CHAPTER XXIII.

(M231)

It was the general opinion of both parties that the war would be a short

one. A deputation from both Houses attended a court of Common Council held

on the 25th August. It had been decided that an army should at once set

out so as not to "prolong or draw out a war," and in order to keep the

field of action at a distance from London. But arms were wanted. The City

was therefore asked to supply the parliamentary forces with 6,000 muskets

and 4,000 pikes.(537) It was difficult to raise this quantity of arms in

the city without depriving the trained bands of their weapons, a course

which was entirely out of the question. At first the halls of the various

companies were ransacked for arms; this having been done and a deficiency

still remaining, a house-to-house visitation was resolved on.(538)

(M232)

It behoved the citizens to look to themselves at this crisis; and

accordingly the Common Council resolved early in September to raise two

additional regiments of foot, each 1,200 strong, and four troops of sixty

horse for the defence of the city. In order to defray the necessary charge

parliament was asked to sanction the setting apart of £25,000 out of the

money and plate subscribed by the inhabitants for the general defence of

the kingdom; and the House, not wishing to run the risk of losing the

goose that laid the golden egg, readily gave its assent.(539)

(M233)

The Committee of Militia, to whom the defence of the city was entrusted,

took care—"with most loyal intentions to his majesty," as they were

careful to make known—that the city’s force, consisting of forty companies

in six regiments, was properly exercised both together and by separate

regiments, one regiment "going abroad" weekly for exercise. The action of

the committee gave rise to much adverse comment by royalists, and led to

two members of the committee, viz., Sir John Gayer and Sir Jacob Garrard,

withdrawing from it. At the request of the committee the Common Council

agreed that the lord mayor and sheriffs should take the place of the

retired members, and at the same time signified their approval of all that

the Committee of Militia had done for the defence of the city.(540)

(M234)

Skippon and other officers were directed (6 Sept.) to take a view of the

city and liberties and inspect the gates and posterns, and especially a

passage through the Bell Inn into the fields at Temple Bar. They were to

consider the advisability of stopping up the less used passages as adding

to the city’s peril, and of erecting more watch-houses in addition to

those about to be made at Moorgate and Bishopsgate. They were further to

report anything that might the better conduce to the safety of the city

and liberties "in these times of great and eminent danger."(541)

Pennington, the new mayor, had previously given orders for the gates and

portcullises to be seen to, the city’s chains and posts repaired, and the

usual precautions to be taken against fire.(542)

(M235)

On the 9th September Essex set out from London to put himself at the head

of the parliamentary army which (it was fondly hoped) was to make short

work of the royalists. He carried with him, we are told, his coffin and

his winding-sheet, together with his funeral escutcheon, in token of his

readiness to die in the cause.(543) On the 14th he reviewed his forces,

and was soon convinced that they would quickly desert unless promptly

paid. Disaffection had appeared in the ranks a week before, the soldiers

demanding five shillings a man, which sum had been promised them monthly,

and threatening to throw down their arms unless paid.(544)

(M236)

In this strait the earl despatched a letter to the City desiring a loan of

£100,000 for the maintenance of the army.(545) This letter having been

read to the Common Council (15 Sept.) and well received, the mayor issued

his precept to the aldermen of each ward to incite the inhabitants to

underwrite the loan.(546)

(M237)

A month later the Common Council was informed (18 Oct.) that Prince Rupert

was expected soon to be on his way towards London. What force would the

City be prepared to put in the field in order to stay the advance of the

"adverse party"? After due deliberation answer was made to the "Close

Committee" of parliament that twelve companies of the trained bands would

be prepared to join the forces of the adjacent counties at any place the

committee might appoint "for the defence of religion, the king, kingdom,

parliament and the city."(547) The aspect of the city at this time was

that of a huge military depôt. Everywhere was heard the sound of

musket-shot and rattle of drum, besides the noise of the squib or other

firework of the frolicsome apprentice. So great and continuous was the din

that it had to be restricted by precept of the mayor.(548)

(M238)

The whole city, as described by a Puritan soldier in a letter to a

merchant of London,(549) was now "either real or constrained Roundheads."

There were exceptions, however, but these were to be found chiefly among

the wealthier and more aristocratic class of citizens. They were

stigmatised as "Delinquents" or "Malignants," and as such were committed

to prison, and their estates seized to provide means for protecting the

city and carrying on the war. Out of thirty-seven "delinquents" imprisoned

in Crosby House a month later, three at least were aldermen of the city,

viz., Sir William Acton, Sir George Whitmore and Sir John Cordell.(550)

(M239)

At Michaelmas Pennington was re-elected mayor,(551) and, as the lord

keeper was with the king, Pennington presented himself before the House of

Lords for approval of his re-election. He took the opportunity of

mentioning a few city matters concerning which he desired their

lordships’s advice. In the first place he had received the king’s writ for

proclamation of the adjournment of the next law term, and he wished to

know if he was to act upon it. Secondly, there had been recently a riot at

St. Paul’s, and the rioters had been committed to prison, and he desired

to know what proceedings should be taken against them. Lastly, he had to

complain of the seditious character of the sermons preached at St. Paul’s,

the preacher being appointed by the Bishop of London. Indeed, they had

been so bad that he and his brother aldermen had ceased to attend. He

asked that the appointment of preachers might be vested in the lord mayor,

according to a former order of their lordships. On the first two questions

an immediate answer was given. As to the proclamation for the adjournment

of the term, it had received the sanction of the Lords, and therefore the

mayor was at liberty to publish it. Touching the rioters at St. Paul’s,

they might be proceeded with according to law. The question as to the

appointment of preachers at St. Paul’s, that was a matter which required

further consideration.(552)

(M240)

The first serious conflict between the forces of king and parliament took

place at Edge-hill (23 Oct.), when both parties claimed the victory. With

Charles, however, rested the more immediate fruits of success, for he had

overcome the first obstacle that stood in his way to London. That Charles

did not enter London as a conqueror was owing to the determined front

shown to his forces by the trained bands of the City, and the energy

displayed by the inhabitants at large. If anything were needed to

stimulate exertion on the part of the Londoners, they found it in the

reports which daily arrived of country houses being despoiled by the

royalist soldiery. Few doubted that if allowed to enter the city the

wealth of London would be at their mercy. "You see what is threatened

you," said the Earl of Holland to the citizens at the Guildhall, soon

after the battle, "you must know what to expect and what to trust to; they

intend you no lesse (and that is to be believed) than the destroying of

the city, your persons and the preying upon your fortunes."(553)

(M241)

By the 12th November Charles had made himself master of Brentford. The

next day (13th Nov.) was Sunday; nevertheless, the House sat and received

a deputation of Londoners, who, "in the name of the Godly and active part

of the city," placed their persons, purses and estates at the command of

the House to do with them at its pleasure, and declared that they would

"man out every man his man and make their own captains and officers, and

live and die with the House of Commons, and in defence thereof."(554) An

offer made by the citizens of London to raise one thousand light-horse and

three thousand dragoons was gladly accepted by both Houses of

Parliament.(555) These were placed under the command of Skippon, now

promoted to the rank of Serjeant-Major-General in the army under Essex.

The citizens were sorry to lose one who had done so much to raise the

discipline of the city forces, but there was no withstanding the appeal

made to them by the leader of the parliamentary forces.(556)

(M242)

The city was ransacked for soldiers, who, by the way, were allowed certain

privileges, being charged no more than a penny a night for lodging and

three half-pence for a quart of beer, and every available man was ordered

to be despatched (18 Nov.) to join Essex at Turnham Green.(557) Charles

deemed discretion to be the better part of valour and withdrew from

Brentwood, which was immediately occupied by Essex, and made his way to

Reading. The golden opportunity thus lost was never regained.

(M243)

Hitherto the parliamentary cause had been supported by loans which were in

name, if not in actual fact, voluntary. The spasmodic nature of this

method of obtaining a supply of money for the army proved a source of

weakness. The Houses therefore resolved to change it for the more

effective system of raising money by taxation. The rest of the kingdom

would thus bear its share of the burden, which until now had been chiefly

borne by the city of London. Inhabitants of the city who had never before

contributed to so-called voluntary loans would now be compelled to pay

their quota. Those who had not already contributed to the support of the

army were now compelled to do so, in money, plate, horse, horsemen or

arms. Every man was to be assessed according to his ability, but no one

was to be assessed above a twentieth part of his estate. Payment was to be

enforced by distress of goods in cases of refusal, and the aid of the

trained bands might be invoked if necessary.(558)

(M244)

In the meantime a deputation of members of both Houses attended a meeting

of the Common Hall and asked for a loan of £30,000. The mayor forthwith

issued his precept for a return to be made of the names of every

inhabitant of each ward for the purpose of an assessment.(559)

(M245)

The city was becoming more and more agitated by party faction every day.

Royalist and parliamentarian openly acknowledged the side he favoured by

wearing a distinctive badge,(560) and disturbances were of frequent

occurrence. To many the state of affairs had become little less than

disastrous, owing to the shutting up of shops and the stoppage of trade.

The new parliamentary taxation increased the general dissatisfaction and

made the citizens sigh for peace. On the 12th December two petitions were

laid before the Common Council. Both petitions advocated peace. One of

them was objected to by the court as too dictatorial in tone and as

casting an aspersion on parliament. They nevertheless ordered it to be

entered on record, "to the end their dislike might the better

appear."(561) Whilst these petitions were under consideration in the

Council Chamber, which stood almost on the same spot as that on which the

present new and handsome structure stands, cries were heard proceeding

from an angry crowd in the adjacent hall. On all sides there arose a

clamour for peace. The lives of the lord mayor and the unpopular aldermen

were even threatened. The few soldiers who happened to be present received

some rough handling, and were told to go and spend the money they had

received from the State at the tavern, for they should have no more. At

last a body of the city trained bands arrived and order was restored. The

Common Council continuing its deliberations set aside both petitions, but

appointed a committee to draw up on its behalf two other petitions

advocating a cessation of hostilities, one to be presented to the king and

the other to parliament.(562)

(M246)

On the 19th December these petitions, which had previously been submitted

to the Common Council for approval,(563) were laid before both Houses of

Parliament, the sheriffs and certain members of the Court of Aldermen and

of the Common Council attending at the bar of the House of Commons and

publicly disavowing any other petition. Having notified its approval of

both petitions the House gave orders that those who had been suspected of

taking part in the late tumult at the Guildhall should be committed as

prisoners to Lambeth House.(564) A week later (26 Dec.) both Houses were

prepared to open negotiations with the king.(565)

(M247) (M248)

Having obtained the sanction of parliament to present their petition to

Charles, the Common Council left it to the mayor to send whom he would to

"Mr. Secretary Falkland to learn his majesties pleasure whether certeine

citizens might with safety repaire unto his highness" with the City’s

petition, and in the meanwhile nominated the members of the deputation who

should wait upon the king if Falkland’s reply to the mayor’s messenger

proved satisfactory.(566) The reply was favourable, and the deputation set

out for Oxford, where Charles had taken up his quarters. On their return

they reported the result of their journey to the Common Council.(567) They

arrived in Oxford, said they, between one and two o’clock on the afternoon

of Monday, the 2nd January (1643), and an hour later waited upon Lord

Falkland at his lodgings in New College. At five o’clock the same evening

they were admitted into the king’s presence and the City’s petition was

then publicly read. The king professed satisfaction at seeing them, for he

could now be sure that certain printed declarations of his would reach

those for whom they were intended. He questioned very much the ability of

the City to protect his person, seeing that it was unable to preserve

peace among themselves. On Wednesday (4 Jan.) the deputation was dismissed

with a promise that Charles would send an answer by Mr. Herne (or Heron),

one of his own servants, who would accompany them on their return. He

asked which was the larger assembly, the Common Council or the Common

Hall. On being told that the latter were more numerous he directed that

his answer should be read there, as he wished as many as possible to be

disabused and to know the truth. Just when the deputation was about to set

out from Oxford on its return a printed paper purporting to be the king’s

answer was handed to Sir George Garrett and Sir George Clark as they sat

in their coach. The Common Council having heard the whole story of the

mission to Oxford deemed it expedient to inform the House of Commons of

the result, and to lay the printed paper in their hands.(568) This was

accordingly done on the 11th January, with the result that the House

directed the mayor to summon a Common Hall for Friday, the 13th, to hear

the king’s reply.(569) When the Common Hall met at the appointed time it

was only to hear a long diatribe against the heinousness of those who had

taken up arms against their king. All good subjects were called upon to

throw off their yoke, and to begin by arresting the lord mayor and certain

leading citizens who had been guilty of treason. When this had been done,

and not before, he would be prepared to return to London without the

protection of his army, or, to use the expression of the petitioners

themselves, with his "royal," and not his "martial attendance."(570)

(M249)

After this Pym, who attended the Common Hall and heard the king’s

reply,(571) had no difficulty in convincing the assembly of the king’s

real mind, and that he had no intention to accept terms of peace. The

meeting was all but unanimous for continuing the war rather than submit to

the degradation of their mayor. A subsequent attempt by Charles to have

his reply circulated among the livery companies was frustrated by an order

of the House of Commons (24 Jan.) which granted the sheriffs an indemnity

for refusing to execute the king’s order.(572)

(M250)

If the war was to be carried on it was necessary for parliament to face

the difficulty of getting a steady supply of money. Up to this moment the

new parliamentary taxes had brought in nothing. Many of the wealthier

class of citizens absolutely refused to pay. At a Common Hall held on the

17th January Alderman Garway pointed out, in a very strong speech, the

danger which would beset merchants trading with foreign parts if the king

withdrew his protection from them in consequence of the city contributing

to the maintenance of the parliamentary army. His speech was followed by a

great tumult, and the meeting broke up amid cries of "No money, no money!

peace, peace!"(573)

(M251)

The payment of the assessment made in November last had been widely

refused. The war had already ruined many, and if some refused to pay on

principle others refused from sheer inability. Among the former must be

reckoned Sir George Whitmore,(574) a royalist alderman of considerable

means, who, with Thomas Knyvett, a goldsmith, Paul Pindar, and others

preferred imprisonment to pay what was by them considered an illegal

tax.(575)

(M252)

Nevertheless application was made to the City at this juncture for a loan

of £60,000 to keep the army from disbanding. A deputation from both Houses

of Parliament attended a court of Common Council held on the 18th

February, and assured the citizens that the money would be repaid out of

the weekly payments which parliament had resolved to impose upon every

county in England.(576) This would be the last time, as they hoped, that a

call of this kind would be made upon the city. The council declared its

willingness to promote the loan, the members present promising an

immediate payment of £6,000. Ministers were recommended to lay the matter

before their respective congregations on the following Sunday and exhort

them to contribute.(577)

(M253)

A weekly assessment of £10,000 had been imposed on the City, whilst a

monthly rebate was allowed of £3,000. The Common Council complained to

parliament that the City was over-assessed in comparison with other

counties, and suggested that the monthly allowance should be raised to

£4,000. They also desired some security for the repayment of the loan of

£60,000. These and other proposals were laid before the House as being

"encouragements" for the City to make the loan; and the House, in

returning thanks to the City for its readiness in the matter of the loan,

promised that the "encouragements" should receive favourable

consideration.(578)

(M254)

In the midst of their financial difficulties the Commons had been busy

elaborating the propositions for peace sent down to them from the Lords.

At length these were complete, and on the 1st February were presented to

the king. They were, however, received by Charles with little favour, and

the rest of the month was consumed by both Houses in an endeavour to

arrive at a compromise at once satisfactory to themselves and likely to be

acceptable to the king.

(M255)

Before fresh terms of compromise were formulated the House was asked (23

Feb.) to consider certain other propositions drawn up by the Common

Council of the city. These were three in number. The first desired the

reformation of the army. The second demanded an indemnity to the citizens

for their adhesion to parliament. The third was a proposal for a religious

covenant and association for the defence of religion and liberty in case

the negotiations with the king should fall through. To only one of these

propositions did the House give an immediate reply, and that was the

second. To this the Commons returned answer that in the intended treaty

with the king such care would be taken for the indemnity of the City and

citizens of London and of the privileges thereof as should secure them and

"be a witness to the present and future generations of their fidelity to

the king and parliament."(579)

(M256)

That the citizens entertained but little hopes of a peaceful issue to the

negotiations with Charles is evinced by their resolving (23 Feb.) to carry

out a comprehensive scheme of defence of the city and suburbs.(580) The

scheme received the sanction of parliament, which further allowed the

civic authorities to call upon the inhabitants of the suburbs as well as

of the city proper to contribute to the undertaking.(581) The City had a

hard task to get subscriptions in from the outlying districts, and was

consequently obliged to advance out of its own Chamber no less than six

sums of £2,000 each between the months of March and July lest the work of

erecting the necessary fortifications should be brought to a

standstill.(582)

(M257)

In the face of this extraordinary expenditure the City was the more

anxious to get its weekly assessment reduced. On the 1st March Colonel

Venn, one of the city’s members, informed the Common Council that the

application to have the assessment reduced had been made too late, but the

House would allow the City an additional monthly sum of £3,000 in aid of

its defences so long as the ordinance for a weekly assessment should

continue in force.(583)

(M258)

On the 10th March a deputation from both Houses, including Pym, informed

the Common Council of a message that had recently arrived from the Earl of

Essex to the effect that Prince "Robert" (Rupert) had arrived with a large

force within four miles of Bristol, and the earl intended forthwith to

make an advance. His army, however, was sadly in arrears of payment; he

wanted both men and money, and this fact he had desired to be represented

to the citizens of London. Pym, therefore, in the name of both Houses

desired the Common Council to hasten as far as possible the payment of the

residue of the £60,000 already promised, and to furnish such forces as the

city could spare.

(M259)

As far as the first part of the request went the council promised its

ready assistance.(584) It frankly acknowledged that little more than

one-third of the whole amount promised had come in, but there were

difficulties in the way of getting it in. A large sum of money—as much as

£30,000—which ought to have been repaid to the lenders out of the estates

of malignants was still owing, and lenders were thereby discouraged. Men

of ability refused to lend, and there were no means of forcing them;

whilst divers rich men had left the city, carrying with them what property

they could, and leaving their houses empty. Nevertheless, the council

assured the deputation that it was well affected to parliament, all but a

very few of its members having already contributed, and it would forthwith

take steps to get the money in. Touching the furnishing of soldiers, the

council remarked that there were but three regiments in the city besides

the trained bands, two of which were on active service and the one

remaining was on outpost duty.(585)

(M260)

Soon after the outbreak of the war it was seen that the weak point of the

parliamentary army lay in its cavalry. Already something had been done

towards remedying this defect. Volunteers had offered themselves for the

formation of a troop of horse at their own expense, and a "seminary" for

cavalry had been established.(586) The news about Rupert urged the

citizens to a greater effort. On the 15th March an offer was made to the

Common Council to raise no less than ten volunteer regiments, three of

which were to consist of cavalry. The men were to receive no pay except

when engaged on active service, and only a small sum was asked for, in

order to provide colours, drums and other necessaries. The offer was

gladly accepted.(587)

(M261)

The last loan of £60,000 could scarcely have been subscribed before an

order came from the Commons for the city to make a further advance of

£40,000 for the support of the army.(588)

(M262)

The East India Company was at the same time called upon to lend its

ordnance and military store for the defence of the city. In case of

refusal both ordnance and provisions were to be seized, on the

understanding that the City would restore them in as good condition as it

received them or give satisfaction for them. Should any great emergency

arise the Commons would supply the company with what was necessary.(589)

The livery companies too were exhorted to lend their arms. These were to

be stored at Salters’ Hall, in Bread Street.(590)

(M263)

A few days later the negotiations between parliament and the king for a

cessation of hostilities collapsed, and the parliamentary commissioners at

Oxford were ordered to return home (14 April).(591) Irritated at the

king’s obstinacy, the Puritan party vented its spleen by ordering the

wholesale destruction of superstitious or idolatrous monuments in

Westminster Abbey and elsewhere. The City followed suit by asking

parliament to sanction the removal of Cheapside cross, "in regard of the

idolatrous and superstitious figures there about sett and fixed."(592) In

1581 these figures had given cause for offence and were secretly

removed,(593) but others had apparently been set up in their place. The

demolition of the cross, which took place on the 2nd May amid signs of

public rejoicing, was followed (10 May) by the public burning of the "Book

of Sports" by the hands of the common hangman in Cheapside.(594) Another

measure in the same direction was the placing of the appointment of

preachers in St. Paul’s Churchyard in the hands of the mayor and aldermen,

a proposal which the mayor had formerly suggested to the House of

Commons.(595)

(M264)

Now that all hopes of a peaceful settlement had gone, Charles took

measures to gain over as many Londoners as he could to his side. He had

previously (16 March) caused a commission of array to be drawn, addressed

to Gardiner, who was still Recorder, and others, authorising them to raise

a force on his behalf in the city.(596) This commission he had retained at

Oxford until he could find an opportunity for conveying it safely to

London. It was now entrusted to Lady Daubeny to carry to London. She

succeeded in her mission and handed the document over to a city

linendraper named Chaloner, who, in his turn, transferred it to Tompkins,

a brother-in-law of Waller the poet, who was also implicated in the design

which on that account came to be known as "Waller’s Plot." Tompkins

endeavoured to conceal it in a cellar, but it did not escape the prying

eyes of parliamentary searchers. Early in the morning of the 31st May

Tompkins was arrested, and in the course of time both he and Chaloner paid

the penalty of their rashness by being hanged in front of their own

houses, the one in Cornhill and the other in Holborn. Waller was also

taken and flung into prison.(597)

(M265)

Thursday, the 15th June, was appointed to be kept as a day of thanksgiving

for deliverance from the plot,(598) and on that day the new parliamentary

vow or covenant, binding those who took it to support the forces raised in

defence of parliament against those raised by the king, was generally

accepted in the city.

(M266)

In the meantime Essex had besieged and taken Reading (26 April), but his

troops became affected with disease, and he made no attempt to advance on

Oxford until June. Before his arrival Hampden had received a mortal wound

at Chalgrove Field (18 June). On the 5th July the royalist forces under

Hopton worsted the parliamentary army under Waller in the west, whilst a

similar success was achieved against Fairfax in the north (30 June). The

king had reason to be elated as he rode into Oxford (14 July) accompanied

by the queen, from whom he had been separated for fifteen months, amid the

shouts of men and the ringing of bells.

(M267) (M268)

Parliament and the City, on the other hand, had reason to be dejected. On

the 17th July Charles issued a proclamation for seizing all merchandise on

its way to London. The trade of the city became paralysed.(599) Nor was

this all. For some months past the citizens had been suffering from a

scarcity of coal. Ever since the appointment of the Earl of Newcastle as

governor of the town of Newcastle in June, 1642,(600) that town had been

held for Charles, and a refusal to allow its coal to be supplied to the

supporters of parliament had brought the city of London and the eastern

counties into great straits.(601) It thus became a matter of prime

importance that Newcastle should be captured. How this was to be

accomplished was set out in a series of propositions drawn up (25 May,

1643) by the Common Council of the city to be laid before parliament.(602)

A monopoly of the trade in coal, salt and glass with the north of England

was to be held out as an incentive for persons to adventure their money in

the reduction of the town. A committee, of which one-half of its members

was to be nominated by the Commons and the rest by the City, was to have

charge of all the money subscribed and to direct the undertaking. The

propositions were well received (26 May),(603) and on the 10th June the

Common Council nominated three aldermen and seven common councilmen to

join with a like number to be appointed by parliament in raising a force

by sea and land for the reduction of the town.(604)

(M269)

To make matters worse news arrived on the 18th July that royalist cavalry

were in the vicinity of London, and that great disaffection to the cause

of parliament had manifested itself in the neighbouring counties of Kent

and Surrey. The Common Council, recognising the danger, forthwith resolved

to raise what money it could at the rate of eight per cent., and to place

it at the disposal of the Committee of the Militia of the city.(605)

(M270) (M271)

The danger which threatened London was increased the more by reason of

dissensions which sprang up among those whose particular care were the

defences of the city. A sub-committee which usually met at Salters’ Hall

fell out with the Committee of the Militia of London for presuming to get

into its hands the sole power over the auxiliary forces which had lately

been raised. Another committee was appointed to investigate the cause of

dissension, and if possible to suggest a _modus vivendi_.(606) This was no

easy matter to accomplish. It was eventually agreed to lay before

parliament a petition that all the forces raised within the city and

liberties, as also within the parishes adjacent mentioned in the weekly

bill of mortality, might be under the sole command of the Committee of the

Militia of the city, under the direction of both Houses of

Parliament.(607) On the 18th July a petition to this effect was

accordingly laid before the Commons by a deputation of aldermen and common

councilmen, and received the approval of the House. The outcome of all

this was that the House eventually passed a resolution (29 July) that "Sir

William Waller do command in chief all the forces raised within the city

of London, and all other forces that are or shall be under the command of

the militia of London, subordinate to the lord mayor and militia," and at

the same time transferred the custody of the Tower into the hands of the

lord mayor and sheriffs.(608)

(M272)

Waller’s appointment was a distinct slur upon Essex, about whom some

rumours had been spread in order to prejudice him in the eyes of the City.

The Common Council took an early opportunity of deprecating strongly these

false rumours, and appointed (1 Aug.) a deputation to wait upon "his

excellency" to assure him of the good opinion which the court—as the

representative body of the city—had of his great care and fidelity in the

preservation of the king, parliament, city and kingdom, and to promise him

every assistance in recruiting his army. The citizens would stand by his

excellency with their lives and fortunes.(609)

(M273) (M274)

Taking advantage of a split in the parliamentary camp, the Lords renewed

their proposals for peace. As soon as the City became aware of this there

was great consternation. A Common Council hurriedly met on Sunday

afternoon (6 Aug.) and drew up a petition to the Commons praying them to

continue the same course they had hitherto pursued and to reject all

propositions for peace.(610) This petition was presented to the House on

Monday (7 Aug.), when the proposals of the Lords came on again for

consideration. The House thanked the City for its care, recommended the

lord mayor to take measures to prevent all disorders, and afterwards

formally rejected the peace propositions.(611)

(M275)

Whilst the proposals of the Lords were under consideration the approaches

of the Houses had been filled by an angry mob which threatened to return

the next day unless matters went as they pleased. On the morning of the

8th August parliament was again besieged. This time it was by a crowd of

women with white ribbons in their hats, shouting loudly for peace. The

next day they appeared in greater numbers, and having presented a petition

for the cessation of the war and received a courteous answer from the

Commons, they refused to go home, but pressed on to the door of the House

and demanded that the traitors who were against peace might be handed over

to them. From words they resorted to stones and brickbats. At length a

small body of Waller’s horse from the city appeared on the scene, and

order was with difficulty restored.(612)

(M276)

On the 7th a commission had arrived from Essex, in answer to the

recommendation of the House, appointing Waller to the command of all the

forces to be raised by the city.(613) Four days later (11 Aug.) the

Committee of the Militia for the city desired the cooperation of the

Common Council in raising 1,000 horse, pursuant to an order of parliament

of the 25th July, and on the following day (12 Aug.) Pennington issued a

warrant for pressing the number of horses required for delivery to

Waller.(614)

(M277)

Instead of marching with his main army direct upon London from Bristol, as

Charles had originally intended, he resolved to lay siege to Gloucester.

On the 10th August he appeared before its gates and formally summoned the

town to surrender.(615) The citizens of London were quick to realise the

fact that the fall of Gloucester would endanger their own safety, and at

once took measures for defending themselves and sending relief to the

besieged town.

(M278)

On the day after Gloucester had been summoned to surrender the Common

Council, in view of "the neare approach of the king’s forces," resolved to

call upon the livery companies to raise the sum of £50,000, for which the

City would give bonds at the rate of eight per cent. interest. The

companies were to contribute according to their corn assessment. In

addition to this every inhabitant of the city, citizen or stranger, was to

contribute to the Chamber a sum equal to fifty times the amount of subsidy

he had been in the habit of paying, and for this also the City would allow

him interest at the rate of eight per cent. after the first six months.

This mode of raising the money required subsequently (18 Aug.) received

the sanction of both Houses of Parliament, who guaranteed its repayment

(24 Aug.).(616) The Merchant Taylors’ Company again hesitated before they

consented to pay the sum (£5,000) at which they were assessed, whilst the

Grocers, on the other hand, displayed the same alacrity as before in

contributing their quota (£4,500), resolving to dispose of the remainder

of their plate (with the exception of such as was absolutely necessary)

for the purpose.(617)

(M279)

Ten days later (21 Aug.) the Committee of the Militia of the city declared

its intention of sending a force under the command of Essex to assist in

raising the siege of Gloucester, and at once ordered every shop to be

closed and all business suspended until Gloucester should be relieved. The

regiments to be sent were to be chosen by lot. These consisted of two

regiments of the trained bands, two of the auxiliaries, and a regiment of

horse; and with them were despatched eleven pieces of cannon and three

"drakes."(618)

(M280)

After reviewing his forces on Hounslow Heath in the presence of a large

number of members of both Houses, Essex set out on his march (26 Aug.).

The troops suffered great privation from lack of food and water by the

way. "Such straits and hardships," wrote a sergeant in one of the London

regiments, "our citizens formerly knew not; yet the Lord that called us to

do the work enabled us to undergo such hardships as He brought us

to."(619) By the 5th September every obstacle had been overcome and Essex

appeared before Gloucester, only to see, however, the blazing huts of the

royalist army already in full retreat. Three days later he entered the

city amid the enthusiastic rejoicings of the inhabitants, who, but for his

timely arrival, would have been at the mercy of the enemy. The relief of

Gloucester, to which the Londoners contributed so much, "proved to be the

turning point of the war."(620)

(M281)

If the Londoners fairly claimed some credit for the part they had taken

towards the relief of Gloucester, still more credit was due to them for

the bold stand they made a fortnight later (20 Sept.), at Newbury, against

repeated charges of Rupert’s far-famed cavalry. Again and again did

Rupert’s horse dash down upon the serried pikes of the London trained

bands, but never once did it succeed in breaking their ranks, whilst many

a royalist saddle was emptied by the city’s musketeers, whose training in

the Artillery Garden and Finsbury Fields now served them in good stead.

Whilst the enemy’s cannon was committing fearful havoc in the ranks of the

Londoners they still stood their ground "like so many stakes," and drew

admiration even from their enemies for their display of courage. "They

behaved themselves to wonder," writes the royalist historian of the civil

war, and "were, in truth, the preservation of that army that day."(621)

Notwithstanding, however, all their efforts, the day was undecided.

Neither party could claim a victory. Essex was glad enough to make his way

to Reading, whilst Charles retired to Oxford. On their return to London

(28 Sept.) the trained bands received an enthusiastic welcome, the mayor

and aldermen going out to meet them at Temple Bar.

(M282)

Ten days later the services of the trained bands were again required to

assist in regaining the town of Reading, which had been occupied by the

royalists as soon as Essex had quitted it. Six regiments were to be

despatched for the purpose. Two regiments of the city’s trained bands were

chosen by lot, as before, and the remainder of the force was made up out

of the auxiliaries and the trained bands of Southwark and

Westminster.(622) Orders were issued that if any member of the appointed

regiments failed to appear on parade, his shop should be closed, and he

himself expelled beyond the line of fortifications.(623)

(M283)

In no long time a mutinous spirit broke out among the trained bands, who,

in the midst of an attack on Basing House, the mansion of the Marquis of

Winchester, in the following month insisted upon returning home, and the

siege had to be abandoned. On the 28th November the sheriffs of London,

accompanied by a deputation of aldermen, appeared at the bar of the

Commons and boldly desired that the city regiments with Essex might be

called home. Alderman Fowke or Foulke, a leading spirit in the city and

staunch parliamentarian, was one of the sheriffs at the time, and acted as

spokesman. He laid before the House a plain statement as to how matters

stood. The fact was that the troops were unpaid, and that no money was

forthcoming. If money was found for the trained bands the civic

authorities, in consideration of the critical times, promised to do their

best to persuade them to remain longer in the field. The House resolved to

raise £5,000 for the city’s forces on this understanding.(624) A month

later (30 Dec.) the Common Council formally approved of a request made by

both Houses of Parliament that two or three regiments of the trained bands

should be sent to reinforce Waller, who was endeavouring to recapture

Arundel.(625)

(M284)

The recent signs of disaffection encouraged Charles to make another effort

to win over the City, and in this he was promised the support of Sir Basil

Brooke. Whilst accepting the services of one who was a warm Catholic,

Charles addressed a letter to the mayor and aldermen, in which he assured

them of his "constancy in religion." He foolishly imagined that such an

assurance would induce the City to break at once with parliament and

declare for peace. The letter, as luck would have it, fell into the hands

of the Committee of Safety. The plot was discovered, and full particulars

of it laid before the Commons (6 Jan., 1644).(626)

The discovery led to stricter precautions being taken to prevent

inhabitants of the city leaving the city to join the king at Oxford, as

many ill-affected persons had already done. The number of passes was

reduced, and the keys of the portcullises of the city’s gates were ordered

for the future to remain in the custody of the sheriffs.(627)

(M285)

In token of the City’s constancy to parliament the Common Council resolved

(12 Jan.) to invite both Houses to dinner.(628) The entertainment, which

took place at Merchant Taylors’ Hall (18 Jan.), was preceded by a sermon

preached at Christ Church, Newgate, in favour of union. The preacher,

Stephen Marshall, received the formal thanks of the City, besides a

"gratification," and was desired to print his sermon. On their way from

church to the banquet the Lords and Commons passed through Cheapside,

where a pile of crucifixes, pictures and popish relics were in the act of

being burnt on the site of the recently destroyed cross.(629) The City

afterwards received the thanks of the Commons for the entertainment.

(M286)

The day following the banquet the first regiments of the Scottish army

crossed the Tweed, driving the royalists of the extreme north of England

to take shelter in Newcastle. The mutual understanding between England and

Scotland—the result of Pym’s policy—necessitated the appointment of some

definite authority at Westminster which should control both armies in

common. Hence it was that on the 16th February a Committee of Both

Kingdoms, composed of members of parliament and commissioners sent from

Scotland, was established to take the place of the Committee of Safety.

(M287)

Meanwhile the City was busy increasing its defences and raising a force to

join in the next campaign. It was found necessary to cut down the pay of

both officers and men,(630) and to such straits were the authorities

driven for money to pay the troops that they could devise no better method

than that the inhabitants of the city should be called upon to set apart

the price of one meal every week for the purpose. The idea was at first

distasteful to the Common Council, but seeing no other alternative open

they eventually applied for and obtained the sanction of parliament to

carry it out.(631)

(M288)

The council at the same time signified to parliament its regret that those

reforms in the army which it had expressed a wish to have carried out, had

not been effected, and humbly prayed that Essex might be furnished with a

force such as the necessity of the times demanded, that command might be

given to officers whose fidelity was beyond suspicion, and that such

discipline might be maintained in his excellency’s army as might make it a

pattern of reformation to all the rest of the armies of the kingdom.(632)

(M289)

The spring campaign opened successfully for parliament. When news of

Waller’s success at Cheriton (29 March) reached London it was received

with enthusiastic joy, and, for a time at least, all thoughts of peace

were set aside. The City assisted parliament to raise a sum of £20,000 (3

April) and authorised the purchase of 3,000 muskets and 1,000 pikes on the

credit of the weekly meal money (3 April).(633) The Commons ordered a

public thanksgiving for the victory which had crowned their arms to be

kept in London on the 9th April,(634) and the mayor was instructed to

summon a Common Hall to meet in the evening of that day for the purpose of

hearing proposals from both Houses. All the advantages gained at Cheriton

were unfortunately lost by the city’s trained bands again insisting upon

returning home.

(M290)

The Common Hall which was accordingly summoned was addressed by Warwick,

Vane, Essex, Pembroke, Hollis and Glyn, the new Recorder.(635) All the

speeches were pitched in the same strain. The City was thanked for its

past services and exhorted to embrace the opportunity that now offered

itself of putting an end to the existing distractions. It was purposed to

draw all available forces together to a general rendezvous at Aylesbury by

the 19th of the month, and the citizens were desired to offer themselves

"as one man," for it was to no purpose "to go by little and little."

(M291)

Three days later (12 April) the Committee of Militia, which had recently

received (8 April) a fresh commission, was instructed to call out six

regiments of the auxiliaries. Three of them were to set out immediately to

join the parliamentary army, whilst the other three were to be held in

reserve.(636) It was to little purpose, however, that the City kept

sending out fresh forces, if these were to be continually insisting upon

returning home, as those under Waller had recently done for the second

time.

(M292)

Great delay took place in getting the parliamentary forces into the field.

The 19th April, the day appointed for the rendezvous at Aylesbury, arrived

and found Essex still unprepared. It was not until the 2nd May that the

Committee of the Militia of the city informed the Common Council that

three regiments out of the six to be called out were then in readiness to

march. The committee asked the sanction of the council before giving

orders for the regiments to start because, they said, their powers had

been much limited by their last commission (8 April). The council was in

favour of the regiments setting out at once towards Uxbridge, according to

instructions left behind by Essex, and the committee was directed to draft

an ordinance for parliament to the effect that none of the forces might be

kept longer abroad or sent further from London than the committee should

from time to time think fit, and that the forces should be conducted and

commanded by such major-general and other officers of the brigade as the

committee should appoint.(637) It was a repetition of the old story. The

City always insisted on appointing its own officers over its own men.

(M293) (M294)

In the meantime the Committee of Both Kingdoms had been busy drawing up

proposals for peace such as would at once satisfy both Houses as well as

be acceptable to Charles. At length the proposals were laid before the

Commons and read the first time (29 April). The second reading was

appointed for the 1st May. Before any further steps were taken in the

matter it was but right that the citizens of London, without whose aid the

issue of the struggle between king and parliament might have been very

different to what it was, should be consulted. A deputation was therefore

appointed (3 May) by the House to wait on the mayor, aldermen and common

council of the city and to express to them the willingness of parliament

to consider any proposals that they might think fit to make on behalf of

the city, and to lay them before the king.(638) The City thanked

parliament and referred the matter to a committee.(639)

(M295)

For some time past there had been a flow of dissatisfied royalists from

Oxford to London, induced to embrace the parliamentary cause by an offer

of pardon made by Essex (30 Jan.) to all who would return to their duty

and take the covenant.(640) During 1643 the flow had been in the opposite

direction. It now became necessary to see that only genuine converts found

their way into the city, and to this end parliament ordered (15 May) the

mayor to take steps for the expulsion from the city and lines of

communication of all suspicious persons such as had lately come from

Oxford, or any other of the king’s quarters, all recusants, the wives of

recusants and the wives of those who were in arms against the

parliament.(641)

(M296) (M297)

Meanwhile the term of three months for which the Committee of Both

Kingdoms had been originally appointed was fast drawing to a close, and

considerable difference of opinion had manifested itself between the Lords

and Commons as to its re-appointment. The former were in favour of

increasing the numbers of the committee, with the view no doubt of giving

a larger representation to the peace party, whilst the latter advocated a

simple renewal of the powers of the committee as it then stood. At this

juncture, when the country seemed likely to be left without any central

authority to direct the movements of the parliamentary forces, the City

presented a petition (16 May) to the Commons(642) setting forth the danger

that was likely to arise from the discontinuance of the committee, and

praying that it might speedily be re-established as the present urgency of

affairs required. The citizens took the opportunity of praying the Commons

to see that the Tower of London, Windsor Castle and Tilbury Fort remained

in good hands and were properly supplied with necessaries, and further

that none of the members of the House who had returned from Oxford might

be readmitted to their seats until they had given satisfactory pledges for

their fidelity in the future. The re-admission of these members had been a

cause of a long wrangle between the two Houses.

(M298)

Two days later (18 May) a deputation from the Commons attended at the

Guildhall with their answer.(643) They gratefully acknowledged the

assistance they had received from the city, without which they would have

been unable to achieve what they had done. An ordinance, they said, was

being proceeded with for the continuance of the Committee of Both

Kingdoms; measures would be taken respecting the Tower, Windsor Castle and

Tilbury Fort such as would be for the security and satisfaction of the

City; and the House had already passed an ordinance touching the

re-admission of members which it would see carried into execution. The

answer concluded by again acknowledging the obligation that parliament was

under to the City for spending its blood and treasure for the public good,

which the House would ever have in remembrance and would endeavour to

requite.

(M299)

Just as matters were coming to a dead-lock the crisis was averted by the

happy thought of reviving an old ordinance which had already received the

sanction of the Lords, but had hitherto been ignored and laid aside by the

Commons. This ordinance, which proposed to confer unlimited powers on the

committee, was now taken up and passed by the Commons, and thus the old

committee was enabled to meet on the 24th May and continue its work.(644)

(M300)

Parliament was still sadly in need of money, and on the 27th May appointed

a committee, of which the Recorder and one or two of the city aldermen

were members, to consider how best to raise it, "either by particular

securities or companies, or other particular persons beyond seas, or by

mortgaging of any lands, or by putting to sale sequestered lands."(645)

The civil war appeared to be approaching a crisis. The town of Abingdon

had recently been abandoned by the royalists and occupied by Essex, whilst

Waller was advancing in the direction of Wantage, to gain, if possible, a

passage over the Thames above Oxford, and thus cut off Charles from the

west of England. Both generals sent notice of their movements to

parliament, and on the 28th their letters (or an abstract of them) were

read before the Common Council by a deputation of the recently appointed

committee, and a request was made that the City would furnish the House

with a sum of £200,000 or £300,000 upon the security of the estates of

delinquents. Notwithstanding the difficulty the City was then experiencing

in getting in the arrears of the monthly assessment and the weekly meal

account, it at once took steps to carry out the wishes of parliament.(646)

(M301)

For some time past a royalist garrison in Greenland House, near Henley,

had caused considerable annoyance to the country round about it, and had

cut off all communication by way of the Thames between London and the

west. On the 5th June the Common Council was asked to furnish one or more

regiments to assist in reducing the garrison.(647) The council was the

more willing to accede to this request for the reason that the force was

to be placed under the command of a city alderman, Major-General

Browne.(648)

(M302)

On the 7th June information was brought to the City that Charles had been

forced to flee from Oxford, and the Common Council was asked to render

assistance in the reduction of the king’s stronghold.(649) As long as

Charles was at large, not only was the prospect of an end of the war more

than ever remote, but the safety of London itself was threatened. It was a

time for Essex and Waller to forget all past differences and to strengthen

each other in a joint attack upon the royalist army wherever it may be

found. Instead of this the two generals went different ways; Essex marched

westward, leaving Waller to pursue Charles as best he could. To make

matters worse, disaffection again appeared in the ranks of Waller’s

army.(650)

(M303)

That the city trained bands had done good service in their day no one will

deny, but the time was fast approaching when it would be necessary to

raise an army of men willing to devote themselves to the military life as

a profession. For permanent service in the field the London trained bands

were not to be relied on. "In these two days’ march," wrote Waller (2

July) to the Committee of Both Kingdoms, "I was extremely plagued with the

mutinies of the City Brigade, who are grown to that height of disorder

that I have no hope to retain them, being come to their old song of Home!

Home!" There was, he said, only one remedy for this, and that was a

standing army, however small;—"My lords, I write these particulars to let

you know that an army compounded of these men will never go through with

your service, and till you have an army merely your own, that you may

command, it is in a manner impossible to do anything of importance."(651)

The junction of his forces with those under Browne, who had been

despatched (23 June) to protect the country between London and the

royalist army, served only to increase the general discontent. "My London

regiments," he wrote (8 July), "immediately looked on his [_i.e._

Browne’s] forces as sent to relieve them, and without expectation of

further orders, are most of them gone away; yesterday no less than 400 out

of one regiment quitted their colours. On the other side, Major-General

Browne’s men, being most of them trained band men of Essex and

Hertfordshire, are so mutinous and uncommandable that there is no hope of

their stay. They are likewise upon their march home again. Yesterday they

were like to have killed their Major-General, and they have hurt him in

the face.... I am confident that above 2,000 Londoners ran away from their

colours."(652) The same spirit of insubordination manifested itself again

when Waller threw himself (20 July) into Abingdon. Most of his troops were

only too anxious to leave him, whilst the Londoners especially refused to

stir "one foot further, except it be home."(653)

(M304)

All this was not unnatural if unpatriotic. The absence of these men from

their counters and shops portended bankruptcy to many. Even those who

stayed at home found difficulty in carrying on their commercial pursuits,

owing to the war. Credit had been given to persons who at the outbreak of

the war threw in their lot with the king. Their estates had thereupon been

sequestrated by parliament, and the city merchant, tradesman or craftsman

was left to recover his debt as best he could. At length (2 Aug., 1644)

the Common Council took the matter up, and agreed to petition parliament

that delinquents might be brought to judgment, and that in all cases of

sequestration provision might be made for payment of all just debts out of

delinquents’ estates.(654) Another grievance which the London tradesman

had was the large circulation of farthing tokens, which they were unable

to get re-changed.(655)

(M305)

The representations made by Waller as to the untrustworthiness of the

trained bands were such as parliament could not disregard. It resolved

therefore (12 July) to establish a permanent force amounting in all to

10,000 foot and 3,050 horse, to be levied in the eastern and southern

counties, to take their place and form a small standing army.(656) The

city of London and the county of Middlesex were called upon to find 200

horse. The city’s contingent of 100 horse was reported as being ready

early in August, but money was wanted for their pay. The Common Council

thereupon authorised the payment of £2,000 out of the weekly meal

fund.(657)

(M306) (M307)

More than three months had now elapsed since parliament offered to

consider any propositions that the municipal authorities might suggest for

the good of the city. At length these were ready, and were laid before the

House on the 21st August. They were twenty-eight in number.(658) The first

six had reference to the appointment of justices of the peace in the city

and Southwark, whilst others dealt with the City’s right to the

conservancy of the Thames, the restitution of the City’s Irish estate and

the extension of its jurisdiction over the Tower. Parliament was further

urged to empower the Common Council to correct, amend or repeal any by-law

made or procured by any company or mistery of London, notwithstanding any

statute or law to the contrary, and generally to extend the powers of the

City. Lastly, it was proposed that, as the city had grown very populous,

the citizens should be allowed to send two additional burgesses to

parliament. The consideration of these propositions by the Commons was put

off until October, when (25th) the House resolved that the City should be

desired to reduce the number of propositions and to state specifically a

few of the most important and to bring forward the rest in general terms,

so that the propositions of the two kingdoms, which had been ready for

some time past, might be forwarded to the king without more delay.(659)

(M308)

The Common Council met accordingly on the following day (26 Oct.) and

reduced the number of propositions to six, viz., (1) that an Act be passed

confirming to the City its charters, customs and liberties; (2) that the

militia of the city, as well as of the parishes beyond the city, and its

liberties, but within the bills of mortality, should be regulated by the

Common Council; (3) that the Tower should be under the government of the

City; (4) that the City’s forces should not be forced to serve outside the

city; (5) that an Act might be passed confirming all by-laws and

ordinances made or to be made for calling and regulating the Common

Council of the city; and (6) that such other propositions as should be

made for the safety and good government of the city, with the approval of

both Houses, might be confirmed by Act of parliament. These six

propositions were ordered to be forthwith presented to parliament by the

Recorder and by alderman Pennington (as lieutenant of the Tower), with an

humble desire that they might be sent to his majesty with the propositions

of the two kingdoms. It was hoped that the rest of the propositions

formerly presented by the City to the House of Commons might soon pass

both Houses of Parliament.(660)

(M309)

Whilst the propositions which were supposed to make for peace were under

consideration, the whole of the parliamentary forces under Essex in the

west of England, with the exception of the cavalry, had been compelled to

surrender to the royalist army. Deserted by their leader, and left by

their cavalry to shift for themselves, the foot soldiers were driven to

accept such terms as Skippon, who still stuck to his post, was able to

obtain, and on the morning of the 2nd September they laid down their arms.

News of the disaster created great consternation in the city, and the

Common Council resolved (9 Sept.) to petition parliament to take steps to

prevent the royalists occupying Reading as they had done before, and to

hasten the passing of a measure for raising money for the maintenance of

the fortifications and guards of the city.(661)

(M310)

Every effort was made to prevent Charles, who was coming up from the west,

reaching the garrisons around Oxford, where he would be able to fight to

advantage, and the City was asked (13 Sept.) to send a contingent to

assist Waller in that design. The Common Council thereupon gave its assent

(20 Sept.) to the red and blue regiments of the trained bands being drawn

out in conjunction with three other regiments, viz., one of the trained

bands of Westminster, one of the trained bands of Southwark, and the

auxiliaries of the Hamlets, and a week later (27 Sept.) voted the sum of

£20,000 "or thereabouts" for defraying their cost.(662) This sum was

afterwards raised to £22,000, of which £17,250 was to be raised in the

city and liberties, and the balance within the Tower Hamlets, the city of

Westminster and borough of Southwark.(663)

(M311)

These preparations were of little avail. As the royalist army came on

Waller fell back, until at Newbury the opposing armies again tried

conclusions (27 Oct.). Notwithstanding some success which attended the

parliamentary forces, they failed to attain the main object in view, and

Charles was able at the close of the day to continue his march to Oxford,

which he entered on the 1st November.

(M312)

In the meantime better news arrived from the north. Newcastle had at last

surrendered to the Scots (19 Oct.), and this intelligence gladdened the

hearts of the parliamentary soldiers as well as of the citizens of London.

The city might now look for a plentiful supply of coal, a commodity which

had become so scarce that in July the civic authorities had received

permission from parliament to dig for turf and peat, by way of a

substitute for coal, wherever they thought fit.(664) Seeing that it was by

the aid of the city that a fleet had been maintained off the north coast,

that Berwick had been secured for parliament, and that a free passage had

thus been kept open for the Scottish army, the civic authorities thought

themselves justified in appealing to parliament for repayment of the money

formerly advanced by the adventurers.(665) Notwithstanding the surrender

of Newcastle the citizens had to pay a high price for coal owing to a

heavy impost set upon it by parliament, until, at the earnest request of

the municipal authorities, parliament consented to reduce it.(666)

(M313)

The close of the year (1644) found the trade and commerce of the city in a

deplorable condition. Commercial intercourse with the woollen and linen

manufacturers of the west of England had been almost entirely cut off,

whilst the blockade of the east coast by the royalist navy deprived the

city of a great amount of corn, fish, butter, cheese and other provisions.

The citizens were greatly opposed to free trade being allowed with those

ports and towns which were in the hands of the royalists,(667) but they

were still more anxious to have their trade kept open with the west of

England, and they petitioned parliament to that end.(668)

(M314)

Early in the following year (31 Jan., 1645) a conference was opened at

Uxbridge to discuss three propositions for peace which parliament had

offered to Charles at Oxford in November last. These propositions involved

the abolition of Episcopacy, and the placing the entire command of the

army and navy, as well as the future conduct of the war with Ireland, in

the hands of parliament. From the outset it appeared very unlikely that

Charles would bring himself to accept the terms thus offered. After three

weeks’ discussion negotiations were broken off and the so-called "Treaty

of Uxbridge" fell to the ground.

London and the Kingdom - Volume 2 A History Derived Mainly from the Archives at Guildhall in the Custody of the Corporation of the City of London. · 第 5 / 18 章