(M315) (M316)
The failure of the negotiations at Uxbridge hastened the passing of an
ordinance for re-modelling the army and placing it on such a footing that
the men should be in receipt of constant pay and the officers selected for
military efficiency alone. Ever since November the "New Model"
ordinance—as it was called—had been under consideration. In January it
passed the Commons, but the Lords hesitated until the difference of
opinion that had manifested itself at Uxbridge induced them to give their
assent (15 Feb.). On the 4th March a deputation from both Houses came into
the city and informed the Common Council that, the Treaty of Uxbridge
having fallen through, the Houses had resolved "to put their forces into
the best posture they can for the vigorous prosecution of the war, as the
best means now left (under God) for the obtaining of peace." Parliament
had passed an ordinance—they proceeded to say—for raising £50,000 a month
for nine months for payment of an army under Sir Thomas Fairfax, and they
now asked the City to advance a sum of £80,000 on the security of the
money so to be raised in the last five months out of the nine. The matter
was referred to a committee to carry out.(669)
(M317)
The passing of the New Model ordinance was followed by the passing of a
self-denying ordinance,(670) the original purport of which was to exclude
all members of either House from commands in the army, but was afterwards
so far modified as to compel existing officers to resign their
appointments, leaving it to parliament to re-appoint them if it would.
Essex, Waller and Manchester resigned, but when the time came for
Cromwell, the prime mover in the re-organisation of the army, to follow
suit, he and two or three others were re-appointed to commands in the new
army. The immediate effect of the passing of this ordinance upon the city
of London was that Pennington, who had been appointed by parliament
lieutenant of the Tower, had to resign his post. The nomination of his
successor was, however, left with the Common Council, who sent up the name
of Colonel Francis West for the approval of the Commons (24 April).(671)
(M318)
Whilst the army was undergoing a process of reformation outside London,
considerable activity prevailed within the city with the object of
strengthening its position. The Committee of Militia was instructed to
raise a sufficient number of men to guard the city forts so that the
trained bands might be free for more active duties. Large sums of money
were voted to pay arrears due to gunners, "mattrosses" and workmen who had
been engaged in erecting the fortifications. The sum of £500 was ordered
to be laid out in the purchase of gunpowder. The scout-master for the city
was encouraged in his duty of bringing information of movements of the
royalist army by the payment of arrears due to him, and steps were taken
to bring up the regiments of the city auxiliaries to their full complement
by enlistments from the several wards.(672)
(M319)
The first serious undertaking confided to Fairfax and the New Model army
was the siege of Oxford. The utter uselessness of such an enterprise,
whilst Charles was free to roam the country and deal blows wherever
opportunity offered, failed to make itself apparent to the Committee of
Both Kingdoms, which still governed the movements of the parliamentary
army. The siege being resolved upon, a deputation from both Houses waited
on the Common Council (16 May) to ask for assistance in furnishing a force
to set out under Major-General Browne to join Fairfax and Cromwell in the
undertaking.(673) Four days later (20 May), when another deputation
attended, the court instructed the committee of arrears sitting at
Weavers’ Hall to raise £10,000 for the purpose.(674)
(M320)
Whilst the main force of the parliamentary army was wasting time in
besieging Oxford, care was taken to keep the country open round Taunton,
recently set free by a detachment sent by Fairfax. For this purpose
Massey, the governor of Gloucester, was ordered to quit his post and march
towards Bristol.(675) The prospect of losing their governor, who had
achieved so many military successes in the neighbourhood, threw the
inhabitants of Gloucester into terrible consternation, and they went so
far as to petition parliament against his removal; but somehow or other
their petition failed to be read before the Commons. In their distress
they caused their mayor to address a letter to the city of London (29 May)
stating the facts of the case, and praying that the Londoners, who had
already done so much to save them from the hand of the enemy, would
interpose with the Commons on their behalf, so that Colonel Massey might
be allowed to remain. The civic authorities agreed (7 June) to lay the
matter before parliament;(676) but in spite of all representations Massey
had to go. The Londoners themselves were asked (9 June) to furnish 500
mounted musketeers for Massey’s expedition, and were encouraged to do so
by "motives" setting forth the gallant behaviour of the brigade in and
about Taunton, and the critical condition it was in by being cut off from
provisions. The Common Council ordered the motives to be printed and
circulated, with the result that sufficient money was raised to fit out
500 dragoons.(677)
(M321)
In the meantime considerable dissatisfaction manifested itself in the city
at the state of affairs in general, and more particularly with the manner
in which the movements of Fairfax and the New Model army were hampered by
orders from home. A petition from divers inhabitants of the city with
certain suggestions was laid before the Common Council for presentation to
parliament. It was not customary, however, for the Common Council to
present petitions to parliament unless drawn up by themselves, but as the
feelings of the court were in sympathy with the petitioners it ordered two
petitions to be drawn up embracing the substance of the original petition,
and these were presented, one to each of the Houses. After setting forth
what they esteemed to be the reasons for the ill success of the
parliamentary cause, the petitioners made known their own wishes. In the
first place, they desired that the army of Fairfax should be recruited,
and that the general might be allowed greater freedom of action. Secondly,
that steps should be taken, before it was too late, to recover Leicester,
which had recently (31 May) fallen into the king’s hands. Thirdly, that
the Scots should be urged to march southward. Fourthly, that Cromwell
should be placed in command of the Eastern Association. Fifthly, that
adequate convoys should be provided for merchants; and lastly, that
parliament should publish its own account of the recent negotiations, as
well as its resolutions against free trade by sea to such ports as were in
the king’s hands.(678) The petition, which was presented by Alderman Fowke
to the Commons (4 June),(679) was favourably received by both Houses, and
the City thanked for its care.
(M322)
One of the wishes expressed in the City’s petition was soon realised, for
within a week Cromwell was appointed, not to the command of the Eastern
Association as suggested, but to a still greater command, viz., the
lieutenant-generalship of the army, an office which, by long prescription,
carried also the command of the cavalry, an arm of the service in which
Cromwell had especially shown himself a master.(680)
(M323)
Fairfax, being now allowed a free hand, abandoned the siege of Oxford and
set off in pursuit of the royal army. He came up with them at Naseby,
where on the 14th June he succeeded, with the help of Cromwell and his
cavalry, in obtaining a signal victory and utterly crushing the power of
Charles in the field. Among the wounded on the parliamentary side was the
City’s old friend Skippon, "shot under the arme six inches into his
flesh." The pain of having his wound dressed caused him to groan. "Though
I groane, I grumble not," said he to the by-standers, and asked for a
chaplain to come and pray for him.(681)
(M324)
The victory at Naseby was celebrated in the city by a thanksgiving service
at Christ Church, Newgate (19 June), which was attended by the members of
both Houses, followed by an entertainment at Grocers’ Hall. The hall not
being large enough to contain the whole of the company, the members of the
Common Council dined by themselves at the hall of the Mercers Company.
Nothing was omitted that could serve to enhance the reputation of the
City.(682)
(M325)
The wishes of the citizens were to be further gratified. The Scottish army
was about to move southward, and parliament had voted a month’s pay, or
£31,000. The City was asked to assist in raising the money (14 June). To
this the Common Council readily agreed, but at the same time directed the
Recorder to represent to parliament that the citizens were anxious for the
Scots to recover Leicester as speedily as possible.(683) Before the army
had time to make any great advance in this direction Leicester had
surrendered to Fairfax (18 June).
(M326)
In July the City was called upon to assist in raising 1,000 horse and 500
dragoons for the relief of the counties of Oxford, Buckingham, Berkshire
and others, and the better security of the Association.(684) Three months
later (2 Sept.) another contingent of 500 light horse and a like number of
"dragoneers" were required "to pursue the forces of the king." Each member
of the Common Council was directed to provide a light horse and arms or to
pay the sum of £12 in lieu thereof. A dragoon horse and arms might be
compounded for by payment of half that sum. Parliament agreed to charge
the excise with the sum of £16,000 to provide compensation for any loss
the contributors might sustain, whilst the City contributed out of its
Chamber the sum of £400 towards the pay of officers, the buying of
trophies and other necessaries.(685)
(M327)
The aid of the City was now invoked by Plymouth as formerly it had been by
Gloucester. On the 5th September the mayor and aldermen of Plymouth
addressed a letter to the mayor and common council of London enclosing a
petition they were about to lay before parliament. The petition set forth
how, in the absence of Fairfax, who was laying siege to Bristol, the whole
country round Plymouth was in the hands of the enemy; and an attack would,
it was feared, be soon made by Lord Goring on the town garrison. Unless
the siege was raised before winter, or considerable supplies brought in,
the town would be unable to hold out longer. This petition the municipal
authorities of London were asked to second, with the hope of prevailing
upon parliament to send at least that relief which had been so often
desired and so often promised. A whole fortnight elapsed before the letter
and petition were brought to the notice of the Common Council (20
Sept.)—the letter from Gloucester had taken a week in transit, such was
the state of the country—and then it was resolved to send a deputation
from the city, including the two sheriffs, to express to the Committee of
Both Kingdoms the desire of the City that they would be pleased to take
the petition into speedy and serious consideration, and to provide for the
safety and defence of Plymouth.(686)
(M328)
The Londoners themselves were suffering from an inconvenience from which
they had hitherto in vain sought relief from parliament, and that was the
large number of royalist soldiers—amounting to no less than 3,000—which
after the battle of Naseby had been quartered on the city.(687) Now that
the war was practically over, so far as the king was concerned, the Common
Council again took the matter in hand, and it was suggested that the
Convocation House and its cloisters situate on the south side of St.
Paul’s Churchyard should be fitted up at a cost of £40 for their
reception. By this means Bethlehem hospital, where many of the prisoners
had been housed, would be free to minister again to the wants of the
poor.(688)
(M329)
The troubles with Charles had scarcely terminated before a new struggle
commenced. A monster had been raised, after much hesitation and with no
little difficulty, in the shape of a well-organised and regularly paid
army, the command of which was virtually in the hands of a small political
party known as Independents. The great fear was lest this party, with the
army at its back, should over-ride the wishes of the Presbyterians, a
party which was numerically stronger than the Independents, both in the
House and in the country; and to avoid such a catastrophe the
Presbyterians of England were ready to join hands with their brethren in
Scotland.
(M330)
The House, however, was unfortunate enough at this critical juncture to
offend the Scots as well as the citizens of London. The Scottish army had
been invited to march southward to attack Newark, whither Charles had
betaken himself after witnessing from the walls of Chester the defeat of
his troops on Rowton Heath (24 Sept.), and the Commons had promised to
raise a sum of £30,000 for its pay provided it arrived before Newark by
the 1st day of November.(689) This sum the City promised to find (10
Oct.), but only on the condition named.(690) On the 13th the House
offended the dignity of the Scots by a series of resolutions protesting
against the conduct of the Scottish army in not attacking the enemy as
well as in levying money on the inhabitants of the northern counties, and
demanded the removal of the garrisons which had been placed in Newcastle,
Carlisle and other towns without the consent of parliament.(691)
(M331)
The quarrel between parliament and the City was scarcely less serious, and
arose out of an attempt to foist a system of Presbyterianism upon the
citizens which should serve as a model for the rest of the kingdom. It was
not that the Londoner objected to the principle of Presbyterianism; the
natural bent of his mind was in that direction, and the City had already
petitioned parliament for the election of elders to join with the parish
ministers.(692) What he found fault with was the mode of electing the
elders prescribed by parliament (23 Sept.).(693) The scheme was so far
from satisfying the general body of citizens that a number of them
presented a petition to the Common Council to address both Houses of
Parliament, with a view to having the powers of the elders sufficiently
enlarged to effect a genuine reform in the Church.(694) They wanted, in
fact, to see parliamentary control over the Church in matters purely
ecclesiastical withdrawn. Herein they were supported by the ministers of
their own parish churches, who drew up a list of reforms they desired to
see executed and the reasons why they so desired.(695) It was a difficult
matter on which to approach parliament. Nevertheless, in accordance with a
resolution of the Common Council (18 Nov.), a deputation of aldermen and
common councillors, of whom Alderman Gibbs acted as spokesman, presented
themselves (19 Nov.) before the House of Commons with the petition of the
citizens, as well as with the "desires and reasons" of the city clergy.
The reply they got was far from encouraging. They were given to understand
that parliament was well aware of its trust and duty, and was quite able
to discharge both, if only it was let alone, and its purpose not
misconceived and prejudged as it appeared to have been in the city; and
they were dismissed with the caution not to form premature opinions about
matters which were still under discussion.(696) Notwithstanding this
rebuff, the deputation the following day attended before the Lords (20
Nov.), who returned them a far more gracious and sympathetic answer. After
thanking the deputation for their expressions of submission to the
resolutions of parliament, their lordships assured them that none should
excel them in their endeavours for the maintenance of the covenant, the
advancement and settling of God’s true religion, and the discharge of the
trust reposed in them.(697)
(M332)
In the meantime a deputation from parliament had waited on the Common
Council (12 Nov.) with a request for a loan of £6,000 for the troops
engaged in blockading Chester. The court agreed to the request, but
thought it high time to learn precisely how the city stood with respect to
loans already made to parliament, and appointed (17 Nov.) a committee to
report on the whole matter, with a view of addressing parliament for
re-payment of monies in arrear.(698)
(M333)
It was feared that the Scottish army might change sides. It wanted
supplies. The City, we have seen, had agreed with parliament to advance a
sum of £30,000 for payment of the Scots, provided their army appeared
before Newark by the 1st November. This condition had not been fulfilled.
The army, nevertheless, appeared later on, and a committee of the House of
Commons came down to the city and asked the citizens (6 Dec.) to stand by
their former promise and advance the sum mentioned, which they readily
consented to do.(699)
(M334) (M335)
The question with Charles was, from whom was he likely to obtain the
better terms, the English or the Scots? On the 26th December he addressed
a letter to the Speaker of the House of Lords, asking whether the two
Houses of Parliament, the Scottish commissioners, the municipal
authorities, as well as the militia of the city and the officers of both
armies, would guarantee his personal security if he came to reside in
London or Westminster, with a retinue not exceeding three hundred in
number, for a period of forty days.(700) The risk of allowing such a step
was too great. Already the Earl of Holland had been heard to threaten a
royalist rising in the city if only Charles could be brought in safety to
Westminster. Not getting a reply so quickly as he wished, Charles wrote
again three days later (29 Dec.) urging his former proposal.(701) More
delay took place, during which the Commons instructed the mayor to see
well to the city’s guards and scrutinise the passes of those coming and
going,(702) and at last, on the 13th January, the Speakers wrote to
Charles declining the proposal.(703)
(M336)
The day following the despatch of this reply was kept in the city as a day
of solemn humiliation. Sermons were preached before the mayor, aldermen
and members of the common council, who afterwards individually took the
oath and covenant. An enquiry was subsequently ordered (9 Feb.) for the
purpose of discovering what members of the common council had failed to
take the covenant on this occasion, and the reasons why they had not done
so. A few members stood out and refused to renew the covenant, whereupon
the court resolved to ask parliament for instructions as to what should be
done with them.(704)
(M337)
On the 15th January Charles made overtures to parliament for the first
time on the question of religion. He was prepared to allow religion to be
settled as it was in the reign of Elizabeth and James, "with full liberty
for the ease of their consciences who will not communicate in that service
established by law, and likewise for the free and public use of the
directory prescribed and, by command of the two Houses, now practised in
some parts of the city of London."(705)
(M338)
This important concession on the part of Charles—a concession which only
the necessities of the time induced him, after much exercise of mind, to
make—was announced to parliament on the same day that the City presented a
petition(706) against toleration of any other form of religion than the
Presbyterianism already adopted by parliament and the citizens. The
petitioners declared that since they last addressed the Houses on the
subject of religion a fresh election of the Common Council had taken
place, and the inhabitants of many of the wards had taken the opportunity
of asking their alderman that parliament might be again desired to settle
Church government and forbid toleration. Private meetings for religious
worship, they went on to say, were constantly held. In one parish there
were at least eleven. Orthodox ministers were evil spoken of, as if the
city were still under the "tyranny of prelatical government." Women had
taken to preaching, and such blasphemies were uttered as made the
petitioners tremble to think of. Having heard that it was the intention of
divers persons to petition the House for a toleration of such doctrines as
were against the covenant under pretext of liberty of conscience, the
petitioners humbly prayed that parliament would take steps to remedy
abuses and to settle the Church government according to the solemn
covenant made with the most high God. The Commons lent a ready ear to the
petition and thanked the City for their display of piety and religion. It
was gratifying to them to know that they had the sympathy of the City in
their anxiety to settle the peace of the Church.(707) The Lords, to whom a
similar petition had been presented, returned an equally gracious message,
and expressed a hope that the municipal authorities would take steps to
remedy the existing abuses.(708)
(M339)
Whilst endeavouring to come to terms with parliament Charles was also in
communication both with the Scots and the Independents. His purpose was to
play one party off against the other. A complete understanding existed
between the citizens and the Scots on the subject of religion. On the 11th
February the Scottish commissioners themselves appeared at a Common
Council bearing a letter from the president of the Scottish parliament
addressed to the lord mayor, aldermen and common council of the city,
thanking them for their zeal for the reformation of religion and
uniformity of Church government, as well as for the large sums of money
advanced to the armies in defence of religion and the liberty of the
subject.(709) The Common Council thanked the commissioners for the favour
thus shown, and begged them to assure their countrymen that the City would
continue its zeal and affection for the reformation of religion and
uniformity of Church government, and would persevere in its resolution to
preserve the same according to the covenant.
(M340) (M341)
As soon as Parliament heard that the City had received a communication
from Scotland the Commons sent a deputation to learn all the particulars
and to ask that the letter might be forwarded to them. The deputation was
to assure the mayor and the Common Council that there was "no jealousie at
all or dislike of their proceedings" in the business. In the meanwhile the
House called upon Francis Allen, a member of the House as well as a member
of the Common Council, to give an account of what had taken place in the
city on the 11th. This he did to the best of his ability, giving from
memory the substance of the letter from Scotland. He then proceeded to say
that one of the Scottish commissioners, Lord Lauderdale, had made the
following remark before the Common Council, viz., "That many aspersions
had been caste upon their armie and their proceedings by malignants; and
desired that the authors of them might be looked upon as those that
endeavour to disturb the unitie of both kingdomes."(710)
(M342)
That at least was the story as recorded in the Journal of the House.
Allen, however, declared that he had been inaccurately recorded, and the
Common Council, in giving parliament their own version of the matter,
denied that Lauderdale had made any such remark. He had said nothing that
could give offence. They forwarded the letter as desired, but begged that
it might be returned in order that it might be entered on the city’s
Journal. They further expressed a wish to print and publish it so that the
real facts might be known. Allen, they said, was not to be credited, and
had been guilty of a breach of privilege in what he had done.(711)
(M343)
The House, however, took a different view of Allen’s conduct, and declared
that he had only done his duty. It at the same time came to a resolution
that the relation entered on the Journal of the House varied from Allen’s
and ordered it to be expunged.(712)
(M344)
Three years later, when Allen was elected alderman of the ward of
Farringdon Without, the House declared (5 Dec, 1649) that it deemed it "an
acceptable service to the commonwealth" if Allen would accept the post,
and the Common Council resolved (19 Dec.) to revoke all votes of the court
that had been passed in the month of February, 1646, reflecting on Allen’s
conduct.(713)
(M345)
Hitherto the City and Parliament had, in the presence of a common danger,
mutually supported one another; but as soon as the royalists ceased to
give further cause for alarm differences immediately sprang up. The
question of the City’s jurisdiction over the militia raised within the
weekly bills of mortality, as well as over that raised within the city and
liberties, was no new question. It had been raised at least as far back as
August, 1644,(714) but during the crisis of the civil war the matter had
been allowed to drop until December, 1645, when the City again brought it
forward and urged parliament to acknowledge its jurisdiction.(715) Before
parliament would give its assent it wished to be informed whether the
jurisdiction claimed by the City was already vested in the City by Charles
or by custom, and if not, what extension of jurisdiction was it that the
City now desired?(716) The chief opposition came from the inhabitants of
Middlesex, Surrey, Southwark and Westminster, who objected to their
militia being placed under the command of the mayor, aldermen and common
council of the city. All parties were cited to appear before the Star
Chamber on the 31st June, 1646, to support their own contention.(717)
Parliament had already (27 Jan.) expressed itself as willing to sanction
the government of the militia of the city and liberties being vested in
the municipal authorities and to allow that the city forces should not be
called upon to serve away from the city without their own consent,(718)
but this was not enough. What the City desired was nothing more and
nothing less than what had already been proposed to the king at Oxford
with the sanction of both Houses, namely, "the government of the militia
of the parishes without London and the liberties within the weekly bills
of mortality." Parliament had made no scruple about the matter at a time
when it stood in sore need of assistance from the City; and the City did
not intend to let it go back lightly on its word.(719)
(M346)
A petition was accordingly presented to the House of Commons by alderman
Fowke on the 6th February.(720) The petition set out at considerable
length all the proceedings that had taken place since the question of the
militia was first submitted to Charles. It compared the attitude of the
city towards parliament in the late civil war with the part played by the
citizens in a previous civil war, viz., the war of the Barons, when
(according to the petitioners) the Barons were eventually beaten out of
the field owing to the citizens of London staying at home! The petitioners
proceeded to show the necessity of the City being empowered to raise
militia in the adjacent counties for the purpose of keeping open a passage
for victualling the city in times of danger; that since the militia of the
suburbs had been under the command of the City good service had been
rendered to the parliamentary cause, and notably in the relief of
Gloucester; that if it were now removed from the jurisdiction of the City
the suburban forts might be seized and both the city and parliament might
be threatened; and that it was for the better preservation of parliament,
and not for the purpose of rendering the city militia independent of
parliament, that the petitioners appeared before the House. Finally,
Alderman Fowke, who acted as spokesman, declared himself authorised to
state that if the militia of the city and kingdom were not settled by the
king and parliament there would be no course left open to the city
authorities but to act according to their conscience and to abide by their
covenant. A similar petition was presented to the House of Lords (7 Feb.).
A week later (14 Feb.) a counter-petition was addressed to the Commons by
the inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets, Westminster and Southwark,(721) and
on the 13th March a committee was appointed to arrange, if possible, a
compromise.(722)
(M347)
Before this question was settled another had arisen to widen the breach
between parliament and the city in the shape of an ordinance for
establishing a system of Presbyterianism throughout England.(723) One
clause of this ordinance—clause 14—was particularly objectionable as
introducing the authority of the State into matters of Church government.
Commissioners were to be appointed, of whom nothing was known, to regulate
the Church in each province. The Common Council, being urged by
inhabitants of the city to oppose a measure so opposed to the Word of
God,(724) presented petitions to both Houses (to the Lords first, they
having not yet assented to clause 14) praying that no officers might be
appointed to exercise any Church censures contrary to the Scriptures, and
that their appointment might be in accordance with the Word of God.(725)
The petitions were so badly received by both Houses that the municipal
authorities took fright, and asked that they might be withdrawn and
expunged from the Journals of Parliament. Their request was acceded to,
but only on condition that the petitions were likewise expunged from the
City’s Records.(726)
(M348) (M349)
The reconciliation between parliament and the city was followed by an
interchange of courtesies. The royalist army under Hopton had recently
surrendered to Fairfax in the west of England (14 March), and had been
disbanded; and the last hope of Charles had vanished in the defeat of
Astley’s troops after a sharp engagement at Stow-on-the-Wold (22 March).
"You have now done your work" were the parting words of the veteran
commander to his soldiers, "and may go play, unless you will fall out
among yourselves."(727) On the 26th March a deputation from both Houses
waited on the Common Council, and invited the mayor, aldermen and council,
as "the representative body of the city," to attend a public thanksgiving
service to be held that day week (2 April) at Christ Church, Newgate
Street. The invitation was graciously accepted, and the City returned the
compliment by asking both Houses to dine the same day at Grocers’
Hall.(728)
(M350) (M351)
On the 19th May, whilst virtually a prisoner in the hands of the Scots,
Charles wrote to the City(729) declaring his readiness to concur in
settling truth and peace, his desire to have all things speedily concluded
to that end, and his hope that his return to his ancient city might be to
the satisfaction of parliament and his people. The Commons were angry with
the civic authorities for opening the king’s letter without their leave,
and returned a curt answer to a remonstrance presented to them by the City
calling upon them to suppress heresy, to unite with the Scots and to come
to a speedy arrangement with the king.(730) The Lords, to whom a similar
remonstrance had been presented, expressed themselves more graciously.
They acknowledged the fidelity and constant services of the City to
parliament. They were satisfied with the resolutions of the citizens to
settle the Protestant religion and to preserve the rights and privileges
of parliament, the liberties of the kingdoms and the person and authority
of his majesty. As for their lord mayor (Thomas Adams), whose character
the petitioners had declared to have been aspersed by certain members of
the Commons (for opening the king’s letter without leave?), they (the
Lords) held him in high esteem, and declared that nothing had been said or
done in their House to his prejudice. As soon as they should be informed
of the nature of his grievance they would be found ready in a
parliamentary way to do him right.(731) The Common Council received a
formal address of thanks for presenting this remonstrance from a large
body of "citizens of the best rank and qualitie," as well as from the
General Assembly of Scotland.(732)
(M352)
On the other hand an attempt was made to minimise the effect of the
remonstrance by getting up a counter-petition on the pretext that the
remonstrance had not fairly represented the wishes of the majority of the
citizens. This counter-petition, which is said to have been backed up with
5,000 or 6,000 signatures, was duly presented to the Commons, who by a
small majority passed a vote of thanks to the petitioners (2 June).(733)
(M353)
In the meanwhile the king’s letter of the 19th May remained unanswered. At
last, on the 3rd July, an answer—or "petition"—was drafted and submitted
to the Common Council for approval. After acknowledging the special favour
of receiving a letter direct from the king, the citizens expressed their
desire to assure his majesty and the whole world of the continuance of
their loyalty in accordance with the terms of their protestation and
covenant. They prayed him to comply with the propositions for the
settlement of religion and peace and the maintenance of the union of the
two nations which parliament was about to send him, and they expressed an
earnest hope to see him return to his ancient city with honour and
joy.(734)
(M354)
The city fathers were too wary to despatch their petition without first
obtaining leave from parliament. On the following day (4 July), therefore,
a deputation of aldermen and members of the council, with Alderman Sir
Thomas Foote at its head, presented itself before the House of Lords to
ask their leave to despatch the City’s answer to the king. After perusing
the petition the Lords declared their approval of its being sent to the
king, and courteously acknowledged the action of the citizens in first
submitting it to the judgment of their lordships.(735) It was otherwise
with the Commons, who again returned a churlish reply. The deputation was
given to understand that the House had been put to some inconvenience in
giving them an audience, being busily engaged at the time in pressing
business. The petition, however, was of importance, and would receive
their consideration at a convenient time.(736)
(M355)
On Friday the 10th the Commons were pressed for an answer, but they again
put the matter off on the plea of pressure of business. The next day the
deputation again waited on the House, attended by the city members of
parliament, and about four o’clock in the afternoon received a message
from the Commons that the City’s petition was not to be forwarded to the
king, and that "in convenient time" they would send and inform the Common
Council of their further pleasure. Accordingly two of the city’s members,
Sir Thomas Soame and Samuel Vassall, appeared before the council on the
15th, when Vassall declared that he had been commanded by the House to
make an explanation. In order to avoid mistakes he would read the message
he was to deliver. The message was to the effect that inasmuch as the
propositions which had been despatched to the king by parliament on the
13th June embraced the city of London as well as the whole kingdom, the
House could not approve of the city’s petition being forwarded to his
majesty. Being desired by the council to leave the paper with them,
Vassall declared that he had no authority to do so.(737) In the meantime,
the House had appointed a committee to enquire "concerning the first
principal contrivers and framers of the city remonstrance, and concerning
such as have or do labour to disaffect the people and the city from the
parliament";(738) but before the committee could take steps to carry out
its instructions, circumstances had arisen which made it advisable to let
the matter drop and not to widen the breach between the city and
parliament.
(M356)
On the 30th July the parliamentary commissioners arrived in Newcastle for
the purpose of laying before Charles propositions for peace. Charles had
already become possessed of a copy, and had long since made up his mind to
reject them. The commissioners had received positive orders to allow the
king ten days to give his assent, and if he failed to give his assent
within that time after their arrival they were at once to return.(739) The
only reply which Charles condescended to give was contained in a letter
which he handed to the commissioners on the 1st August. The letter was
read before the House on the 12th. It contained little more than vague
promises and a request that he might be allowed to come to London to
discuss the propositions at length.(740)
(M357)
The same day that the king’s answer was read before the Lords a letter
from the Scottish commissioners was produced, in which they offered to
withdraw their forces from England upon payment of expenses already
incurred.(741) After a considerable amount of haggling the Scots consented
to take the sum of £400,000 in full discharge of all claims, a moiety to
be paid to them before leaving England and the remainder by instalments at
specified dates.(742) It only remained for parliament to raise the sum of
£200,000 needed for the first payment, and to whom was it more natural
that application should first be made than to the City? A large deputation
from the Commons, including Cromwell himself, accordingly waited on the
Common Council (7 Sept.) to ask it to consider ways and means for raising
the money. The committee to whom the matter was referred lost no time. On
the 9th it reported to the court a scheme for raising the money on the
security of the excise and sale of the Bishops’ lands, the security to
extend to previous loans. Parliament accepted these terms, on the
understanding that "Bishops’ lands" were not to comprise impropriations
and advowsons.(743)
(M358)
On the 10th December there was presented to the Common Council "an humble
representacon of the pressinge grievances and important desires of the
well affected freemen and covenant engaged cittizens of the cittie of
London," with a request that it might be laid before parliament.(744) This
document, after being revised by a committee appointed for the purpose,
was laid before the Commons on the 19th December, together with a petition
from the civic authorities themselves, who similarly addressed themselves
to the House of Lords. The chief points on which stress was laid were the
disbandment of the army, the suppression of heresy, the union of the two
kingdoms, the free election of members of parliament, and the City’s
government of its own militia. As for the "bringing home of his majesty,"
that was left to the wisdom of both Houses, with the confidence that they
would preserve his majesty’s royal person and authority in defence of the
true religion and liberties of the kingdom according to the covenant.(745)
Both Houses thanked the City and promised to take the matter into their
consideration.(746)
(M359)
In the spring of the following year (1647) a new terror presented itself
to the Presbyterians at home in the absolute supremacy of the army under
Fairfax, although that general had given his word that the army should not
come within twenty-five miles of London.(747) The City petitioned both
Houses that it might be disbanded, and that the Common Council might have
authority to make annual election of the members of the city’s militia. To
those petitions gracious answers were returned, the Lords declaring that
they had considered already a measure touching the city’s militia and had
transmitted it to the Commons.(748)
(M360)
The army would in all probability have been disbanded in due course, and
all might have gone well but for the high-handed treatment it received
from the Commons. It was proposed to ask the soldiers after disbandment to
volunteer for service in Ireland. There were, however, considerable
arrears of pay due to them, and neither officers nor men would volunteer
until they had received some assurance from parliament that they would be
paid all that was due to them. Instead of doing this parliament contented
itself with voting a sum of £200,000, not for satisfying arrears of pay,
but "for the service of England and Ireland."(749) The soldiers were about
to petition parliament with the sanction of their officers, but such a
course was declared by both Houses to be highly improper.(750)
(M361)
It was easier for parliament to vote a sum of £200,000 than to raise that
amount. Application was as usual made to the City (6 April).(751) The zeal
of the citizens was excited by the Commons at length passing the ordinance
sent down to them by the Lords for a new militia committee (16
April).(752) On the following day (17 April) the Common Council was
prepared with a scheme to be submitted to parliament for raising the
money. Like other schemes that had gone before, it proposed that
subscribers to certain former loans should add arrears of interest, and by
making a further advance equivalent to the sum total should have the whole
secured on the sale of lands of bishops and delinquents.(753) Parliament
hesitated at first to allow the lands of delinquents and compositions paid
by them to the committee sitting at Goldsmiths’ Hall to form part of the
security for the loan, but afterwards consented to a moiety of all such
compositions being added to the security.(754)
(M362)
The appointment of the new militia committee was made a solemn business by
the citizens. Tuesday, the 27th April, was fixed for the nomination, which
was preceded by prayer and a sermon in the church of St. Laurence Jewry,
and a formal renewal of the covenant by all present. Thirty-one persons,
the number prescribed by the ordinance, were nominated, all of them
Presbyterians. Of these seven were aldermen. On the 4th May both Houses
signified their approval of the city’s nominees, and ordained that any
nine of them, whereof three were to be aldermen and six to be commoners,
should thenceforth constitute a committee for the militia to order and
direct the same according to the true meaning and intent of the ordinance
recently passed.(755)
One of the first acts of the new committee was to ask leave of parliament
to raise an additional sum of £20,000 to satisfy the arrears due to the
city’s forces that had been engaged in guarding the Houses of Parliament,
the Tower and forts within the lines of communication around the city.
Parliament only consented, however, to the sum of £12,000 being raised for
this purpose.(756)
(M363)
The re-modelling of the city force to the exclusion of everyone tainted
with independency only served to increase the discontent of the army. It
was bad enough to find the Presbyterians in parliament joining hands with
the Presbyterians in the city against the army; it was worse if the city
trained bands were to receive their arrears of pay whilst the army was
left out in the cold. An attempt was made to bring pressure to bear on
parliament by a mob of reformadoes or disbanded soldiers besetting the
House of Commons on the 7th June. These men clamoured for their arrears of
pay and refused to go away unless the sum of £10,000 should be voted for
them.
(M364)
On the following day (8 June) the City presented another petition to
parliament praying that the army might be paid off as speedily as
possible; that the king, who had recently been carried off from Holmby
House by a troop of cavalry under Joyce, might be disposed of in such a
way as to allow the parliaments of England and Scotland free access to
him; and thirdly that, seeing the danger of the times, an ordinance of the
17th January, 1645, authorising the City to raise cavalry in their own
defence and to apprehend disaffected persons, might be revived. The House,
which was guarded at the time by a city regiment, could scarcely do
otherwise than comply with the prayer of the petitioners.(757)
(M365)
Three days later (11 June) a letter was brought to the city by "two
messengers that looked like soldiers," signed by Fairfax and twelve
others, informing the civic authorities of the army’s approach to
London.(758) The City was asked to believe that such action on the part of
the army was only directed against those who were endeavouring to engage
the kingdom in a new war. As Englishmen, if not as soldiers, the writers
desired only "the peace of the kingdom and liberty of the subject,
according to the votes and declarations of parliament." They desired no
alteration of the civil government, nor to hinder Presbyterianism. When
once the State had settled a matter there was nothing for it but to submit
or suffer; they only wished that every good citizen and every peaceful man
might be allowed to enjoy liberty. "These, in brief," continued the
writers, "are our desires, and the things for which we stand, beyond which
we shall not go; and for obtaining these things we are drawing near your
city, professing sincerely from our hearts we intend not evil toward you;
declaring with all confidence and assurance that if you appear not against
us in these our just desires to assist that wicked party that would
embroil us and the kingdom, nor we nor our soldiers shall give you the
least offence." It was true, they went on to say, that a rich city like
London offered a tempting bait for poor hungry soldiers, but the officers
would protect it with their last drop of blood from the soldiery provided
no provocation were offered by the citizens themselves. Their men valued
their own high character above any wealth, and the citizens would act like
fellow subjects and brethren by using their influence with parliament on
their behalf. On the other hand, "if after all this you, or a considerable
part of you, be seduced to take up arms in opposition to or hindrance of
these our just undertakings, we hope by this brotherly premonition, to the
sincerity thereof we call God to witness, we have freed ourselves from all
that ruin which may befall that great and populous city, having thereby
washed our hands thereof."
(M366)
This letter was laid before the House with a request that it would
endeavour to prevent Fairfax quartering his army on the city, thereby
enhancing the price of provisions, and this request was acceded to. At the
same time a new committee of safety, composed of members of both Houses,
was appointed to join the reformed Committee of Militia of the city in
taking all necessary steps to secure "the safety of the parliament and the
city."(759) The committee established itself at the Guildhall and
commenced preparing lists of disbanded officers willing to serve the
parliament.
(M367)
The City in the meantime drafted a reply(760) of its own, and this was
despatched to the army on the 12th, after receiving the approval of the
House. In it the City disavowed any animosity towards the army. The
citizens had only put themselves into a state of defence against unlawful
violence. So far were they from opposing the just demands of the army,
they had themselves presented a humble address to parliament that these
might be granted. If the officers would only keep the army at a distance
of thirty miles from London, and so give no occasion for disorder or rise
in the price of victuals in the city, it would go far to prove the
sincerity of the intentions expressed in their letter.
(M368)
This letter found the army at St. Albans. The deputation that carried it
thither returned with two missives, one addressed to the commissioners of
the city of London and the other to the mayor, aldermen and Common
Council.(761) In the first Fairfax and the "council of war" declared the
utter impossibility of removing the army to a distance of thirty miles
from London so long as enlistments were being made in the city and suburbs
in addition to the usual trained bands and auxiliaries. A stop must be put
to this, otherwise the army would have to take the matter in hand. In the
second the officers informed the civic authorities that the movements of
the army would greatly depend upon the action parliament took with respect
to certain "papers" now to be submitted to it.
(M369)
By "papers" the writers were referring to a document styled _The
Declaration of the Army_, which had that morning been placed in the hands
of the parliamentary commissioners to be forwarded to the Lords.(762) This
declaration sought to establish the right of the army to speak in the name
of the English people, and demanded the banishment from office of all who
spoke ill of it. To this was added a further demand, viz., the expulsion
from the House of those who had proved themselves unworthy of their seats.
This last demand was followed by a formal charge laid in the name of the
army against eleven members of the House of Commons (of whom Glyn, the
city’s Recorder, was one) of having prejudiced the liberties of the
subject, misrepresented the army and raised forces for a new war.
(M370)
As matters turned out the army had little cause to fear the enlistments
that had taken place in the city. An attempt had, it is true, been made to
increase the number of the militia, but it had met with poor success. When
it became known in the city that the army was moving southward from
Royston something like a panic prevailed. The trained bands were called
out on pain of death and shops ordered to be shut, Sir John Gayer, the
lord mayor, being especially active. But when the companies appeared on
parade they were found to be lamentably deficient in numbers, "not ten men
of some companies appeared, and many companies none at all but
officers."(763) The whole affair was treated as a farce by the on-lookers,
who jeered at the troops as they passed; and those who had shut up their
shops at the mayor’s command soon opened them again. It was clear that the
citizens had no intention of being engaged in a "new war." Parliament,
finding this to be the case, annulled the order for enlistments and
resolved that "the city might upon occasion send letters to the army, so
as they did first present them to the House for their approbation."(764)
(M371)
By the 18th June the City was ready with its reply to the last letters of
Fairfax and the council of war. This reply had after some hesitation
received the sanction of the Commons, and the City was to be thenceforth
permitted to correspond with the army on its own responsibility, and
without submitting its letters first to parliament.(765) It entirely
disavowed any privity or consent of the Common Council in connection with
the recent enlistments other than those of the trained bands and
auxiliaries. All such enlistments Fairfax was assured had now been
stopped, the civic authorities having intervened as requested. The City’s
readiness to conform to the wishes of the army would, it was hoped, draw
forth a fuller assurance that the army intended no prejudice either to
parliament or to the city, which had expended so much blood and treasure
in its defence, and that it would remove its quarters farther from
London.(766)
(M372)
This reply did not give unqualified satisfaction. It was impossible, wrote
Fairfax and the council of war (21 June),(767) to remove the army farther
from London until parliament should have given a satisfactory reply to the
_Humble Representation of the dissatisfaction of the Army_, the
_Declaration of the Army_, and the _Charge_ made against eleven members of
the House of Commons. That the City had done its part in stopping
enlistments they readily acknowledged, but information had reached them of
underhand workings still going on to enlist men, as a "foundation for a
new armie and a new warre." The letter concluded with a reiteration of the
writers’ intention to do nothing prejudicial to the parliament or the
city, for which they professed "a most tender regard." To this letter a
postscript was added the following day (22 June) to the effect that since
writing the above they had heard that parliament had been again threatened
by a mob of reformadoes. It was therefore more necessary than ever to
preserve the remnant of liberty that attached to the House.
(M373)
On the 23rd another letter(768) was despatched desiring that some
representatives of the city might take up permanent quarters with the army
until matters became more settled. Accordingly, on the following day (24
June) the Common Council appointed Alderman Warner, Deputy Pack and
Colonel Player to go to Fairfax and the army and remain with them until
further orders. They were to give his excellency and the council of war an
account of the true state of affairs respecting enlistments, and assure
them that the City would take good care that both Houses should be allowed
to conduct their affairs in peace and quiet.(769)
(M374)
As soon as the commissioners arrived in camp they were informed that the
army was about to change its quarters to Uxbridge. On the 25th Fairfax
again took occasion in a letter to the City, dated from
Berkhampstead,(770) to enlarge upon the danger that was likely to arise
from continued attempts to raise forces in Wales, "besides underhand
workings in your city," and from parliament being threatened by the
presence of reformadoes. It could not be expected that the kingdom would
be safe, or justice done, so long as the accused members sat as judges.
"We have written this to you," the letter concluded, "for your
satisfaction that so nothing may be done without giving you a perfect
account of our intentions and ends, and still to continue our assurance to
you that should necessity bring us nearer to the city our former faith
given you shall be observed inviolably, there being nothing more (next the
good of the kingdom) in our thoughts and desires than the prosperity of
your city." It was six o’clock in the evening when this letter was brought
to the Common Council, so that there was only time to acknowledge its
receipt in a letter, which was on the point of being despatched to the
army.(771)
(M375)
As far as the removal of the objectionable members of the House went
Fairfax soon had his way. For, notwithstanding the Commons having declared
on the 25th that they saw no valid reason for suspending the members, the
members themselves solved the difficulty on the following day by asking
leave of absence, which the House was willing enough to grant.(772)
(M376)
The bands of reformadoes which infested the city presented a greater
difficulty. On the 2nd July the City once more addressed itself to
parliament in the form of a petition suggesting a remedy for this
grievance, and although the petition reflected strongly upon the
mismanagement of affairs by the government, and ventured to prescribe
rules for its better regulation, it was more favourably received than
others of a far less bold character had formerly been.(773) The temper of
the House must indeed have changed when it could listen calmly to charges
of malversation of money collected for the disbandment of the army, and to
such advice as that parliament should "improve its time" and busy itself
only with such laws as might settle the government of the Church, secure
the people from unlawful and arbitrary power, and restore his majesty to
his just rights and authority, according to the covenant. A few months ago
any deputation that dared to address the House in these terms would have
been sharply dismissed. Times had changed; and now, instead of a rebuke,
the City received thanks for its "constant very good affections," and a
day was appointed for taking the petition into consideration.
(M377)
A week later (8 July) Fairfax wrote to the City from Reading—whither he
had removed the headquarters of the army (3 July) upon certain concessions
being made by parliament—enclosing a copy of a paper which he had
forwarded to parliament setting forth the obstacles which still stood in
the way of a peaceful settlement, viz., the continued presence of
reformadoes in and about London, as well of the army raised for Ireland
but not despatched there, and the non-expulsion from the House of those
members who had aided the king against parliament.(774) At length
parliament gave way. On the 9th the Commons passed an ordinance expelling
all members who had favoured the king’s cause since the beginning of the
war,(775) and the Lords passed another ordinance for all disbanded
soldiers to quit London.(776)
(M378)
Matters were not improved by the action of the apprentices of London, who,
like the rest of the inhabitants, took sides with king or parliament.
Parliament had recently sanctioned a monthly holiday to all apprentices.
The first of these holidays fell on Tuesday, the 13th July. Grateful for
this concession, a number of lads employed the day in presenting a
petition to the Commons calling upon them to uphold their own authority,
recall those who had been so unreasonably expelled, protect the clergy,
and bring prisoners to a speedy trial.(777) This was more than the
royalist apprentices could stand, so the next day they had their turn, and
presented a petition to both Houses praying for the suppression of
conventicles, the restoration of the king, the maintenance of the
covenant, and the disbandment of the army.(778) This last petition roused
the indignation of the army, and was one of the motives which led the
"agitators"(779) to demand of the council of war an immediate march on
London, a step which would most certainly have been undertaken but for the
strenuous opposition of Cromwell and Ireton.(780)
(M379)
A week later (21 July) a mob of apprentices, reformadoes, watermen and
other disaffected persons met at Skinners’ Hall, and one and all signed a
Solemn Engagement pledging themselves to maintain the Covenant and to
procure the king’s restoration to power on the terms offered by him on the
12th May last, viz., the abandonment of the episcopacy for three years and
the militia for ten. An endeavour was made to enlist the support of the
municipal authorities to this engagement, but a letter from Fairfax (23
July) soon gave them to understand that the army looked on the matter as
one "set on foot by the malice of some desperate-minded men, this being
their last engine for the putting all into confusion when they could not
accomplish their wicked ends by other means."(781) On the 24th both Houses
joined in denouncing the Solemn Engagement of the City, their declaration
against it being ordered to be published by beat of drum and sound of
trumpet through London and Westminster, and within the lines of
communication.(782) Anyone found subscribing his name to the engagement
after such publication would be adjudged guilty of high treason.
(M380)
In the meanwhile the army council had forwarded (19 July) certain
recommendations to the city which they proposed to submit to parliament,
among them being one for removing the command of the city’s militia out of
the hands of the municipal authorities and vesting it in parliament.(783)
This proposal was accepted in due course by both Houses.(784)
(M381) (M382) (M383)
On Saturday, the 24th July, the day after the Lords had given their assent
to the proposal touching the militia, two petitions were presented to the
Common Council praying it to take steps for retaining the militia in the
hands of the city committee.(785) Both petitions were well received by the
court, and a draft of another petition from the court itself was at once
made for presentation to both Houses on the following Monday, together
with the petitions presented to the court. The sheriffs and the whole
court, or as many of them as could go, with the exception of those
actually serving on the militia committee, were ordered to carry the
petitions to Westminster. When Monday came an excited crowd of apprentices
and others followed the sheriffs and members of the Common Council up to
the very doors of the Houses. The few Peers who were in attendance on that
day were soon brought to pass a resolution abrogating the recent
ordinance.(786) When the turn of the Commons came they made a bolder
stand. The consideration of the petitions was frequently interrupted by
cries of "Vote! vote!" from the apprentices, who stood at the open doorway
with their hats on.(787) Hostile as the city was, the House had no means
of restoring order without its aid. The civic authorities showed no
particular haste in complying with a request for assistance. The Common
Council assembled in the afternoon, but all it did was to agree that the
members present should adjourn in a body to Westminster "and use their
best endeavour by all gentle ways and means possible they can to appease
the said multitude and to free the said House from danger."(788) At
length, towards eight o’clock in the evening, the Commons, worn-out and
exhausted, yielded to the pressure put upon them and repealed the
obnoxious ordinance, after which the mob was content to obey the city
councillors and quietly disperse.
(M384) (M385)
The civic authorities having recovered its control over the militia
immediately began to put the city in a posture of defence. In this it was
assisted by the apprentices offering their services, their lives and
fortunes against any power whatsoever that should attack the city. The
Common Council thanked them for their good will, and desired them to carry
themselves in an orderly and regular way, and endeavour to prevent
disorder and tumult.(789) There were already rumours that the army had
broken up and was marching towards London. No time was to be lost if the
city was to be saved from falling into its hands. The militia committee
was ordered to draw up a declaration in justification of all that the
civic authorities had done, whilst a letter was sent (28 July) to Fairfax
deprecating any attempt by the army to "intermeddle" with the liberties or
privileges of the city or to interpose in the matter of the militia, which
should be used only in defence of parliament and the city without giving
occasion for offence to anyone. He was assured that now the government of
the militia had become revested in the city there would be no more
disorder.(790) The day on which this letter was despatched had been set
apart by the civic authorities as a day of fasting and humiliation. Three
ministers were appointed to pray and preach before the mayor, aldermen and
common council at the church of St. Michael Bassishaw that God might turn
away his wrathful indignation against the city and the nation.(791)
(M386) (M387)
In the meantime Fairfax had been informed of the terrorism brought to bear
upon parliament, and wrote (29 July) from Bedford to the Common
Council(792) saying that, for his part, he looked upon them, being in
authority, as responsible to the kingdom for the recent disturbances. The
letter reached the council at eleven o’clock at night. In spite of the
lateness of the hour an answer was drawn up(793) disclaiming any
responsibility for the riot at Westminster on the ground that at the time
the city was without a settled militia and held no commission on which to
act. So far from having encouraged the tumult, as many of the council had
been reported to have done, they had used their best endeavours to allay
it. In conclusion the council declared themselves unconscious of having
contributed to the interruption of the "hopeful way of peace and
settlement" mentioned in the general’s letter, and would accordingly rely
upon God for His protection over the city.
(M388)
The time for negotiations had clearly passed away, and there was no other
recourse but to repel force by force. The Common Council immediately voted
(29 July) a sum of £20,000 on the security of the city seal for the
purposes of defence.(794) The trained bands were sent to man the works,
and orders were given for a general muster to be held on the following
morning of all the inhabitants who were not members of the trained bands
but were capable of bearing arms.(795)
(M389)
When parliament re-assembled on the 30th the Speakers of the two Houses
and a number of members failed to appear. New Speakers were immediately
appointed and the expelled members ordered to take their seats. One of the
first acts of the House was to authorise the militia committee to seize
all horses within the lines of communication for the defence of parliament
and the City, and in accordance with the City’s request sent word to
Fairfax not to approach within thirty miles of London.(796)
(M390)
On the following day (31 July) the House signified its assent to the
appointment of Massey as commander-in-chief of the city forces, in
accordance with the desire of the militia committee and the Common
Council, and informed a city deputation that it had taken the precaution
to secure the Block-houses at Tilbury and Gravesend. On hearing this some
of the deputation expressed a hope that the House would also see to
Windsor Castle.(797)
(M391) (M392)
The Common Council was getting more and more anxious every day. Fairfax
had disdained giving any reply to their last letters, and the army was
known to have already advanced as near as Colnbrook. On the afternoon of
the 2nd August the council resolved to send another letter to the general,
disclaiming any intention on the part of the city to raise a new war. The
delivery of this despatch was entrusted to six aldermen and twelve
commoners, who were to remain with the army, in addition to the
commissioners previously appointed, and use every means in their power to
prevent any further bloodshed. If Fairfax complained that the city was
engaged in raising a body of horse, they were instructed to throw the
responsibility on parliament. If he objected to the drilling of
reformadoes, it was again the work of parliament and not of the militia
committee. If the commissioners were asked for some assurance that the
city would protect parliament in future from all attacks, they were to say
that the city would do its best to protect not only the sitting members,
but all who should return to the House. If objection was raised to the
appointment of Massey, it was to be laid to the sudden approach of the
army. Should any question arise as to the recent riot at Westminster, the
whole affair was to be ascribed to the absence of any settled authority of
the city militia; and lastly, if the matter of the petition and engagement
was raked up, the commissioners were to say that the city had not been the
promoters.(798) Furnished with these instructions, the commissioners set
out for the army, which they found the next day (3 Aug.) drawn up on
Hounslow Heath.
(M393)
In the meantime another declaration(799) had been prepared by Fairfax and
the council of war recapitulating the course affairs had taken, the
changes that had taken place in the government of the city militia, the
pressure that had been put upon parliament resulting in the Speakers and
many members being driven away, and the continued presence of the eleven
members in the House after charges had been brought against them, and
signifying the intention of the army to give a welcome to all members of
parliament who found themselves unable to take their seats at Westminster
with freedom and safety, and to regard them as persons in whom the public
trust of the kingdom still remained. It was moreover the purpose of the
army to march on London, when it was expected the eleven members would be
either delivered up or else kept in custody until they could be brought to
trial.
(M394)
As soon as the city commissioners arrived at headquarters this declaration
was put into their hands, and with it they hurried back to London in time
to lay it before the Common Council the same afternoon. The council was
quick to discern that no other course lay open to them but submission. A
letter(800) was accordingly despatched to Fairfax the same night, to the
effect that, as it appeared from the declaration that the main object of
the army drawing so near London was to bring back to a free parliament at
Westminster those members who had withdrawn owing to the tumult on the
26th July, the Common Council heartily concurred therein, and no
opposition whatever would be shown to the troops appointed to escort the
members to Westminster. The City declared itself ready to submit to
parliament in everything, and offered its entire force for its protection.
In order to remove all cause of offence or misunderstanding, the City’s
own declaration(801) recently published (30 July) was withdrawn. Under
these circumstances the council expressed a hope that the army would be
prevented from doing any offence or prejudice to the city or the lines of
communication.
(M395)
The City was now all submission. On the 4th August it agreed to a demand
to surrender the forts from "Giles Forte" down to the river-side, and the
Common Council wrote to Fairfax to that effect, saying that "now, next
unto Almighty God, we do rely upon your excellencye’s honourable word for
our safety, and to be protected from all violence of the soldiery."(802)
By that time Fairfax had arrived with the army at Hammersmith, whence he
wrote to the City acknowledging their ready compliance in the surrender of
the forts, which he would shortly garrison, and assuring them that the
army would behave itself in such a manner "as to witness to the world the
integrity of their hearts in having no other design but the quiet and
happy settlement of a firm and lasting peace."(803)
(M396)
On the 6th August the army entered the lines of fortification and made its
way to Westminster, accompanied by the Speakers of both Houses and those
members who had betaken themselves to the army after withdrawing from
parliament. The civic authorities, taking advantage of the hint offered
them, welcomed the army on its approach, the mayor and aldermen going out
as far as Hyde Park in coaches, whilst the Common Council betook
themselves to Charing Cross by water, and there ranged themselves in view
of the soldiers as they passed.(804) Glyn, the Recorder, on whose behalf
the City had already addressed Fairfax, was instructed to make a speech
with the view of absolving the City from any implication in the tumult of
the 26th July.
(M397) (M398)
On the following day (7 Aug.) the citizens made a closer acquaintance with
the army as it marched through the heart of the city on its way to
Croydon. The words of Fairfax proved true. The troops marched through the
streets "with all civility, not doing the least hurt or prejudice." The
civic authorities felt so much relief at seeing this unexpected
maintenance of discipline that they gave vent to their feelings by asking
Fairfax and all the officers to meet them at dinner at Grocers’ Hall on
Thursday, the 13th, but that day proving inconvenient to the general, who
was busy settling the affairs of the army, the dinner was ordered to be
put off until the city should again hear from him.(805) The termination of
hostilities gave rise to the following poetical ebullition on the part of
_Mercurius Pragmaticus_:—
"A Peace, a Peace, the countrey cries,
Or else we shall be undone;
For this brave warre we thank the wise
Confiding men of London."
"Sure now they may as well as we
Know how to value Quiet,
When th’ army comes their Guests to be
For a twelve-month’s Cash and Diet."