Coquilhat tells us that on the Upper Congo the keeping of slaves does

not increase the master’s income; for agriculture is insignificant, and

these tribes are not commercial. But he also states that the soil is

tilled by old women and male slaves, so slaves do not seem to be kept

as a mere luxury [1583].

Among the Fanti, according to Finsch, slaves are articles of luxury;

they are as lazy as their masters. They are acquired as prisoners of

war or by purchase. Every noble Fanti owns numerous slaves; for it is a

mark of distinction to keep many of them. Some slaves carry parasols or

fans; others by trumpeting announce the arrival of the patrician. Most

of them do nothing at all. But the same writer states that the

condition of the pawns (who, as has been shown in the first chapter of

Part I, are a kind of slaves) is much worse than that of the slaves in

the restricted sense [1584]. We may therefore suppose that these pawns

are the productive labourers.

We have never found it explicitly stated that among any agricultural

tribe slaves are not employed in agriculture.

Our conclusion is that luxury has not probably been among any

agricultural tribe the only motive for keeping slaves. Yet many slaves

are kept as a mere luxury, and consequently among some tribes slaves

are far more numerous than they would be if all of them were engaged in

productive pursuits.

§ 17. Other secondary internal causes.

We have seen that among the tribes of the Pacific Coast of North

America the growth of slavery is furthered by their preserving food for

the time of scarcity, whereas hunters who live from hand to mouth have

less use for slave labour.

Hunting agriculturists much resemble true hunters: subsistence depends

largely on the vicissitudes of the chase. But where a tribe lives

principally on the produce of the soil, it is necessary to preserve the

reaped fruits until the following harvest.

This leads to the same conclusion we had already arrived at, that

slavery is more likely to exist among agriculturists of the higher

stages than among hunting agriculturists [1585]. We do not think that

anything more need be said on this subject.

In our chapter on pastoral tribes we have found that subjection of

tribes as such sometimes serves as a substitute for slavery, making

slavery proper superfluous. The same proved to be the case among

agriculturists who depend on cattle for a large portion of their

subsistence. Something analogous to this is the levying of tributes on

conquered districts that so often occurs in Oceania, as we have found

in § 8. Outside Oceania we have found only one instance among

agriculturists who do not depend on cattle, and even this is a doubtful

one. Morgan states that among the Iroquois the council “regulated the

affairs of subjugated tribes” [1586]; but he does not enter into more

details, so we cannot exactly know what he means.

It is easy to understand, why subjection of tribes so seldom occurs

among agriculturists. Hunting agriculturists, like true hunters,

generally live in small groups and therefore cannot keep other tribes

in a state of subjection. And among agricultural tribes of the higher

stages men as well as women are continually engaged in agricultural

labour; they are attached to the spot on which they live and, unlike

nomadic cattle-keepers [1587], cannot easily control a neighbouring

tribe. The vanquished tribe, by retreating a little, can place itself

out of reach of the conquering tribe. Only where, as on the small

Polynesian islands, escape is not practicable, can a vanquished

district be kept in a state of subjection. The Iroquois were an

exceptional case. They were hunting agriculturists in this sense, that

agricultural labour was performed by the women only; but at the same

time they had a strong military organization: the five nations formed a

powerful union.

In the higher stages of culture the growth of militarism enables strong

agricultural peoples to subject their weaker neighbours; and the growth

of population prevents the latter from receding. But among agricultural

savages subjugation of tribes is rarely found.

§ 18. External causes, especially the slave-trade. Recapitulation.

In the second and third chapters we have spoken of external causes. We

have seen that for slavery to exist it is not sufficient that there

should be some use for slave labour; it must also be possible to keep

slaves; the freemen of the tribe must have a coercive power strong

enough to keep the slaves subjected and prevent them from escaping. It

has been shown that this coercive power is most strongly developed,

where men have fixed habitations, live in large groups, and preserve

food; and further, that the slave-trade greatly facilitates the keeping

of slaves.

As for the first three points, it is easy to see that agricultural

tribes of the higher stages are more settled, live in larger groups,

and are more likely to preserve food than hunting agriculturists

[1588], so here again we find a reason why slavery is so much more

frequent among the former than among the latter.

The slave-trade is of more interest to us here. It has been, shown that

among the tribes of the Pacific Coast of North America a brisk trade in

slaves was carried on, which must have greatly accelerated the growth

of slavery; for it made the keeping of slaves much easier than it would

have been if each of these tribes had had to procure its slaves by

capture in war. It has also been remarked that among pastoral tribes

slavery exists almost exclusively in those parts, where a trade in

slaves with civilized or semi-civilized peoples is or was carried on,

viz. in Arabia, the Caucasus, North-east and North-west Africa; whereas

the pastoral tribes that live in outlying regions (Siberia, South

Africa) with the only exception of the Ovaherero, do not keep slaves.

We shall inquire now whether the same is the case with agricultural

tribes, whether among them too slavery is of rare occurrence in those

parts where the slave-trade has never been carried on.

In North America, at the time of its discovery, slavery did not exist

among any agricultural tribe. Negro slavery, practised by a few of them

in later times, was derived from the whites.

In South America we have found only a few slave-keeping agricultural

tribes; and the slave-trade formerly carried on by the whites may go

far to explain the existence of slavery in these few cases. “The

Brazilian native” says Martius “sometimes sells his children to people

of white races, much oftener than to those of his own colour.” The

principal object of warfare among the natives, in Martius’ time, was to

capture slaves, whom they sold either to other tribes or to colonists

of Portuguese extraction. The custom of selling prisoners to white

colonists has strongly influenced the native character. It was already

practised very shortly after the discovery of America. Many Indians

were transported to Spain and Portugal. The Mamelucos, living in San

Paolo, made long and sanguinary wars upon the Indians. They are said

during 130 years to have killed and enslaved more than two millions of

Indians. Pedro de Avila, governor of Buenos Ayres, complained that the

Paulistas carried on this trade in public and from 1628 to 1630 had

brought 60,000 Indians to the market at Rio Janeiro. The whites

continually availed themselves of the quarrels of the several Indian

tribes, to procure such Indians as had been made prisoners. Even in

Martius’ time this trade went on, especially in thinly peopled,

outlying districts, where the Brazilian government could not prevent

it. The wars of the Indians were simply marauding expeditions; their

object was to procure prisoners for sale to Brazilian whites [1589].

In Oceania, slavery was an aboriginal institution in New Zealand and

part of the Solomon group and the Bismarck Archipelago. From the lack

of details concerning a system of slave labour, we must conclude that

in these islands the economic use of slaves was small. Slavery further

existed in the western part of New Guinea, where it probably still

exists. Here foreign influence clearly appears. In the eastern part of

the island, that till quite recently had not been visited by foreigners

(British and German New Guinea), slavery is unknown; and the western

part (Dutch New Guinea), where slavery exists, was for a long time

under the rule of the sultan of Tidore [1590]. The tribute which the

inhabitants of New Guinea had to pay to the sultan consisted partly of

slaves; moreover, many Papuans were captured as slaves in the hongi

raids [1591]. This, however, is not sufficient to account for the

keeping of slaves by Papuans themselves. But we may consider, first

that several districts on the coast are inhabited by a mongrel race of

Papuans and Malays (e.g. on the Gulf of Macluer), and secondly that the

trade with Tidore, Serang, and other Malay countries must have

thoroughly changed the natives’ mode of life. Thus we are told that the

Dorey people have become somewhat civilized by their intercourse with

traders from the Moluccas [1592]. We may notice here that all districts

where slavery is carried on lie on the coast, and are therefore easiest

of access to foreigners. And those districts of Dutch New Guinea of

which it is stated that there are no slaves, Humboldt Bay and Hattam,

have never been visited by hongi fleets [1593]. Accordingly, Ottow and

Geissler remark that the mountain tribes do not keep slaves, but kill

all their prisoners, for fear they might escape. The coast tribes,

however, being able to procure slaves from a great distance, who are

less likely to escape, practise slavery [1594].

In the Malay Archipelago Mohammedanism already prevailed to a great

extent before the conquista, and had even advanced as far as the

Philippines [1595]. Wherever slavery exists in the Archipelago, we are

not certain that we have to deal with a phenomenon of unadulterated

savage life. The influence of semi-civilized Mohammedans spreads over

nearly the whole of the Archipelago.

In India the slave-trade with semi-civilized countries is, or was, also

carried on by the natives. Cooper states that the Meshmees sell slaves

to Tibet [1596]. According to Colquhoun the Karen-nee sell many slaves

to the Shans of Zimmé and these again to the Siamese [1597]. And

Rousselet tells us that among the Kafirs “slavery exists within certain

limits, but this criminal commerce would cease altogether if there were

not such a ready sale for slaves at Djalalabad, Kounar, Asmar and

Tchitral” [1598].

From the Caucasus, as we have already seen, slaves are exported to

Turkey on a large scale [1599].

Africa is the classical country of the slave-trade. Egypt and Ethiopia

furnished a certain number of slaves to ancient Greece, and at Rome

there was a regular importation of slaves, some of whom were brought

from Africa [1600]. Herodotus speaks of slaves sent to ancient Egypt as

tribute from Ethiopia [1601]. That in later times the African

slave-trade, carried on by Arabs in East Africa and by Europeans in

West Africa, assumed enormous proportions, need scarcely be said. In

the later half of the 19th century the Mohammedan East still received a

large supply of slaves from Africa. Ingram remarks: “The principal

centres from which in recent times the supply has been furnished to

Egypt, Morocco, Turkey, Arabia, and Persia, are three in number. 1. The

Soudan, south of the Great Sahara, appears to be one vast

hunting-ground. Captives are brought thence to the slave-market of Kuka

in Bornu.... Negroes are also brought to Morocco from the Western

Soudan, and from Timbuktu.... 2. The basin of the Nile, extending to

the great lakes, is another region infested by the slave trade.... 3.

There has long been a slave-trade from the East African coast. The

stream of supply came mainly from the southern Nyassa districts by

three or four routes to Ibo, Mozambique, Angoche, and Kilimane.

Madagascar and the Comoro Islands obtained most of their slaves from

the Mozambique coast.... There are other minor branches of the trade

elsewhere in Africa. Thus from Harar in Somâliland caravans are sent to

Berberah on the coast, where there is a great annual fair. The slaves

are collected from the inland Galla countries, from Gurâgwe, and from

Abyssinia, the Abyssinians being the most highly esteemed” [1602].

We see that in most parts of the world inhabited by slave-keeping

agricultural savages, slaves are, or were, purchased or captured by

civilized or semi-civilized peoples; whereas in those parts where the

slave-trade has always been unknown, slavery has never prevailed to any

considerable extent.

We shall try to account for this fact. But we must first reply to a

question which the reader may perhaps have asked, viz. why we have not

at the beginning of this second Part discussed the question as to

whether slavery is ever a phenomenon of genuine savage life, or has

always been due to intercourse with higher races. We have not done so,

because it seems to us that this question is one of secondary interest.

When we see that among a savage tribe slavery is an institution playing

a great part in native life and slave labour is of much use, we must

come to the conclusion that slavery is perfectly consistent with the

economic and social state in which this tribe lives, whether

intercourse with superior races gave rise to it or it already existed

before any such intercourse had taken place. And the conclusions we

have arrived at in this and the foregoing chapters, as to the various

circumstances which further or prevent slavery, remain the same in both

cases. Moreover, there are some savage tribes which at the time of

their discovery kept slaves without, so far as we know, having had any

intercourse with superior races: the New Zealanders and the fishing

tribes of Kamchatka and the North Pacific Coast of North America.

Yet, as we have already said, those parts of the world where we have

found most of our positive cases are exactly those where the

slave-trade has been carried on by civilized and semi-civilized

peoples. Going on to account for this fact, we may remark first that it

need not have been the slave-trade only that furthered the growth of

slavery. The general intercourse with superior races may go far to

account for the rise of slavery, irrespectively of the slave-trade. We

have seen that commercial tribes are more likely to keep slaves than

others; and a savage tribe can engage in commerce with superior

peoples, who buy large quantities of native produce and introduce

foreign manufactures, to a far greater extent than with neighbouring

savages who have not much to exchange, as their own and their

neighbours’ mode of life and industrial development are nearly the

same. A remarkable instance of the influence of commercial intercourse

with Europeans on the slave system of a savage race is afforded by

Polack’s description of the Maori. Formerly, he says, “for a chief to

enter his new abode [in the world of spirits], without being ushered by

a number of slaves and wives [who were sacrificed], was accounted the

greatest indecorum that could possibly exist, but from the scarcity of

slaves during late years [Polack wrote in 1840], or rather from the

profits accruing from their employment in rearing pigs, and planting

provisions, cutting timber, and cleaning flax for their numerous

European visitors (their services being at a premium), these butcheries

... have ceased” [1603]. Something similar to this may often have taken

place.

Probably, however, the slave-trade has also had considerable influence.

The mere fact that foreigners purchase or capture slaves from savage

tribes cannot, of course, account for the existence of slavery among

these savages; it may even result in the disappearance of slavery among

them, if they find it more profitable to sell their slaves than retain

them. But the slave-trade will often augment the opportunities of

acquiring slaves. Slave-traders generally trade in other articles

besides slaves; therefore they will often exchange some of the slaves

they may have procured for something else. If some slaves are too weak

to perform the journey to the coast, it is more profitable to sell them

in the interior than to leave them behind. Moreover, the slave-traders

often induce savages to make raids upon their neighbours and sell the

captives they may secure; and if a savage chief has once learned in

this way to kidnap slaves, he will perhaps continue to do so though

there be not always a ready sale for them. In a word, the procuring of

slaves becomes much easier.

Now we must bear in mind that an institution does not always exist in

all countries where it would be economically useful. Not only is an

institution which would further the public welfare often wanting,

because the immediate interests of individuals are not concerned, but

the individuals are not always aware even of their own immediate

interests. Such may also be the case with slavery. It may be that, if

slavery were introduced into some savage tribe, the tribe, or at least

some members of the tribe, would profit by it, and that yet no slaves

are made because there are not sufficiently strong motives for doing

so, or because there are stronger motives working in the opposite

direction. Tribes which have never kept slaves and are unacquainted

with slave-keeping tribes, do not know the use of slavery; therefore

they have to come to it gradually. Taking for granted that the first

source of slavery, as seems very likely, was captivity in war, and that

the captives, at first adopted, were afterwards differentiated from the

main body of citizens, we can understand why slavery does not exist in

all countries where the keeping of slaves would be profitable. It may

be that it is the custom to eat the prisoners, or to sacrifice them, or

to restore them when peace is concluded. It may also be that the

adopted prisoners have from times immemorial been regarded as the

equals of the tribesmen. In all these cases the new motive, the want of

slaves, must be strong if it is to break through the established

custom. The vis inertiae plays a great part in the history of mankind.

Returning to the slave-trade, we may remark that this entirely

overturns the existing state of things. It enables the tribe to procure

slaves who are not captives, and regarding whom therefore no custom has

been established. Moreover, the tribe becomes acquainted with the

institution of slavery, which it had not seen practised before. Now

there is no longer any reason why the members of such a tribe should

not purchase the slaves offered to them and set them to work. An

external cause has sufficed to disturb the former equilibrium.

We have remarked before that the slave-trade facilitates the keeping of

slaves, because purchased slaves are less likely to escape than

captives [1604]. Here too we have to deal with the vis inertiae rather

than with an impossibility in the strict sense of keeping slaves. It

will not, probably, often be the case that agricultural savages would

be quite unable to retain their slaves, if they were really very

anxious to keep them; but it may often occur that they are not yet

fully aware of the use of slaves, and therefore do not want to take the

pains of supervising them, though, if slavery were thoroughly

established, it would prove very profitable; in such case the objective

want exists, but the subjective want is not yet felt. In this case,

too, the slave-trade, by rendering escape of the slaves more difficult,

will tend to establish the custom of keeping slaves.

Our conclusion is that slavery existed among some savages who had never

had any intercourse with superior races, but that this intercourse,

especially where the slave-trade was carried on, has often greatly

furthered the growth of slavery.

In our chapter on pastoral tribes we have remarked that a tribe living

in the vicinity of inferior races is more likely to keep slaves than

one surrounded by tribes of the same or a higher level of culture.

Enslavement of lower races also frequently occurs among agriculturists;

but the agriculturists of the higher races (e.g. Malays in the

restricted sense, inhabitants of North Africa, etc.) are to be called

barbarians rather than savages and have therefore been excluded from

the survey of slavery given in our first Part.

Briefly recapitulating the conclusions we have arrived at with regard

to agricultural tribes, we have to remark that the general character of

their economic and social life is favourable to the existence of

slavery: subsistence is easy to procure, and independent of capital,

except where cattle are kept.

This applies especially to true agriculturists (agriculturists of the

higher stages) as opposed to hunting agriculturists. The latter bear

much resemblance to true hunters, who hardly ever keep slaves,

accordingly slavery is not so frequent among them as among true

agriculturists.

Our general rule, however, requires an important qualification. Where

all land has been appropriated, a class of free labourers commonly

exists, and slaves are not wanted.

We have not entered into a thorough investigation of the influence of

secondary or additional causes. A closer study of this matter will

perhaps yield important results. What we have found with regard to

these secondary causes is the following.

Slaves often perform female labour; on the other hand female labour

sometimes serves as a substitute for slave labour.

Commercial agricultural tribes are far more likely to keep slaves than

agricultural tribes among which commerce holds a very subordinate

place.

Slaves are sometimes kept for military purposes, or as a mere luxury.

These two circumstances, however, though they often lead to the keeping

of a larger number of slaves than would otherwise be required, have not

probably ever given rise to slavery.

Subjection of tribes as such, which among some pastoral tribes serves

as a substitute for slavery, hardly ever occurs among agricultural

tribes, except in Oceania, where slavery is already absent for the

general cause mentioned above, the non-existence of free land.

Some external causes we had found before: fixed habitations, living in

large groups, preserving of food, and the neighbourhood of inferior

races, call for no special notice here.

Intercourse with superior races, especially where these carry on the

slave-trade, proves to be a factor greatly furthering the growth of

slavery.

We shall not give here a list of the causes found up to the present. We

think it more convenient to place such a list at the end of our general

survey.

CHAPTER V.

CONCLUSION.

§ 1. General survey.

The causes which lead to the keeping of slaves, and those which prevent

it, have been divided by us into internal and external causes. These

terms do not perhaps quite answer the purpose, but we cannot find other

terms which would express our meaning better, without requiring a

prolix circumlocution. We think, however, that it is clear what we mean

by these terms. Slavery cannot exist, where there are no internal

causes requiring it, i.e. where there is no use, economic or

non-economic, for slave labour. A tribe will not keep slaves, even

though its coercive power would enable it to do so, if there is no

employment for them; in such case positive internal causes fail. The

same obtains, where definite internal causes are found, which make

slave labour useless [1605]. The positive internal causes may also be

called motive-forces. Slaves will not be kept, even where the best

opportunities of procuring them exist, if there is no motive-force

which requires the keeping of slaves, i.e. if they are not wanted.

But though, where motives for keeping slaves fail, no external causes

will give rise to slavery,—even when there are such motives, slavery

will not exist, if there are no external causes rendering it possible,

i.e. if there is no opportunity of procuring and retaining slaves.

Where neither capture or purchase of aliens, nor enslavement of members

of the tribe is practicable, or where the slaves can very easily

escape, slaves cannot be kept, though there might be much use for them

[1606].

The principal internal cause which prevents the rise of slavery, or

where slavery exists, tends to make it disappear, is the dependence of

subsistence upon closed resources. The most important result of our

investigation seems to us the division, not only of all savage tribes,

but of all peoples of the earth, into peoples with open, and with

closed resources. Among the former labour is the principal factor of

production, and a man who does not possess anything but his own

strength and skill, is able to provide for himself independently of any

capitalist or landlord. There may be capital which enhances the

productiveness of labour, and particularly fertile or favourably

situated grounds the ownership of which gives great advantage; but a

man can do without these advantages. Among peoples with closed

resources it is otherwise. Here subsistence is dependent upon material

resources of which there is only a limited supply, and which

accordingly have all been appropriated. These resources can consist in

capital, the supply of which is always limited; then those who own no

capital are dependent on the capitalists. They can also consist in

land. Such is the case when all land has been appropriated; then people

destitute of land are dependent on the landowners.

Where subsistence depends on closed resources, slaves may occasionally

be kept, but slavery as an industrial system is not likely to exist.

There are generally poor people who voluntarily offer themselves as

labourers; therefore slavery, i.e. a system of compulsory labour, is

not wanted. And even where there are no poor men, because all share in

the closed resources, the use of slaves cannot be great. Where there

are practically unlimited resources, a man can, by increasing the

number of his slaves, increase his income to any extent; but a man who

owns a limited capital, or a limited quantity of land, can only employ

a limited number of labourers. Moreover, as soon as in a country with

closed resources slaves are kept, they form a class destitute of

capital, or land, as the case may be; therefore, even when they are set

free, they will remain in the service of the rich, as they are unable

to provide for themselves [1607]. The rich have no interest to keep the

labourers in a slave-like state. It may even be their interest to set

them free, either in order to deprive them of such rights over the land

as they may have acquired in the course of time, or to bring about a

determination of the wages of labour by the law of supply and demand,

instead of by custom. They will thus, without any compulsion except

that exercized by the automatic working of the social system, secure a

larger share in the produce of labour than they got before by

compulsion.

Among peoples with open resources everybody is able to provide for

himself; therefore free labourers do not offer themselves, at least not

for employment in the common drudgery, the rudest and most despised

work. There may be, and indeed there often are, skilled labourers whose

work is highly valued and well paid; such people think it more

profitable to earn their livelihood by means of their peculiar talents,

than in the common way. A striking instance of this is the priest, whom

we may call a skilled labourer performing non-economic labour; his

remuneration, both in material goods and in influence and

consideration, is greater than the income of a common agriculturist.

But there are no labourers in the modern sense of proletarians,

destitute of everything and obliged to seek employment in whatever work

they can find. If therefore a man wants others to perform the necessary

drudgery for him, and cannot impose it upon his wife, or wives, or

other female dependents (either because women hold a high position, or

because there is more mean work to be done than the women can possibly

manage), he must compel other men to serve him; and this compulsion

will often assume the form of slavery.

In the first Part we have said that a slave is a man who is the

property of another. We can now see the practical meaning of this

definition. In slave countries labourers are held as property, and

valued as such. If an employer loses a labourer, his income is lessened

by it; if his labourer runs away, he eagerly tries to recover him. In

countries with closed resources it is quite the reverse [1608]. The

labourers are not held as property, because they are not valued. If a

labourer leaves his service, the employer knows that there are many

others ready to take his place. Here it is not the employer who

prevents his labourers from escaping, but the employed who try to

prevent the employer from dismissing his workmen. We are, of course,

aware that labour is always an indispensable factor of production; yet

in many countries, e.g. in modern Western Europe, an employer does not

care to keep a particular labourer in his service [1609]. We must,

however, bear in mind that this rule, in its strictest sense, applies

only to unskilled labour. Qualified labourers are often highly valued

and able to secure great advantage, because their number is limited. It

is therefore that the helpless state of people destitute of material

resources appears more clearly in agricultural than in manufacturing

countries.

This difference between countries with open and with closed resources

goes far to explain why slavery (and serfdom, which is also a form of

compulsory labour) has gradually disappeared in civilized Europe,

whereas in thinly peopled countries it maintained itself much longer,

and even now is sometimes introduced under some disguise (“labour

trade”, convict labour and similar expedients used in the tropics). In

Western Europe unskilled labourers can always be had without

compulsion, whereas the qualities required in skilled labourers cannot

develop under a compulsory régime.

Always and everywhere have men been inclined to burden their fellow-men

with heavy and disagreeable work rather than perform it themselves; and

the strong have succeeded in imposing this work on the weak. Among some

savage tribes it is the weaker sex who perform the drudgery; but in the

course of progress the work that has to be done soon becomes too much

for the women to manage. Then subjection of males arises, which

presents itself in various forms, as subjugation of conquered tribes,

or of the common people by the king and nobility, but often also as

slavery or serfdom. Finally, when indispensable resources have been

appropriated, the meanest labour is imposed upon those who are

destitute of land and capital. There is now no longer a personal, but

an impersonal compulsion. Lange remarks: “In former times the marauding

minority of mankind, by means of physical violence, compelled the

working majority to render feudal services, or reduced them to a state

of slavery or serfdom, or at least made them pay a tribute. Nowadays

the dependence of the working classes is secured in a less direct but

equally efficacious manner, viz. by means of the superior power of

capital; the labourer being forced, in order to get his subsistence, to

place his labour power entirely at the disposal of the capitalist. So

there is a semblance of liberty; but in reality the labourer is

exploited and subjected, because, all the land having been

appropriated, he cannot procure his subsistence directly from nature,

and, goods being produced for the market and not for the producer’s own

use, he cannot subsist without capital. Wages will rise above what is

wanted for the necessaries of life, where the labourer is able to earn

his subsistence on free land, which has not yet become private

property. But wherever, in an old and totally occupied country, a body

of labouring poor is employed in manufactures, the same law, which we

see at work in the struggle for life throughout the organized world,

will keep wages at the absolute minimum” [1610].

Little credit is given at present to the opinion expressed in the last

sentence, all economists being aware that the wages, not only of the

skilled, but even of the unskilled workmen are in many cases above the

bare minimum. But this much seems true, that in countries, where all

the land is held as private property, labour is at a discount. We may

even say, though it sounds strange, that generally labour is much more

at a disadvantage in countries where slavery does not exist, than in

slave countries. In slave countries labourers are naturally

independent; therefore he who wants to make another work for him, must

enslave him and resort to all possible means of retaining him in his

service. Hence the strange compound of severity and indulgence that has

so often been observed among slave-owners. In countries with closed

resources the landlord or capitalist has a natural advantage over his

labourers; he need neither use severity nor indulgence to maintain his

position.

The condition of the working classes in modern Europe in many respects

certainly is not better than that of the slaves in countries of lower

civilization. We cannot deny the truth of the remark made by the

intelligent chief of the Fulbe, whom Hecquard met on his travels in

West Africa. “We often” says Hecquard “talked about our mode of

government and the relation of the different classes in European

society. He did not attach any value to the legal equality of the

citizens and asked me how my countrymen got on without slaves. His

conclusion was that with us the domestics and the poor classes in

general were the slaves of the rich, because the latter could, by

refusing to give them work, reduce them to starvation in a country,

where nothing is given gratuitously” [1611].

We have seen that slavery cannot exist to any considerable extent among

peoples with closed resources. But even among peoples with open

resources it is not always found. Slaves perform the drudgery for their

masters; therefore they are not wanted where little drudgery has to be

done, or in other terms, slavery is not likely to exist where

subsistence is difficult to acquire. Where men subsist by highly

skilled labour, there can be little use for slaves; for the slaves

cannot be made to perform such labour; and the little unskilled labour

that is wanted is not profitable enough to admit of the keeping of

slaves, who would have to be fed by the produce of their masters’ work.

This is the principal reason why slavery hardly ever occurs among

hunters, and one of the reasons why the Eskimos do not keep slaves.

We find thus that, generally speaking, the keeping of slaves is

economically profitable to peoples with open resources among which

subsistence is easily acquired, and to such peoples only. But there are

several secondary causes, internal and external, which bring about that

slaves are sometimes kept by peoples with closed resources, or by

peoples among which subsistence is difficult to procure, and that on

the other hand slavery is sometimes absent where resources are open and

subsistence is easy to acquire.

Among the secondary internal causes we have noted in the first place

the condition of women. There is no use for slaves, where all

disagreeable work can be, and is performed by the weaker sex;

Australian and Melanesian women supply the place of slaves. On the

other hand, where the women hold a high position, and the men are

desirous of relieving them of a part of their task, slavery is likely

to arise sooner than otherwise would be the case.

Commerce probably exists among all savages. Even the Australian tribes

mutually exchange rare kinds of earth for painting their bodies, and

similar objects. But commerce has only a social importance, where the

articles exchanged are manufactured goods in the widest sense,

including e.g. fish and agricultural products, in a word all articles

the production of which requires a considerable amount of labour. Then

the freemen who devote themselves to commercial pursuits want others to

perform the common labour for every-day subsistence; moreover the

preparing of the articles of trade requires more labour than would

otherwise be wanted. And last, but not least, commerce leads to the

development of wealth and luxury; slave labour is now wanted to provide

the owner not only with the necessaries, but with the comforts of life.

Commercial tribes in the widest sense,—including 1º tribes which

exchange native produce for foreign manufactures, 2º tribes which

themselves produce and export manufactured goods in the common,

restricted, sense, 3º tribes which carry on a transit-trade,—are

therefore far more likely to keep slaves than self-sufficing tribes.

We have seen that subjection of women is sometimes a substitute for

slavery. Another substitute is subjection of tribes as such. This

subjection occurs only, so far as savages are concerned, where peculiar

circumstances render it possible: among pastoral tribes, which subject

their neighbours to whom they are superior in military qualities, and

in Oceania, where the limited area prevents the conquered from

receding. Where a tribe subjected as such pays a tribute to the

conquerors and performs services for them, there is not so much need

for enslavement of individuals belonging to the vanquished tribe.

People who live from hand to mouth have less use for slaves than those

who preserve food for the time of scarcity. The preparing of this food

may require much labour which is very fit to be performed by slaves. We

have seen that such is especially the case on the North Pacific Coast

of North America.

Slaves are sometimes kept for non-economic purposes.

Warfare plays a great part in savage life, and we have found that the

requirements of warfare sometimes prevent, but in other cases further

the rise of slavery. Many savage tribes increase their population by

introduction of foreign elements. This may be done for two reasons: men

are wanted either for labourers or for warriors [1612]. In the former

case the introduction of aliens leads to slavery in its most general

form of extratribal slavery. When warriors are wanted, slavery is not

the most appropriate form; adoption of foreigners, such as was for

instance practised by the Iroquois, answers the purpose better, because

a man who enjoys the common privileges of a member of the tribe is more

reliable in war than a slave. In such case militarism may prevent the

rise of slavery, because all available men are wanted in war and have

therefore to be placed on a level with the tribesmen. But where

superior military qualities of a tribe render the employment of slaves

in warfare (most often in the lower ranks of the army) possible, slaves

are sometimes kept mainly for military purposes, especially where

prejudices of race or colour prevent the tribe from adopting the

foreigners. Then militarism furthers the growth of slavery; for slaves

would perhaps not be wanted, if they did not serve as warriors.

Slaves may also be kept as a mere luxury. The possession of many

slaves, like other property, everywhere tends to give the owner

influence and reputation. Yet he most often also derives material

profit from his slaves, namely from the total number of them, even

where some of them do not perform productive labour. Only in a few

cases does the sole use of slaves appear to consist in augmenting their

owners’ influence and reputation. This occurs among some pastoral

tribes, where the rich are able to support a large number of

unproductive labourers. But here the military use of slaves has perhaps

co-operated in establishing slavery.

In the beginning of this paragraph we have spoken of external causes.

It is quite possible that a tribe does not keep slaves, though they

would be very useful. The non-existence of slavery in such cases is due

to external circumstances. It may be that the coercive power of the

tribe is not sufficiently developed to admit of the keeping of slaves.

It may also be that slavery does not exist, because it has not yet been

invented: people may have always been accustomed to deal otherwise with

their prisoners than by enslaving them, and so the idea of making

slaves may never have entered their minds. The coercive power is

strongest where men live in fixed habitations (though several tribes of

pastoral nomads also keep slaves), and in large groups, and are

accustomed to preserve food. The slave-trade has considerable

influence. It increases the coercive power by rendering escape of

slaves more difficult; and by making a tribe acquainted with the

institution of slavery and providing it with an easy means of acquiring

slaves it often overcomes the vis inertiae. The slave-trade may go far

to account for the very frequent occurrence of slavery among savages

who have long maintained relations with superior races, though due

allowance must be made for the influence of the general intercourse

with such races, especially in furthering the commercial development.

Another external cause is the neighbourhood of inferior races, the

influence of which, as we have seen, clearly appears among pastoral

tribes. It is easier for Hamitic and Semitic nations to keep Negroes in

a state of subjection than people of their own race.

GENERAL RECAPITULATION.

Furthering the growth Hindering the

of slavery. growth of slavery.

I. Internal causes.

A. General: 1. Open resources and 1. Closed

subsistence easy to resources.

acquire.

2. Subsistence difficult

to acquire.

B. Secondary, economic: 1. A high position of 1. Female labour

women. serving as a

2. Commerce. substitute for

3. Preserving of food. slave labour.

2. Subjection of

tribes as such.

C. Secondary, 1. Militarism (where 1. Militarism

non-economic: slaves are employed (especially where

in warfare). foreigners are

adopted).

2. Slaves kept as a

luxury.

II. External causes: 1. Fixed habitations.

2. Living in large

groups.

3. Preserving of food.

4. The slave-trade.

5. The neighbourhood of

inferior races.

Preserving of food and militarism occur twice, because they work in

different directions.

We have arranged the separate causes within each group in the order in

which we have found them. If we had arranged them according to their

relative importance, they would have been enumerated in another order.

Thus among the external causes the slave-trade comes last, though its

influence is greater than that of the other external causes [1613].

§ 2. Outlines of a further investigation of the early history of

slavery.

We have viewed slavery as an industrial system, and inquired under what

economic and social conditions this system can exist. This

investigation we believe has led to valuable conclusions. But slavery

(even if we confine ourselves to slavery among savages) may be viewed

under many more aspects. We have not made any further study of the

subject; but having collected many ethnographical materials, we have

become acquainted with a great number of details which may afford

subjects of further investigation. We shall give here an enumeration of

various points connected with slavery, though we do not claim that it

is in any way complete: it would probably appear on closer scrutiny

that many additions could be made to it. We shall mention the various

points in short sentences, often in the form of inquiries.

I. The different ways in which people become slaves.

There are:

1º Slaves by birth;

2º Free-born people who become slaves.

In connection with the former point it may be inquired what is in each

case the status of children born of two slaves, of a male slave and a

free woman, of a female slave and a free man, and especially of a

female slave and her master. This inquiry will enable us to find,

whether and to what extent slaves are merged in the general population.

[1614]

The manners in which free-born people become slaves may be

distinguished according as slaves are acquired from without or within

the limits of the tribe. This reminds us of the distinction we have

made between extratribal and intratribal slavery. We may inquire then

which of these two forms of slavery appears first. If we should find

that extratribal is older than intratribal slavery (which does not seem

unlikely), we might examine the economic and social conditions under

which intratribal slavery can exist.

Extratribal slaves become such by:

1º Capture in war or kidnapping. Here a wide field of research opens

itself. Captives, when they are not enslaved, are killed (eaten,

sacrificed), or exchanged after peace has been concluded, or ransomed

by their countrymen, or adopted into the tribe of the captors. It may

be inquired whether any of these modes of treatment can have gradually

led to enslavement of the captives (e.g. captives are first adopted,

and gradually differentiated from the born members of the tribe: or

they are first eaten, then preserved to be eaten later on and in the

meantime set to work, and finally employed as slaves and no longer

eaten) [1615]. Several of these modes of treatment coexist with slavery

(e.g. some captives are sacrificed and the rest kept as slaves; or

slaves are occasionally sacrificed); does this only occur in the early

stages of slavery, and indicate that slavery has not yet fully

developed? When is slavery an object, and when is it only an incident

of warfare? A remarkable phenomenon, worth a close investigation, is

the occurrence of extratribal slavery or adoption of aliens together

with a preventive check on population (infanticide, abortion) [1616].

When captives are enslaved, it is worth inquiring in what manner they

are distributed among the captors; this will have a strong influence on

the division of wealth.

2º Purchase. The prices paid for different classes of slaves show what

slaves are most desired (men or women, people of different ages or

nationalities). The slaves sold have often been captured by the

sellers; but it also occurs that people are sold by their countrymen,

especially criminals. Here we may notice the influence of the

slave-trade on penal law; people are probably often sold abroad, who

otherwise would have been killed or expelled from the community.

Intratribal slaves become such (so far as we know) in the following

ways:

1º For non-payment of a debt. Here the general treatment of debtors and

the extent to which the rights of creditors are acknowledged by the

community are worth examining. Debtor-slaves have often, but not

always, a right to become free by paying off the debt [1617]. In some

cases the creditor does not keep the debtor as a slave, but recovers

his money by selling him abroad [1618].

2º As a punishment, either directly, or when the wergild is not paid.

This subject might be treated in connection with Professor Steinmetz’s

investigations of early penal law. Criminals often become slaves of the

chief or king; a study of this matter would lead to an inquiry into

political institutions at large.

3º By marrying a male or female slave. Here we may inquire where and to

what extent connubium between free people and slaves exists.

4º By offering themselves as slaves, or selling themselves. In the

former case it has always carefully to be inquired whether such persons

become slaves or voluntary servants; the latter is quite possible, and

the terminology of our informants not always reliable, as we have seen

when speaking of Oceania. When they really become slaves, there are

probably open resources. It is then worth inquiring what can be the

reason why, while resources are open and so everybody is able to

provide for himself, there are people who throw themselves upon the

mercy of men of power.

5º Finally, orphans and other helpless persons are sometimes enslaved.

II. The different ways in which people cease to be slaves.

1º Redemption. Here the question presents itself, where slaves, or

certain categories of slaves, have a right to be redeemed. [1619]

2º Emancipation. Where, and under what social conditions does this

custom prevail, and where is it of frequent occurrence? What are the

motives that induce the master to set his slave free? Emancipation as a

substitute for sacrifice [1620].

3º Adoption. Connected with this is the fact, that in some countries

slaves sometimes succeed to their masters’ goods [1621]. Here we may

ask whether or not such adoption and right of inheritance are only

found in early stages and have to be regarded as survivals of adoption

of aliens.

4º Marriage of a slave with a free person, especially of a female slave

with her master.

5º Dedication to a god. Slaves can sometimes become free by devoting

themselves to some deity [1622]. Further details; power of the

priesthood; compare the influence of the church in the Middle Ages.

In whatever way slaves become free, the position of the liberti

deserves a separate consideration. Are they on a level with free-born

men, or do they form a separate class? Do their descendants gradually

become merged in the general population?

III. Treatment of slaves by their masters.

1º Is the general treatment stated to be good or bad? Where the former

and where the latter?

2º Slaves are often stated to be looked upon and treated as members of

the master’s family. What does this mean? Where does it occur?

3º Difference between freemen and slaves in food, clothing, etc. Slaves

forbidden to wear the same dress and ornaments as freemen [1623].

IV. Legal status of slaves [1624].

1º Is the master’s power over his slave unlimited? Very often it is

not. Connection with the development of the power of government.

2º Rights of the slaves with regard to marriage and family. Connubium

with freemen: see above. Are slave-marriages legally acknowledged, or

do they entirely depend on the master’s pleasure? Do the masters apply

any principles of selection in mating the slaves? When the parents are

slaves belonging to different masters, to which master do the children

belong? Has the master full rights over his female slaves in a sexual

respect?

3º Right of property. Are the rights of slaves to their earnings

(peculium) recognized? When the slave dies, who succeeds to the

peculium?

4º Have contracts made by slaves legal force?

5º Punishment of slaves by their masters [1625].

6º Protection of slaves by penal law. When a slave has been killed, is

a wergild paid as for a freeman, or is only the price of the slave

restored to the master? Similarly with regard to lesser injuries. Are

those who commit any offence against the slave punished by the

government? If so, is any exception made for the master? Is the master

responsible for any damages caused by his slave?

7º Sometimes the master may not sell the slave without his consent.

8º It may also be that the slave, if ill-treated by his master, has a

right to be sold. In some cases the slave can change his master by

causing some slight damage to the new master or his goods. This

formality has probably originated from the delivering up of the slave

to the injured person for some real damage [1626].

9º Has the slave any public rights, does he share in government

matters?

V. The attitude of public opinion towards slaves.

1º Are slaves despised? Details. Do the slaves receive a regular

burial, or are their corpses thrown away?

2º External signs of slavery (mutilations, dress different from that of

freemen) [1627]. Are these signs only intended clearly to show the

difference of status, or to make fugitive slaves easy to recognize?

3º Are ill-treatment and sale of slaves discountenanced by public

opinion? [1628]

4º Is there any instance among savages of slavery being considered a

status contra naturam?

VI. Different kinds of slaves.

Slaves can be distinguished according to

1º their nationality,

2º the manner in which they have become slaves (difference between

extratribal and intratribal slaves, between native-born and

newly-acquired slaves) [1629],

3º the work imposed upon them (outdoor and indoor slaves, familia

rustica and familia urbana).

What are the practical consequences of these distinctions? [1630]

VII. Slave labour.

Slaves sometimes perform

1º the same work as freemen,

or 2º the same as free women,

or 3º the same as the lower classes.

4º If some kind of work is performed by slaves only, what is its

character? (Drudgery as opposed to noble work).

5º Is the work for which slaves are employed despised [1631]?

6º Amount of work. Are the slaves over-worked? Are they supervised? Are

they kept at work by any compulsory means (flogging, etc.)?

7º Do the slaves live in their master’s house?

VIII. Serfdom.

Does it ever exist among savages? Are there instances of the

coexistence of slavery and serfdom? In what manner do people become

serfs?

IX. Number of slaves.

1º What is, in each case, the number of the slaves, and their

proportion to the general population?

2º What is, in each case, the numerical proportion of the sexes among

the slaves?

3º Do the slaves form a separate class of people?

4º Are the slaves an integral part of the wealth of their owners?

5º In some cases only certain classes (e.g. the nobility) are entitled

to keep slaves [1632].

X. Happiness or unhappiness of slaves.

Is it considered a great evil for one’s self or one’s friends to fall

into slavery? [1633] Instances of suicide to escape from slavery

[1634]. In many cases it is not slavery as such, but sale to distant

regions that is felt as a great calamity. We may mention here the

curious phenomenon of people captured and enslaved by the enemy or sold

abroad, being on their return despised or even repelled by their former

countrymen [1635].

XI. Consequences of slavery.

1º Influence of slavery on the social organization of the tribe. A

slave-owner, having labour forces at his command and being supported by

a body of followers, is more likely to attain wealth and consideration

than the other freemen. And as in those countries, where the slave

trade is developed, the keeping of slaves may soon become a privilege

of the rich [1636], slavery furthers the divergence of the rich and the

poor, of the nobles and the common people.

2º Connected with this is the influence of slavery on the development

of the military principle. The ruling classes, having learned to

command their slaves, are more capable of commanding the people.

3º Influence of slavery on the laws and customs regulating marriage,

and on sexual morality at large. Female slaves serving as concubines

[1637].

4º Influence of slavery on the condition of free women. When there are

many domestic slaves, free women are no longer overtaxed with work

[1638].

5º Influence of slavery on warfare. As soon as captives are regularly

enslaved, the cruel modes of treating captives which may have formerly

existed disappear. On the other hand, when the procuring of slaves

becomes an object of warfare, war becomes much more frequent than

before [1639].

6º Influence of slavery on the development of the political power of

the tribe. Slavery “creates a set of persons born to work that others

may not work, and not to think in order that others may think.

Therefore slave-owning nations, having time to think, are likely to be

more shrewd in policy, and more crafty in strategy” [1640].

7º Slavery has a great influence on morality at large, in a good as

well as in a bad sense.

Slavery has played a great part in the education of mankind. Ingram

rightly remarks that “slavery discharged important offices ... by

forcing the captives, who with their descendants came to form the

majority of the conquering community, to a life of industry in spite of

the antipathy to regular and sustained labour which is deeply rooted in

human nature, especially in the earlier stages of the social movement,

when insouciance is so common a trait, and irresponsibility is hailed

as a welcome relief” [1641].

Moreover, slavery affords to the higher classes a leisure, that enables

them to reach the higher grades of culture, which would be inaccessible

to them, if they had to work for their daily wants [1642].

A bad effect of slavery is that manual labour is identified with slave

labour and so discredited [1643].

Other bad effects of slavery are mentioned by Ingram. The habit of

absolute rule corrupts the masters. Slavery often engenders cruelty, or

at least harshness. The slaves are demoralized, because their education

is neglected and they do not live in normal family relations. Slavery

moreover prevents “the development of the sense of human dignity, which

lies at the foundation of morals” [1644].

8º Influence of slavery on the intermingling of races. “The blending of

types” says Brinton “was greatly accelerated in early days by the

institution or human slavery” [1645].

9º Selective influence of slavery. Ferrero’s theory: slavery has

greatly furthered the survival of the industrious type of man [1646].

Ripley, speaking of colonial slavery, remarks: “Such an institution

exercises a selective choice upon the negro; for the survivors of such

severe treatment will generally be a picked lot, which ought to exhibit

vitality to a marked degree, all the weaklings having been removed”

[1647]. High death-rate among slaves, even in primitive culture [1648].

XII. Development of slavery.

Though we have not systematically investigated this subject, our

studies have brought us into closer connection with this than with any

of the points mentioned above. We shall therefore briefly state our

impressions on the development of slavery, without, of course, claiming

for the following remarks the value of a theory.

Slavery very probably first appears in the form of extratribal slavery,

and originates from the adoption of captives, especially captive

children. This is also Powell’s opinion. According to him captive

children were originally adopted and treated by the captors entirely as

their own children. “This is not yet slavery. If the captive belongs to

a tribe of hereditary enemies who have from time immemorial been

designated by some opprobrious term, as cannibals, liars, snakes,

etc.—then it may be that the captive is doomed to perpetual younger

brotherhood, and can never exercise authority over any person within

the tribe, though such person may be born after the new birth of the

captive. This is the first form of slavery. Usually, though not

invariably, the captives adopted are children” [1649]. Whether the

first slaves were really captives belonging to a tribe of hereditary

enemies, we do not know; but Powell expresses himself very

appropriately, when he says that the slaves are “doomed to perpetual

younger brotherhood”. In the early stages of culture slaves are on the

whole leniently treated, and there is little difference between young

slaves and free children. But the slave always remains a “younger

brother”. He never becomes the head of a family; and when the master

who educated him dies, he becomes the subject of the master’s child,

who has been the companion of his childhood. The slave does not count

among the full-grown men of the tribe; he is not allowed to bear arms,

he has no voice in government matters; though a member, he is an

inferior member of the household in which he lives.

This is the first stage of differentiation between freemen and slaves.

The slaves are children captured in war [1650], their number is small.

The slave, who is nearly on a level with the children, is wanted for

much the same reason why children are so eagerly desired among most

agricultural savage tribes: the larger the family, the more food can be

produced; for land is still abundant. Slaves and freemen perform the

same kind of work, with the exception perhaps of some domestic

occupations, which are more and more left to the slaves.

Gradually the number of slaves increases. The slave-trade greatly

furthers the growth of slavery. The keeping of slaves is more and more

confined to the chiefs and principal men. Where slaves are captured in

war it is the leading men who secure most of the spoils; and where

slaves are purchased it is only the rich who can give a good price for

them. The ruling classes are the great slave-owners, and these men are

naturally inclined to leave all the common work to their slaves,

reserving for themselves only the noble pursuits of warfare and

government. The difference between the slaves and their owners becomes

thus greater than it was before. The common people come to distrust and

hate the slaves, whom they regard as the tools of the aristocracy. And

the differentiating process we have described here is always going on:

the more slaves a man owns, the greater his wealth; and the greater a

man’s wealth the better will he be able to procure slaves. The common

people are continually sinking in the social scale, and in the course

of time many of them are reduced to slavery for non-payment of money

they have borrowed from the rich.

The further development of slavery can proceed in two different ways.

In some countries, where oil, cotton, and similar products are

exported, slavery assumes enormous proportions. The large plantations

can best be worked with slaves; and as manufactured goods are imported,

slave labour serves not only to feed the master, but to provide him

with the luxuries of life; the wants of the slave-owners, and

accordingly the possible extent of slavery, become practically

unlimited. This slave system, as we have seen, exists in some parts of

the West Coast of Africa, and bears a close resemblance to that which

till far into the 19th century was carried on in the Southern States of

North America.

Where cereals are grown and agricultural produce is not exported on a

very large scale, the course of things is different. An increase of

slaves above a certain number is of little use to the owner. When he

has slaves enough to provide him with a large quantity of food and

other necessaries for the use of himself and his family and personal

servants, he does not want more slaves. The agricultural produce they

could furnish would not be worth the pains of supervising them. The

slaves (except a few who are kept for domestic services) are soon

allowed to live rather independently, bound only to provide fixed

quantities of agricultural produce and perform occasional services. And

when the use of money becomes general, these slaves often contract with

their masters to pay a yearly tribute in money instead of the services

and payments in kind. The slaves become serfs. And gradually the whole

of the lower orders are merged in this servile class. Ancient slaves,

members of subjected communities, helpless persons who seek the

protection of a powerful chief, all become the subjects and dependents

of the ruling nobles. Such was the social system of the early Middle

Ages, that in the course of time was entirely overturned through the

progress of manufactures and commerce and the gradual appropriation of

the whole of the land [1651].

LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

ABBREVIATIONS.

A. R. B. E. = Annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary

of the Smithsonian Institution.

Bijdr. = Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië, uitgegeven door het Koninklijk Instituut voor de

Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië.

I. A. E. = Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie.

J. A. I. = Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain

and Ireland.

M. D. S. = Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten.

N. Z. G. = Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsch

Zendelinggenootschap.

Pet. = Dr. A. Petermann’s Mitteilungen aus Justus Perthes’

Geographischer Anstalt.

R. E. = Revue d’Ethnographie.

Smithson. Rep. = Annual report of the board of regents of the

Smithsonian Institution.

T. A. G. = Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig

Genootschap.

Tijds. = Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde.

Uitgegeven door het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en

Wetenschappen.

Z. E. = Zeitschrift für Ethnologie.

Z. Erd. = Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde (Berlin).

Z. G. Erd. = Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin

(Fortsetzung der Z. Erd.).

Z. V. R. = Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft.

Adair, J., Geschichte der Amerikanischen Indianer. 1782.

Adriani, N., Mededeelingen omtrent de Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes.

Tijds. XLIV.

d’Albertis, New Guinea. 1880.

Allison, Mrs. S. S., Account of the Similkameem Indians of British

Columbia. J. A. I. XXI (1892).

Amira, K. von, Recht, in Paul’s Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie.

Vol. III.

Andersson, Ch. J., Reisen in Südwest-Afrika bis zum See Ngami. 1858.

Andree, R., Die Anthropophagie. 1887.

Angas, J. F., Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand.

1847.

Angus, H. C., A year in Azimba and Chipitaland. J. A. I. XXVII (1897).

Arcin, A., La Guinée française. 1907.

Ashley, W. J., Economic history and theory. Vol. I 1888, Vol. II 1893.

Azara, F. de, Voyages dans l’Amérique méridionale. 1809.

Bagehot, W., Physics and politics. New edition. 1896.

Bakkers, J. A., De eilanden Bonerate en Kalao. Tijds. XI.

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