, etc., pp. 430, 431.
[1376] Waitz-Gerland, V, 2 p. 121.
[1377] Ibid., p. 112.
[1378] Rochas, pp. 245, 246; Glaumont, pp. 74, 75; Brainne, p. 246;
Lambert, pp. 79, 82, 83.
[1379] Williams, pp. 23, 90, 157, 39, 40; Waterhouse, p. 311; Fison,
Land tenure in Fiji, p. 342; Wilkes, III pp. 81, 108; see above, pp.
91, 92.
[1380] Codrington, The Melanesians, pp. 21, 22.
[1381] Elton, p. 98.
[1382] Hagen and Pineau, p. 335; Turner, Samoa, pp. 315, 328; Ribbe, p.
138.
[1383] Hahl, p. 77.
[1384] Sorge, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, pp. 401, 414.
[1385] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 396.
[1386] Haddon, p. 342.
[1387] Moerenhout, II p. 223.
[1388] See Gerland, Das Aussterben der Naturvölker, pp. 5, 6; and
Mahler’s essay, pp. 60, 61.
[1389] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 96.
[1390] One reason why these islanders wanted little labour may have
been that they relied for a considerable portion of their food on the
fruits of trees which, when once planted, required little care.
[1391] Gardiner, p. 486.
[1392] Hale, p. 85.
[1393] Mariner, II pp. 159–162.
[1394] Ellis, Pol. Res., III p. 96.
[1395] Wilkes, pp. 99, 108.
[1396] Williams, pp. 71, 32.
[1397] Blumentritt, Conquista, pp. 56, 57.
[1398] Ellis, Pol. Res., I p. 296.
[1399] Ibid., IV p. 152.
[1400] See above, p. 332.
[1401] Mariner, II p. 349.
[1402] Radiguet, p. 156.
[1403] See above, p. 338.
[1404] Williams, p. 45, and see above, p. 339.
[1405] We have not spoken of landed property among hunters, because
there are reasons enough to be found, apart from the appropriation of
the land, why slavery is not likely to exist among them. We will only
remark here that among many Australian tribes property in land is
stated to exist (see Dargun, pp. 49, 50). Sometimes even the whole of
the land seems to be held as property. “It seems curious” says
Macgillivray “to find at Cape York and the Prince of Wales’ Islands a
recognised division and ownership of land, seeing that none of it by
cultivation has been rendered fit for the permanent support of man.
According to Gi’om, there are laws regulating the ownership of every
inch of ground on Muralug and the neighbouring possessions of the
Kowraregas and I am led to believe such is likewise the case at Cape
York.” Macgillivray, as quoted by Haddon, p 432.
[1406] Wakefield wrote in 1849.
[1407] Wakefield, p. 326.
[1408] Ashley, I pp. 17, 18.
[1409] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 73, 74.
[1410] Cunningham, English Industry, I p. 5.
[1411] Amira, p. 138.
[1412] Oppenheimer, David Ricardos Grundrententheorie, pp. 152, 153.
[1413] Ashley, I p. 21.
[1414] Ibid., p. 7.
[1415] Ibid., pp. 8, 9.
[1416] Ibid., pp. 22, 31.
[1417] Cunningham, English Industry, I p. 476.
[1418] Ashley, I p. 37.
[1419] Hildebrand, Natural-, Geld- und Creditwirthschaft, pp. 4, 8, 9,
14, 15, 18.
[1420] Absolute self-sufficiency does not appear to exist anywhere, not
even among savage tribes, see above, p. 255. But there certainly is a
great difference between those countries which get their chief
necessaries directly by their own labour, and those which produce
mainly for export.
[1421] Ellis, Pol. Res., IV pp. 416, 417.
[1422] Among many hunters, fishers and hunting agriculturists slavery
and serfdom are also wanting. But among these there are no labouring
classes (as opposed to owning classes) at all, whether free or
otherwise. Only the Eskimos have free servants.
[1423] Ashley, I p. 31.
[1424] Ibid., p. 27.
[1425] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 167–177.
[1426] See Inama-Sternegg, II p. 283.
[1427] Ochenkowski, p. 11.
[1428] This was done on a large scale by the German landlords towards
the end of the Middle Ages, see Inama-Sternegg, III Part I p. 384.
[1429] Kovalewsky, Régime économique moderne, pp. 358–362.
[1430] Malthus, p. 438, note 1.
[1431] Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, p. 227.
[1432] Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, II p. 242.
[1433] Krieger, p. 225.
[1434] Inama-Sternegg, I p. 382.
[1435] See Ochenkowski, pp. 11, 15, 21; Inama-Sternegg, I pp. 236, 237;
Cunningham, Western Civilization, pp. 73, 74, 95, 108, 192. According
to Marx (Vol. III Part II pp. 332, 333), the substitution of money
payments for dues in kind necessarily leads to free contracts between
landlords and cultivators.
Grupp (Zeitschrift für Kulturgeschichte, IV p. 242) asserts that the
rise of money economy caused the transition from slavery to serfdom. We
shall not discuss this point, as it is not directly connected with the
subject of this paragraph.
[1436] Ashley, I p. 13.
[1437] Cunningham, English Industry, I p. 95.
[1438] Ibid., p. 251.
[1439] Ochenkowski, p. 7.
[1440] Cunningham, l.c. p. 5.
[1441] Ibid., p. 407.
[1442] Ashley, I p. 13; Cunningham, l.c. I pp. 95, 96.
[1443] Cunningham, l.c. pp. 158, 159.
[1444] Ashley, I p. 17; Cunningham, l.c. p. 160.
[1445] Cunningham, l.c. p. 5.
[1446] Ashley, I p. 26.
[1447] Ochenkowski, pp. 33, 34.
[1448] Ashley, I p. 20.
[1449] See above, p. 350.
[1450] Cunningham, l.c. p. 253.
[1451] See Ashley, I. p. 27.
[1452] Ibid., pp. 38–40.
[1453] Ibid., p. 37.
[1454] Ibid., p. 29.
[1455] Cunningham, l.c. p. 225.
[1456] Ashley, I p. 32.
[1457] Cunningham, l.c. p. 305.
[1458] Ashley, II p. 277.
[1459] See Ashley, II pp. 264–267, and Ochenkowski, pp. 18–20.
[1460] Ashley, II p. 265.
[1461] Cunningham, l.c. pp. 356, 357. On the Black Death and its
effects, see also Thorold Rogers, Work and Wages, pp.5–26, and The
Economic Interpretation of History by the same author, pp. 24 sqq.
[1462] Cunningham, l.c. p. 306.
[1463] Ibid., pp. 307, 308.
[1464] Ibid., pp. 355, 356.
[1465] See Ochenkowski, p. 37.
[1466] This date is given by Ashley, II p. 264.
[1467] Cunningham, l.c., p. 361.
[1468] Lange (Die Arbeiterfrage, p. 241) also remarks that in England
the transition from agriculture to sheep breeding engendered a relative
over-population. On relative and absolute over-population, see further
Oppenheimer, Das Bevölkerungsgesetz, etc., pp. 79–84.
[1469] Ashley, II p. 267.
[1470] Ashley, II pp. 270–272; Cunningham, l.c., p. 362.
[1471] Ashley, II pp. 272, 273.
[1472] Cunningham, l.c., p. 474.
[1473] Ashley, II p. 281.
[1474] Ibid., p. 284.
[1475] Cunningham, l.c., p. 408.
[1476] Ibid., p. 393.
[1477] Ashley, II pp. 336, 352.
[1478] Cunningham, l.c., pp. 361, 476.
[1479] See Ashley, II pp. 286–288.
[1480] See Gonner, Article “Bauernbefreiung in Grossbritannien” in
Handwörterbuch, 2nd edition, II pp. 593, 594.
[1481] Inama-Sternegg, I pp. 110, 111, 163–165.
[1482] Ibid., pp. 81–83.
[1483] Ibid., pp. 72, 60, 70.
[1484] Ibid., pp. 147, 148, 165.
[1485] Ibid., pp. 119, 120.
[1486] Ibid., pp. 123, 124.
[1487] Ibid., pp. 207–217.
[1488] Ibid., pp. 220, 221, 279–281.
[1489] Ibid., pp. 382, 235, 236.
[1490] Ibid., pp. 226–257.
[1491] Ibid., pp. 237, 367–371, 381.
[1492] Ibid., pp. 236, 367.
[1493] Ibid., pp., 240, 241, 319, 355. Even in the Merovingian period
there were already such people, according to him, see pp. 122, 124,
163.
[1494] Ibid., pp. 241, 382.
[1495] Ibid., p. 367.
[1496] Lamprecht, III pp. 56, 57. See also Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 70,
164, 285.
[1497] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 115, 145, 84, 85, 207, 209.
[1498] Ibid., pp. 4–27. Similarly in France, in the 12th century, the
landlords encouraged emigration to the outlying, newly reclaimed
districts. Villeins who were willing to settle in these parts were
granted special privileges, a house and land were given them at a
nominal rent (Luchaire, in Lavisse, Vol. II Part. II p. 336.)
[1499] Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 36–38.
[1500] Ibid., pp. 70, 71, 63.
[1501] Ibid., p. 64.
[1502] Lamprecht, III p. 63.
[1503] Inama-Sternegg, III Part I pp. 394, 395.
[1504] Ibid., II pp. 203, 204.
[1505] Ibid., III Part I pp. 1–13.
[1506] Lamprecht, V Part I p. 82; Inama-Sternegg, l.c., p. 212.
[1507] Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 38, 214, 237, 285 sqq.
[1508] Ibid., pp. 366, 367.
[1509] Ibid., pp. 261–265.
[1510] Ibid., p. 220.
[1511] Ibid., pp. 176, 201, 249.
[1512] Ibid., pp. 202–205, 208–210, 225, 251, 255, 256, 277; Lamprecht,
l.c., p. 82.
[1513] Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 46, 174, 175.
[1514] Ibid., pp. 48, 50, 51, 213, 223, 241, 282, 303–309, 314, 408,
413.
[1515] Lamprecht, l.c., p. 83; see also Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 54,
55, 420.
[1516] Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 56–61.
[1517] Ibid., p. 67.
[1518] Ibid., pp. 54, 398, 417, 419, 411.
[1519] Ibid., p. 420; see also p. 311.
[1520] Ashley, II pp. 281, 282; see also Inama-Sternegg, III Part II p.
201.
[1521] On the history of the rural classes in Eastern Germany, see
Knapp, Die Bauernbefreiung.
It may be of some interest to point out the great resemblance between
the rise of Roman colonatus as described by Max Weber and the rise of
serfdom in Eastern Germany. In both countries most of the peasants were
originally free (Weber, Römische Agrargeschichte, p. 244; Knapp, I p.
32). The landlords, who formerly had passed most of their time outside
their properties, when they lost their military function took the
cultivation of their manors into their own hands (Weber, l.c., pp. 243,
244; Knapp, I p. 37). They soon acquired rights of jurisdiction over
the peasants (Weber, l.c., p. 260; Knapp, I p. 33), and began to compel
them to work on the demesne (Weber, l.c., p. 244; Knapp, I p. 40). The
cultivators lost the right of emigrating (Weber, l.c., pp. 256–258;
Knapp, I p. 42). Even the Bauernlegen, i.e. the joining of a peasant’s
holding to the demesne, occurred in Rome as well as in Eastern Germany
(Weber, l. c, p. 247; Knapp, I pp. 50, 55). And it is most remarkable
that in both countries the rise of serfdom took place at an advanced
period of their history.
This proves once more that the institutions of different countries may
closely resemble each other, even in many details, without the one
country having derived its institutions from the other. For even the
influence of Roman law cannot serve as an explanation of this
resemblance, as Roman law takes little notice of colonatus (Weber l.c.,
p. 259).
[1522] We must admit that we are not sure whether the facts of Roman
agrarian history agree with our theory. In Rome slavery prevailed to a
large extent at a time when the relative scarcity of land gave rise to
the difficulties about the ager publicus.
We shall not attempt to solve this question. We will only mention our
impression, on reading Weber’s Römische Agrargeschichte, viz. that,
even in the time of the Empire, though some land fetched a high price,
all disposable land had not yet been appropriated, and therefore the
want of servile labour remained. At the beginning of the Empire free
labourers were very scarce, and could only be got to help the landlords
in sowing and at harvest time on condition of receiving a pretty
considerable part of the harvest (Weber, l.c., pp. 236–238). Under
Augustus and Tiberius the procuring of slaves from abroad became very
difficult, and this led to kidnapping of men by the landlords (Ibid.,
p. 242). In the boundary provinces, even in later centuries, barbarians
were imported and became coloni attached to the soil (Ibid., pp. 259,
260).
Slavery proper declined from the beginning of the Empire (Meyer,
Altertum, p. 71); but the coloni, who originally seem to have been free
tenants, gradually lost the right of removing from the manor they
inhabited (Weber, l.c., pp. 242, 248–250, 256–258).
We must, however, bear in mind that the writers on the economic history
of Rome still disagree very much, not only as to the explanation of the
facts, but as to the facts themselves. See Max Weber’s article on
“Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, in Handwörterbuch der
Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, Vol. I.
[1523] The reader will remember that there are tribes among which land
is abundant, but nobody can live upon land and human labour only: the
possession of capital is necessary, and those destitute of capital have
to apply to the owners for employment. The best instance is furnished
by the pastoral tribes.
We have purposely avoided speaking of countries in which all land has
been appropriated and capital also plays a great part, as it is the
case in the manufacturing countries of modern Europe. Here the
structure of society is very complicated and difficult to disentangle.
We think, however, that here also the most important fact is the
appropriation of the soil.
[1524] “The earth, as we have already seen, is not the only agent of
nature, which has a productive power; but it is the only one, or nearly
so, that one set of men take to themselves, to the exclusion of others;
and of which, consequently, they can appropriate the benefits. The
waters of rivers, and of the sea, by the power which they have of
giving movement to our machines, carrying our boats, nourishing our
fish, have also a productive power; the wind which turns our mills, and
even the heat of the sun, work for us; but happily no one has yet been
able to say, the wind and the sun are mine, and the service which they
render must be paid for.” J. B. Say, Économie Politique, as quoted by
Ricardo, p. 35.
[1525] This is the general rule. We are fully aware that there are
exceptions due to secondary causes, internal and external. Moreover,
open resources do not necessarily lead to slavery or serfdom: there are
many simple societies in which there are no labouring, as opposed to
ruling classes, everybody, or nearly everybody, working for his own
wants (e.g. among many hunters, fishers, and hunting agriculturists).
[1526] Malthus (p. 453), speaking of war, says: “One of its first
causes and most powerful impulses was undoubtedly an insufficiency of
room and food”.
[1527] See Wakefield, pp. 126–134, on the happiness of settlers in new
countries.
[1528] A good instance is afforded by the Angoni as described by Wiese.
Their king, he tells us, subjected neighbouring tribes and brought them
to his own country. “He did not care for the territory deserted by
these tribes. It was his chief aim to have the people; to landed
property he attached little value” (Wiese, p. 197).
[1529] Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, pp. 199, 334.
[1530] See Melching, p. 19.
[1531] Guppy, pp. 44, 45.
[1532] See above, p. 90.
[1533] Ribbe, pp. 100, 141.
[1534] Sorge, in Steinmetz’s Rechtsverhältnisse, p. 399.
[1535] Somerville, New Hebrides, pp. 3, 5, 7, 4.
[1536] Hagen and Pineau, p. 331; see also Meinicke, Neue Hebriden, p.
340.
[1537] De Vaux, p. 330; Turner, Samoa, p. 341; Rochas, p. 229; see also
Brainne, p. 248.
[1538] Parkinson, Im Bismarck-Archipel, pp. 98, 99, 101; Danks, pp.
294, 292, 293; See also Melching, pp. 43, 44.
[1539] Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre, p. 269.
[1540] Williams, p. 178; Pritchard, p. 372.
[1541] The condition of women is not, however, equally bad in all
Melanesian islands. Among the Western Tribes of Torres Straits “the
women appear to have had a good deal to say on most questions, and were
by no means down-trodden or ill-used” (Haddon, p. 357; see also
Meinicke, Die Torresstrasse, p. 115). And Somerville, speaking of New
Georgia in the Solomon Islands, says: “In the eastern part the
treatment of women is notably good. I have but rarely seen them at
work” (Somerville, New Georgia, pp. 405, 406).
[1542] See the details given in Part I Chap. II § 5.
[1543] Cunningham (English Industry, I p. 77) justly remarks: “While
there is no opportunity for exchange, it is not so well worth while for
anyone to preserve a surplus; a very abundant harvest is more likely to
be prodigally used within the year, and so with all other supplies; but
the existence of opportunities for trade makes it well worth while to
gather a store that far exceeds any prospective need and to stow in
warehouses for sale all that need not be used by the producers to
satisfy their immediate wants; the conditions are present which still
further favour the accumulation of wealth.”
[1544] Kohler, Das Recht der Papuas, p. 364; Schmoller, Grundriss, I p.
243.
[1545] Cairnes, p. 50. In ancient Rome, at the end of the Republic,
plantations of olives and vines were worked with slaves, whereas cereal
crops were raised on lands leased to coloni; see Weber, Article
“Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, in Handwörterbuch der
Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, vol. I p. 166.
[1546] Köler, pp. 84, 154.
[1547] Zündel, pp. 408, 409, 387.
[1548] Kingsley, West African studies, p. 427; see also De Cardi’s
description of the slave system of Bonny, ibid., pp. 516 sqq.
[1549] Dalton, p. 58.
[1550] Thomson, New Zealand, pp. 150, 125.
[1551] Polack, II p. 53; Brown, New Zealand, p. 30.
[1552] Dalton, p. 58.
[1553] Colquhoun, p. 54.
[1554] Modigliani, Nias, p. 525.
[1555] Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo. I p. 66; II p. 96.
[1556] See above, p. 197, note 1.
[1557] Blumentritt, Conquista, p. 65.
[1558] Pogge, Muata Jamwo, p. 232.
[1559] Kerr, II p. 129.
[1560] Bérenger-Féraud, p. 59.
[1561] Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 484.
[1562] Madrolle, p. 92.
[1563] Arcin, p. 275.
[1564] Among the ancient Germans the bearing of arms was a sign of
freedom (Amira, p. 129).
[1565] Martius, p. 71.
[1566] Azara, II pp. 109, 110.
[1567] Powell, On regimentation, p. CXII.
[1568] Among the Soninkays and Malinkays of French Guinea the slave
warriors are the only force on which the chiefs can rely; for the
freemen would not always readily answer to the appeal of their lords.
Arcin, p. 275.
[1569] Ingram, p. 44.
[1570] Ibid., pp. 51, 52.
[1571] Ibid., pp. 52, 53.
[1572] Goldstein, p. 362.
[1573] Torday and Joyce, Congo Free State, p. 139.
[1574] Ingram, pp. 58, 59.
[1575] De Groot, p. 455.
[1576] Blumentritt, Conquista, p. 53.
[1577] Lenz, p. 59.
[1578] Compiègne, Okanda, pp. 194, 195.
[1579] Torday and Joyce, Ba-Mbala, p. 411.
[1580] Martius, p. 63.
[1581] See above, p. 269.
[1582] Leroy-Beaulieu, p. 80. See also Malthus (Bettany’s edition, pp.
423, 424): “In the feudal times, the landlords could in no other way
spend their incomes than by maintaining a great number of idle
followers.”
[1583] Coquilhat, pp. 365, 265.
[1584] Finsch, Die Goldküste, pp. 359, 360.
[1585] Among hunting agriculturists we have found 34 positive and 43
negative cases; among agriculturists of the higher stages 136 positive
and 52 negative cases.
[1586] Morgan, Anc. Soc., p. 136.
[1587] See Salvioli’s article on the struggles between pastoral and
agricultural peoples.
[1588] See above, p. 295, and Grosse, p. 134.
[1589] Martius, pp. 123, 131, 131 note, 154 note, 531–533, 772.
[1590] Robidé, pp. 345 sqq.
[1591] Ibid., pp. 53, 218, 221, 288, 289, 232, 255, 317. See also
“Nieuw Guinea”, pp. 186–192.
[1592] Robidé, p. 227.
[1593] Ibid., pp. 277, 242.
[1594] Ottow and Geissler, pp. 152, 153.
[1595] See Blumentritt, Conquista.
[1596] Cooper, p. 183.
[1597] Colquhoun, p. 70.
[1598] Rousselet, p. 223.
[1599] See above, p. 287.
[1600] Ingram, pp. 19, 38.
[1601] Ibid., p. 268.
[1602] Ibid., 224, 225, 230–233. On the African slave-trade, see also
Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, II (1891), pp. 386, 387.
[1603] Polack, I, pp. 78, 79.
[1604] In ancient Wales “the price of a slave was one pound, but of one
brought across the sea, a pound and a half. The slave who was brought
from a distance was much less likely to escape, or even to attempt it,
and was therefore a more valuable property; this principle still holds
good among slave-owners.” Cunningham, English Industry, I, p. 117 note
6.
[1605] In the first edition we had spoken of negative internal causes.
Dr. Tönnies, in his review, rightly remarks that this expression is not
quite correct.
[1606] Our “external causes” correspond with what has sometimes been
called condiciones, as opposed to causae proper.
[1607] Viz. if they have no opportunity to emigrate to countries with
open resources.
[1608] Viz. generally speaking. Peculiar circumstances (e.g. a rapid
development of industry) may bring about a temporary scarcity of
labour. But the growth of population in most cases will soon bring this
state of things to an end.
[1609] We have repeatedly remarked that the condition of countries with
open resources is quite different: land is abundant, but the supply of
labour is limited; therefore the ruling classes attach little value to
land as such, but their chief aim is to people the land with men who
enter into their service. A good instance is given by Junod in his
account of the Baronga (near Delagoa Bay): “According to their laws,
the soil belongs exclusively to the chief. But practically it belongs
to every one. Nobody buys land. It is given gratuitously to whosoever
wants to settle in the country. By simply declaring himself a subject
of the chief, a native may acquire as much land as he wants for his
subsistence.” (Junod, pp. 186, 187).
[1610] Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, pp. 12, 13.
[1611] Hecquard, p. 313.
[1612] There is another reason: foreign women are sometimes procured
for wives. But we may leave this case out of consideration as being
foreign to our subject.
[1613] Dr. Vierkandt, reviewing the first edition of this work, remarks
that there is no internal connection between the results of the
investigation and the distinction of economic groups, as the existence
or non-existence of slavery appears to depend not only on the economic
state of society, but on many causes which have little to do with this
state.
Though we fully admit this last, we think our division of the savage
tribes into economic groups is justified by the results of our
investigation. This division has led us to the following conclusions.
Hunters and fishers, and equally the lowest agricultural group, as Dr.
Vierkandt himself observes, generally do not keep slaves. The state of
pastoral nomadism is also unfavourable to the growth of slavery. On the
other hand, agriculturists of the higher stages are very likely to keep
slaves.
Having arrived at these preliminary results, we have inquired which
causes engender this connection between slavery and the economic state
of society. We have also asked for the causes of the exceptions to the
rules above mentioned. So we have come to an understanding of the
internal connection between slavery and the other factors of social
life. We cannot think our final results would have been obtained as
well in any other way.
[1614] In the Shortland Islands (Solomon group) many of the common
people are children of slave parents. Ribbe, p. 138.
[1615] Among the Tlinkits, in Holmberg’s time, it was the custom to
sacrifice slaves at some great feasts; but the master often gave a good
slave the opportunity of hiding during the feast; he could then return
afterwards with impunity. Generally speaking, no slaves were sacrificed
but the old and sickly and those who, being defective in some way or
other, caused their master more trouble than profit. Except at the
great feasts slaves were scarcely ever killed; for they were valuable
and difficult to replace. (Holmberg, I p. 51). We see that the keeping
of slaves had become profitable and so the old custom of sacrificing
slaves was going out of practice.
[1616] To give one instance, Guppy states that in Ugi, in the Solomon
Islands, “infanticide is the prevailing custom. When a man needs
assistance in his declining years, his props are not his own sons but
youths obtained by purchase from the St. Christoval natives who, as
they attain to manhood, acquire a virtual independence, passing almost
beyond the control of their original owner. It is from this cause that
but a small proportion of the Ugi natives have been born on the island,
three-fourths of them having been brought as youths to supply the place
of offspring killed in infancy”. Guppy, p. 42.
[1617] See Post, Ethn. Jur., I p. 366.
[1618] Post, l.c.
[1619] Among the Chingpaws of Upper Burma slaves can always be
liberated by their parents by means of a payment (Wehrli, p. 37).
[1620] Among the Tlinkits at the feast held in commemoration of the
deceased, the man who gave the feast used to part with some of his
slaves, whether by sacrificing or emancipating them was left to the
decision of the priest. Erman, p. 382.
[1621] Among the Bayaka “if the deceased leaves no heir, his wives and
goods pass into the possession of one of his slaves, who thus becomes a
free man.” Torday and Joyce, Ba-Yaka, p. 44.
[1622] Among the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast “according to
custom, any slave who takes refuge in a temple and dedicates himself to
the service of the god, cannot be reclaimed by his owner; but as by
paying a fee to the priest the owner can close the doors of all the
temples in the neighbourhood to his fugitive slaves, this provision of
an asylum for an ill-treated slave is more apparent than real”. Ellis,
Ewe-speaking peoples, p. 220.
[1623] Among the Chinooks, the flattening of the head, “appears to be a
sort of mark of royalty or badge of aristocracy, for their slaves are
not permitted to treat their children thus”. (Swan, The Northwest
Coast, p. 168). Among the Malays of Menangkabao slaves were not allowed
to dress in the same manner as free people or live in houses like those
of the free or wear gold or silver ornaments or silks. (Willinck, p.
141).
[1624] See also Post, Ethn. Jur., I pp. 370 sqq.
[1625] See Steinmetz, Strafe, II pp. 306–315.
[1626] See Post, Ethn. Jur., I, p. 377.
[1627] Among the ancient Germans, slaves were obliged to wear their
hair short (Amira, p. 139). Similarly in Dorey (New-Guinea); see
“Nieuw-Guinea”, p. 149.
[1628] The facts do not seem to justify Déniker’s conclusion that the
moral code of savages disapproves of compassion with slaves, because it
is not profitable to the tribe. (Déniker, Races et peuples, p. 299.)
[1629] On the favourable position of native-born slaves in
North-eastern Africa, see above, p. 267.
[1630] Déniker remarks that, together with the formation of social
classes, a distinction between the different kinds of unfree arises.
“The lowest grade are the slaves in the proper sense, who are not even
regarded as human beings, whereas, at the top of the scale, we find
people, unfree by birth, but able to arrive at a position not very
different from that of the free citizens of the upper-classes.”
Déniker, Races et peuples, p. 296.
[1631] In Dahomey “agriculture is despised, because slaves are employed
in it.” Burton, II p. 248.
[1632] Among the Battas of Mandheling and Pertibie only the nobles are
allowed to keep slaves. The higher nobles may keep as many slaves as
they like, the lower only two or three (Willer, p. 43).
[1633] Among the Ewe it occurs that a slave is emancipated by his
master. “But, generally speaking, slaves do not care to be free, for
they are treated as members of the family and are so contented that
they do not long for a change in their condition.” Herold, p. 170. The
slaves, formerly kept by the Koniagas, evidently thought otherwise of
their servile state: for on the arrival of the Russians, many slaves
took refuge to them (Holmberg I p. 79).
[1634] The Athka Aleuts sometimes preferred suicide to captivity in war
or slavery (Petroff, p. 158).
[1635] “In the district of Allas [in Sumatra] a custom prevails, by
which, if a man has been sold to the hill people, however unfairly, he
is restricted on his return from associating with his countrymen as
their equal, unless he brings with him a sum of money, and pays a fine
for his re-enfranchisement to his kalippah or chief. This regulation
has taken its rise from an idea of contamination among the people, and
from art and avarice among the chiefs.” Marsden, p. 255. Similarly,
among the Maori, according to Polack (II p. 55), “chiefs who have
tasted of slavery are often taunted by their friends, by whom they may
have been ransomed, as having been slaves.” Brown (New Zealand, p. 62)
remarks: “They attach great importance to the circumstance of never
having been taken in war.”
[1636] Among the Ewe, the price of a slave is 140–200 shilling, so the
relatively rich only are able to purchase slaves (Herold, p. 168).
[1637] On the West African coast, from Lagos to Cameroon, the master of
the house has over his wives a limited, over his male and female slaves
an unlimited power (Kingsley, West African studies, p. 439). Among the
Bali tribes of Cameroon, female slaves are concubines without any
recognized rights.
[1638] See Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 339.
[1639] Winwood Reade, speaking of the coast tribes of West Africa, from
Senegambia to Angola, remarks: “In those places where the slave-buying
still goes on, the people are more disposed to go to war, to convict
criminals, and to make use of any pretence to procure slaves. And it is
also certain that there are regions where an almost constant war is
carried on for the purpose of obtaining slaves” (Winwood Reade, p.
291).
[1640] Bagehot, p. 73; see also Ingram, pp. 5, 6.
[1641] Ingram, p. 5; see also Schmoller, Grundriss, I p. 338.
[1642] See Lange, Die Arbeiterfrage, p. 63.
[1643] Such is the case for instance in Cameroon (Hutter, p. 36). Among
the Bali tribes of Cameroon the nobles wear their nails long, in order
to show that they are not slaves (Ibid., p. 385). See also Westermarck,
Moral Ideas, II pp. 272, 273.
[1644] See Ingram, pp. 9–11. All this applies much less to early
slavery than to slavery in its more advanced stages. Yet even the
patriarchal slave system of primitive societies sometimes has a bad
influence on the slaves. Polack, speaking of the New Zealand slaves,
remarks: “Debarred from the sight of their relatives, they become
reckless of moral feeling.... Obscenity and lying are among the
practices most persisted in by the slaves, and to their demoralized
state may be attributed the greater part of the wars and dissensions of
this irritable people; they may be justly regarded as the greatest
drawback to the prosperity and civilization hitherto of the New
Zealanders” (Polack, II pp. 58, 59).
[1645] Brinton, Races and peoples, p. 46.
[1646] Ferrero, La morale primitiva, etc.
[1647] Ripley, p. 564.
[1648] Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, II pp. 387, 388.
[1649] Powell, On Regimentation, p. CXII.
[1650] Adult males are not desired for slaves, because they are very
difficult to manage. This is the case even among the semi-civilized
Mohammedans of Baghirmi: see Nachtigal, II p. 615. The North African
slave-hunters, according to Goldstein (p. 367), have a preference for
girls, but also capture boys; full-grown men, however, are generally
killed.
[1651] Slaves have also sometimes been employed in manufactures. Such,
according to Cunningham, was the case in ancient Tyre. Slaves also
“worked as artisans in the factories of Athens”. Cunningham, Western
Civilization, pp. 66, 110. But we think such an employment of slaves is
rather an exception.