(M55)
Contemporaneously with the plantation of Ulster, another and more distant
enterprise of somewhat similar character was being carried out in America;
and to this, as to every great public undertaking, the citizens of London
must need be called to lend their assistance. A company formed in 1606,
and composed, in part at least, of London merchants, the object of which
was the colonisation of Virginia, had proved a failure after a hopeless
struggle for three years. It was therefore determined to reconstruct the
company on a different basis and to make an entirely fresh start.
(M56)
In the spring of 1609 the company wrote to Sir Humphrey Weld,(136) then
mayor of London, for assistance in financing the undertaking, urging him
at the same time to diminish the risk of pestilence and famine in the city
by removing the surplus population to Virginia. For the sake of
convenience they purposed to issue no bills of adventure for less than £12
10_s._, but if his lordship were to make any "ceasement" (assessment) or
raise subscriptions from the best disposed and most able of the companies,
the council and company of the plantation would be willing to give bills
of adventure to the masters and wardens for the general use and behoof of
each company, or in the case of subscription by the wards to the alderman
and deputy of each ward for the benefit of the ward. Should the emigrants
"demaund what may be theire present mayntenaunce, what maye be theire
future hopes?" they might be told that the company was for the present
prepared to offer them "meate, drinke and clothing, with an howse, orchard
and garden for the meanest family, and a possession of lands to them and
their posterity." Any alderman of the city subscribing £50 would be
reckoned as an original member of the council of the company, and take
equal share of the profits with the rest; their deputies, too, would be
admitted to the same privileges on payment of half that sum.
(M57)
In response to a precept no less than fifty-six companies agreed to take
ventures in the plantation. The Grocers subscribed the sum of £487 10_s._,
or more than double the amount subscribed by any other company. The
Mercers, the Goldsmiths and the Merchant Taylors contributed respectively
the next highest amount, viz., £200; whilst the Drapers and Fishmongers
subscribed severally £150, the Stationers £125, the Clothworkers £100, and
the Salters £50. In addition to these contributions made by the companies
in their corporate capacity other sums were ventured by individual
members.(137) Bills of adventure were thereupon given to the several
companies for the money subscribed, entitling them to have rateably
"theire full parte of all such lands, tenements and hereditaments" as
should from time to time be recovered, planted and inhabited, as also "of
all such mines and minerals of gould, silver and other metals or treasure,
pearles, precious stones, or any kind of wares or marchaundizes,
comodities or profitts whatsoever," as should be obtained or gotten in the
voyage.(138)
(M58)
With the assistance thus afforded by the citizens of London the Virginia
Company had no difficulty in obtaining another charter from the Crown (23
May, 1609). Among the adventurers to whom the charter was granted, and who
embraced representatives of every rank, profession and occupation, we find
Humphrey Weld, the mayor, whose name immediately follows those of the
peers of the realm who shared in the undertaking, and Nicholas Ferrar,
skinner, who died in 1620, and gave by will "£300 to the college in
Virginia, to be paid when there shall be ten of the infidels’ children
placed in it, and in the meantime twenty-four pounds by the yeare to be
disbursed unto three discreete and godly men in the colonie, which shall
honestly bring up three of the infidels’ children in Christian religion
and some good course to live by."(139)
(M59)
In the meantime (15 May) seven vessels with emigrants on board had set
sail from Woolwich. After frequent delays on the south coast of England
they crossed the Atlantic and reached their destination on the 11th
August. Yellow fever had unfortunately broken out on board ship during the
long voyage, and this, together with the plague, which is generally
believed to have been conveyed to Virginia by the fleet, committed great
havoc among the early emigrants.(140)
(M60)
It was not long before more money was wanted, and again application was
made to the livery companies. The Mercers declined to make any further
advance;(141) but with the assistance of the other companies the sum of
£5,000 was raised, which was afterwards increased to £18,000.(142)
Nevertheless, in spite of every exertion, the company was in the autumn of
1611 on the very verge of ruin, and something had to be done to prevent
its utter collapse. It was accordingly again re-constructed, its domains
were made to comprise the Bermudas, or Somers Islands, and a third charter
granted (12 March, 1612), in which a number of citizens are named as
having become adventurers since the last letters patent.(143)
(M61)
A special feature of the charter was the authorisation of one or more
lottery or lotteries to be held for the benefit of the company,(144) by
virtue of which a lottery was soon afterwards opened in London. The chief
prize fell to one Thomas Sharplys, or Sharplisse, a tailor of London, who
won "four thousand crowns in fair plate."(145) The lucky winner used the
same motto on this occasion as was used by the Merchant Taylors’ Company
in their venture in the lottery of 1569.(146) The City’s records are
unaccountably silent on the matter of this lottery, but we learn from
other sources that the Grocers’ Company adventured the sum of £62 10_s._
of their common goods and drew a prize of £13 10_s._ An offer being made
to them to accept the prize subject to a rebate of £10, or in lieu thereof
"a faire rounde salt with a cover of silver all gilt," weighing over 44
ozs. at 6_s._ 7_d._ per oz., amounting to the sum of £14 19_s._ 1_d._, the
company resolved to accept the salt, "both in respect it would not be so
much losse to the company ... and alsoe in regard this company wants
salts." The balance of £1 9_s._ was ordered to be paid out of the common
goods of the company.(147) Not only the companies but several of the city
parishes had ventures in a small way in the lottery. Thus the vestry of
St. Mary Colechurch agreed (7 June) to adventure the sum of £6 of the
church stock, whereby the church was the gainer of "twoe spones, price
twenty shillinge."(148) The parish of St. Mary Woolchurch adventured a
less sum, taking only fifty lots at a shilling apiece, in return for which
it got a prize of ten shillings.(149) That the lottery was not taken up in
the way it was hoped it would be is shown by the fact that just before the
drawing—which took place in a house at the west end of St. Paul’s, and
lasted from the 29th June till the 20th July—no less than 60,000 blanks
were taken out, in order to increase the number of chances in favour of
the adventurers.(150)
(M62)
Two years later (1614) another lottery for the same purpose was set on
foot. On the 1st April the lords of the council addressed a circular
letter to the city companies,(151) enclosing a copy of a pamphlet by Sir
Thomas Smith, entitled "A declaration of the present estate of the English
in Virginia, with the final resolucon of the Great Lotterye intended for
their supply," and exhorting them to do their best to make the lottery a
success. The object is there described as a "worthy and Christian
enterprise, full of honour and profitt to His Majestie and the whole
realme." A copy of this letter was forwarded to the several companies
through Sir Thomas Middleton, the mayor,(152) who, as we have already
said, was himself a member of the Council of the Virginia Company in 1609.
The lotteries, however, found but little favour with the companies, who
were actively engaged at the time in managing their recently acquired
Irish estates, and had but little money to spare. The Merchant Taylors’
Company contented themselves with voting only £50 out of their common
stock for the lottery, leaving it to individual members to venture further
sums on their own account as each might think fit.(153) The Grocers’
Company, of which Middleton was a member, voted nothing out of their
common stock, but each member was exhorted "for the general advancement of
Christianity and good of the commonwealth," to write with his own hands
how much he was willing to venture. This was accordingly done (15 April),
the lord mayor himself setting the example; but as to the result the
company’s records fail to give any information.(154)
(M63)
The prospects of the Virginia Company were seriously imperilled by an
ill-advised speech made in the House of Commons by the lord mayor
inveighing against the importation of tobacco. The Company was already in
disgrace with the House, through the indiscretion of Counsel employed to
prosecute a petition on its behalf, and all the members of the Company who
held seats in the House were desired to withdraw until it should be
decided what action should be taken in the matter. Eventually peace was
restored by the offending Counsel coming to the Bar of the House and
making a humble submission.(155)
(M64)
In 1618 a scheme was set on foot for taking up vagrant boys and girls that
lay begging in the streets of the city, having neither home nor friends,
and transporting them to Virginia to be there industriously employed. The
scheme came before the Court of Common Council on the 31st July in the
form of a petition from a number of citizens. A committee was at once
appointed to consider the matter, and on the 24th September they brought
in their report.(156) The Virginia Company had agreed to take 100 boys and
girls between the ages of eight and sixteen, and to educate and bring them
up at the company’s charge. The company were prepared, moreover, to give
each boy and girl fifty acres of land, to each boy as soon as he was
twenty-four years of age, and to each girl at the age of twenty-one or her
marriage, whichever should first happen. The charge of fitting out and
transporting that number was estimated at £500, which sum the court agreed
should be levied on the inhabitants of the city rateably according as each
was assessed towards the last poor rate. The young emigrants were soon
afterwards shipped to their new home,(157) and so successfully did the
undertaking turn out that in little over a year another application was
made to the Common Council (18 Dec., 1619) for another batch of 100
children for shipment to the colony in the following spring.(158) It was
desired that the new emigrants should be twelve years old and upwards,
with an allowance of £3 apiece for their transportation and 40_s._ apiece
for their apparel, "as was formerly graunted." The boys would be put out
as apprentices until the age of twenty-one, and the girls likewise until
the same age or marriage, after which they would be placed as tenants on
the public lands, and be furnished with houses, stock of corn and cattle
to begin with, and afterwards enjoy the moiety of all increase and profit.
The Common Council being desirous of forwarding "soe worthy and pious a
worke" as the plantation, accepted the company’s proposal, and directed
that a sum of £500 necessary for the purpose should be levied as on the
previous occasion.
(M65)
Some hitch, however, appears to have occurred in connection with the
shipment of this second consignment of children. The City and the Virginia
Company had fallen out for some reason or other. In a letter written about
this time to the lord mayor(159) the company express regret that
differences should have arisen between the city and themselves. They
assure his lordship that there was no real foundation for these
differences, seeing that they had now ratified all, and more than all than
had been previously offered and accepted. Everything had been done that
was necessary for the shipment of the children. The City had collected the
requisite funds and the children had been provided, whilst the company on
its part had provided a fair ship, and the Privy Council had "at the
city’s desire" granted its warrant.(160) The company therefore trusted
that the lord mayor and aldermen would proceed to the speedy ending of
differences.
(M66)
The number of emigrants to Virginia was swelled by the transportation of a
number of idle fellows who made it their business to follow the king and
his court wherever they might happen to be. Early in 1619, when the king
was at Newmarket, he took occasion to write to Sir Thomas Smith
complaining of the annoyance and desired that they might be sent to
Virginia at the next opportunity.(161) Immediately on the receipt of this
letter Sir Thomas Smith wrote to Sir Sebastian Hervey, the mayor,
forwarding at the same time the king’s letter, and asking that the batch
of idle court loafers which had already been despatched from Newmarket to
London, as well as those to follow, might be lodged for a time in
Bridewell, and there set to work until such time as there should be a
vessel starting for the colony.(162)
(M67)
The Virginia colony—the first of the free colonies of England—soon became
firmly established, and the City of London can claim to have had no small
share in the work of its establishment. To the enterprising spirit shown
by the citizens in their efforts to forward the interests of the colony no
better testimony is wanted than a thanksgiving sermon(163) preached (18
April, 1622) in the church of St. Mary-le-Bow by Patrick Copland, chaplain
to the Virginia Company, in commemoration of the safe arrival of a fleet
of nine ships at the close of the previous year. The City of London, the
preacher said, had on two occasions sent over 100 persons to Virginia, and
the present lord mayor and his brethren the aldermen intended to pursue
the same course as previous mayors. "Your cittie," he continued,
"aboundeth in people (and long may it doe so); the plantation in Virginia
is capable enough to receive them. O, take course to ease your cittie, and
to provide well for your people, by sending them over thither, that both
they of that colony there and they of your owne cittie here may live to
bless your prudent and provident government over them.... Right
Worshipfull, I beseech you ponder (as I know you doe) the forlorne estate
of many of the best members of your citty, and helpe them, O helpe them
out of their misery; what you bestow uppon them in their transportation to
Virginia they will repay it at present with their prayers, and when they
are able with their purses."(164)
A few months after this sermon had been delivered tidings reached England
of a calamity more disastrous than any that had yet befallen the colony. A
treacherous attack had been made upon the white men by the Indians, which
was only just saved by timely notice from becoming a general massacre. As
it was, nearly 350 of the settlers were killed. The Common Council lost no
time in testifying its sympathy with the colony in the great loss it had
sustained, and voted (19 July) a third sum of £500 towards the
transportation of 100 fresh colonists.(165)
(M68)
Ever since his accession to the throne of England the financial condition
of James had been going from bad to worse. Besides resorting to antiquated
feudal exactions,(166) he took to levying impositions on articles of
commerce. But even these failed to make up the deficiency created in his
exchequer by his wanton extravagance, and in 1610 he was obliged to apply
to parliament. An attempt to make a composition with the king for feudal
dues and to restrict his claim to levy impositions failed, and parliament
was hastily dissolved.(167)
(M69)
In the meanwhile James had applied to the City (April, 1610) for a loan of
£100,000. He professed to prefer borrowing the money from the citizens to
raising it by privy seals from his subjects generally, and he promised
interest at the rate of ten per cent. and security on the customs. The
aldermen consented to raise the money "out of aboundance of love ... but
not of aboundance of riches or meanes." They and the Recorder divided
themselves into nine several companies or divisions, each bound to furnish
one-ninth of the whole loan. The king gave his own bond in £150,000
besides bonds of the farmer of the customs as security, and the aldermen
set to work to raise the money in as "secret and discreet manner" as they
could.(168) The loan did not go far towards discharging the king’s
liabilities, or those of the late queen, whose debts James had undertaken
to repay. Before the end of the year (1610) certain wealthy merchants of
the city were summoned to Whitehall to discuss the state of affairs. The
king again wanted money, but inasmuch as he confessed himself unable to do
more than pay the interest on former loans, leaving the principal to be
discharged at some future time, they refused to make any further advances,
consenting only not to press for the repayment of outstanding debts.(169)
Pursuant to this agreement the citizens, in April, 1611, when the
repayment of the loan of £100,000 became due, granted the king another
year’s respite.(170) A similar concession was made in 1612;(171) and in
1613 the loan was paid off.(172)
(M70)
The king had a right to look for consideration from the city, for in 1608
he had not only confirmed the liberties and franchises of the citizens by
charter, but he had extended the civic jurisdiction, and had created all
aldermen who had "passed the chair" Justices of Oyer and Terminer within
the city and its liberties. He had, moreover, allowed them to tax
non-freemen and strangers and to cause them to contribute in like manner
as themselves to all talliages, aids and grants to the king.(173) Two
years later—soon after his son Henry had been created Prince of Wales and
the city had done him honour by an aquatic display on the river between
Richmond and London(174) he confirmed (16 June, 1610) the privileges
granted to them in 1383 by Richard II with the sanction of
parliament.(175)
(M71)
Before the close of 1611 his pecuniary difficulties increased to such an
extent that he was driven to scatter broadcast "privy seals" or promissory
notes for the purpose of raising money. These were not unfrequently placed
in the hands of persons as they came out of church on Sunday evenings, a
proceeding that caused no little scandal.(176)
(M72)
The marriage of his daughter, the Princess Elizabeth, with Frederick, the
Elector Palatine, which was soon to follow, not only involved James in
further pecuniary difficulties, but eventually plunged him into a
continental war. Although the marriage articles were signed in May, 1612,
the Elector did not arrive in England until October, just at the time when
Sir John Swinnerton was about to enter on his duties as mayor for the
ensuing year. Special precautions were taken to keep order and guard
against accident on lord mayor’s day(177) as soon as it was known that the
Elector would attend, and a pageant, entitled _Troja nova triumphans_, was
written expressly for the occasion by Thomas Dekker.(178) The Elector
afterwards attended the banquet, and paid a special compliment to the lady
mayoress and her suite.(179) The number of nobles invited was so great
that there was scarcely room for the customary representatives from the
principal livery companies, and none at all for members of the lesser
companies. The latter were asked to take their exclusion in no ill part,
as it was a sheer matter of necessity.(180) Before leaving the Elector was
presented on behalf of the city with a bason and ewer weighing 234-3/4
ozs., and a "dansk pott chast and cheseld" weighing 513-5/8 ozs., and
engraved with the city’s arms and the words _civitas London_, the whole
costing £262 15_s._ 10_d._(181) There was but one thing to mar the general
gaiety, and that was the illness of the Prince of Wales, whose death a
week later shed a gloom over the whole of England,(182) and caused the
marriage of his sister, by whom he was especially beloved, to be postponed
for a time.(183) The ceremony eventually took place on the 14th February,
1613, amid great pomp and splendour, and in the following April the
youthful bride and bridegroom left England for Holland.
(M73)
It was currently reported that many Papists and Recusants had taken the
opportunity afforded by the recent court festivities to secrete themselves
in London, and Swinnerton, who had already displayed considerable activity
in searching for them as soon as he became lord mayor,(184) was urged to
redouble his efforts in that direction by a letter from the Archbishop of
Canterbury a few days before the marriage of the princess took place.(185)
(M74)
The close of the year witnessed a marriage of a very different character,
viz., the union of the king’s favourite, Carr, Earl of Somerset, with
Frances Howard, the divorced wife of the Earl of Essex. Murderess and
adulteress as she was, she was received at court with every honour; but
when the king proposed to sup one night in the city, and to bring his
whole court with him (including, of course, the newly-married couple), the
lord mayor, Sir Thomas Middleton, demurred, excusing himself on the ground
that his house was too small.(186) This excuse was of no avail, and the
supper took place in Merchant Taylors’ Hall, the earl and countess being
specially invited as well as the entire court. The supper was followed by
a masque devised for the occasion by a namesake of the mayor, Thomas
Middleton, the dramatic poet.(187) The entertainment cost the City nearly
£700,(188) besides the sum of £50 which the Court of Aldermen directed to
be laid out in a present of plate to Somerset.(189) In acknowledgment of
the gift the earl presented the mayor and sheriffs with pairs of handsome
gloves.(190)
(M75)
Financial difficulties, which a fresh issue of "privy seals" to the
aldermen for loans of £200 apiece had done little to alleviate,(191) and
which had been aggravated by recent court festivities, at length drove
James to run the risk of summoning another parliament. He had learnt from
the wire-pullers of the day—or "undertakers" as they were then called—that
he could depend upon a majority being returned which would be willing to
grant supplies in return for certain concessions. In this he was
deceived. No sooner did constituents discover that pressure was being
brought to bear in favour of court candidates than they used their best
efforts to frustrate such a manifest design to pack parliament. The
session was opened on the 5th of April by a speech from the king, in which
he set forth his financial difficulties, which the extraordinary charge in
connection with his daughter’s marriage had helped to increase. He would
not bargain for their money, he said, but would leave it entirely to their
love what supplies should be granted. In token of his own affection
towards his subjects he was ready to make certain concessions, and he
entirely disavowed any complicity with the "strange kind of beasts called
undertakers." The new parliament, however, stood out like the last and
refused to grant supplies until public grievances had been considered. The
result was that on the 7th June James dissolved what he had fondly hoped
would have proved to be a "parliament of love," but which from its
inability to pass a single measure came to be nick-named, "the addled
parliament."(192)
(M76)
At his wit’s end for money, James had recourse to benevolences. The
bishops offered him the value of the best piece of plate in their
possession to help him out of his difficulties, and their example induced
many of the nobles to open their purses. Application was again made to the
City for a loan of £100,000.(193) This they declined, but made the king a
free gift of £10,000, one moiety being paid by the City’s Chamber and the
other being furnished by the livery companies.(194)
(M77)
It was now that the City began to resort to the practice of recruiting
their Chamber by nominating and electing as sheriffs those who were likely
to prefer paying a fine to serving—a practice which more especially
prevailed during the troublous times of the Stuarts. Nearly a dozen
individuals were elected one after another to the office at Midsummer of
this year, and one and all declined. Some, like Sir Arthur Ingram, had
sufficient influence at court to obtain their discharge without fine,
others paid fines varying in amount, which served to fill the City’s
exchequer.(195)
(M78)
Another reason, however, is given for so many refusals to serve as sheriff
just at this time, and that was that men declined to serve sheriff with
Peter Proby, who had once been a barber.(196)
The shrewd ex-barber soon overcame any feeling of antipathy that may have
been entertained towards him on entering upon municipal life. In 1616 he
was sent with Mathias Springham to manage the city’s Irish estate.(197) In
1622 he was elected mayor and in the following year was knighted.
(M79)
Hitherto it had not been the custom when orders were given for a general
muster and survey of the armed forces of the realm to include the city’s
forces. The city had been for the most part exempt from such orders,
except when the necessities of the times demanded that it should be
otherwise. In 1614 the lords of the council thought fit to include the
city in their order for a general muster, and they wrote (16 Sept.) to the
mayor requiring him to cause "a generall view" to be taken of the city’s
forces, and an enrolment made "of such trayned members as in her late
majesty’s time were put into companies by the name of the trayned bands."
Vacancies among the officers and soldiers were to be filled up, armour and
weapons repaired, and the force to be completely equipped and regularly
exercised.(198) The letter having been submitted to the Common Council (21
Sept.), it was agreed to raise at once a force of 6,000 men. A tax of a
fifteenth was voted to meet the necessary expenses, and a committee was
appointed to carry out the resolution of the court.(199) On the following
day (22 Sept.) the mayor issued his precept to the alderman of every ward
stating the number of men required from his ward, and particulars of the
kind and quantity of armour his ward was to provide. Appended to the
precept was a schedule of the prices at which certain manufacturers in the
city were prepared to sell the necessary weapons.(200) Jerome Heydon,
described as an "iremonger at the lower end of Cheapeside," was ready to
sell corslets, comprising "brest, backe, gorgett, taces and headpeece," at
15_s._; pikes with steel heads at 2_s._ 6_d._; swords, being Turkey
blades, at 7_s._; "bastard" muskets at 14_s._; great muskets, with rests,
at 16_s._; a headpiece, lined and stringed, at 2_s._ 6_d._, and a
bandaleer for 1_s._ 6_d._ Henry White and Don Sany Southwell were prepared
to do corslets 6_d._ cheaper, and the same with swords, but their swords
are described as only "Irish hilts and belts to them." Their bastard
muskets, "with mouldes," could be had for 13_s._, or 1_s._ cheaper than
those of Jerome Heydon. The Armourers’ Company were ready to supply
corslets at 15_s._, but for the same "with pouldrons" they asked 4_s._
more. The Cutlers’ Company would furnish "a very good turky blade and good
open hilts" for 6_s._, thus under-selling the private firms.
(M80)
On the 5th May, 1615, the Common Council ordered another fifteenth to be
levied on the inhabitants of the city "towards the defrayinge of all maner
of charges to be disbursed in and about the trayninge and musteringe of
men";(201) and in the following year the trained bands were divided into
four regiments, under the command of Sir Thomas Lowe, Sir Thomas
Middleton, Sir John Watts, and Sir John Swinnerton, and quartered in
different parts of the city for the purpose of putting down riots. For
these measures the mayor, Sir John Jolles, and the aldermen received the
thanks of the lords of the council.(202)
(M81)
Yet, notwithstanding the manifest pains taken by civic authorities to
carry out the wishes of the lords of the council, the latter within a few
weeks again wrote to the mayor,(203) rating him soundly for not having
made a return of men and arms with which the city was provided, as
previously directed. Their lordships had been informed that the city was
altogether unprovided with arms and could not furnish the full number of
trained men with weapons at one and the same time, and that there was
scarce sufficient match and powder in the whole city to serve for one
day’s training. They expressed astonishment that the civic authorities, in
whom was vested the government of the king’s Chamber, should have proved
so negligent in a matter so important, and directed them to set up
forthwith a magazine of arms for supplying not only the inhabitants of the
city, but also those of adjacent counties, with military weapons, and to
supply themselves with a store of gunpowder of not less than 100 lasts, by
the aid of the city companies, as had been usual in like cases. A
certificate was also to be returned without delay to their lordships
according to previous orders. The matter was referred by the Common
Council to the "committees for martial causes" in the city, with
instructions to report thereon to the Court of Aldermen.
(M82)
After the receipt of this letter considerable activity was shown in the
military preparations of the city. A muster and review were ordered to be
held on the 6th August in Finsbury Fields, and steps were taken to fill up
the muster-roll of every captain to its full strength of 300 men.(204)
(M83)
By the spring of the next year (1617) the city authorities had succeeded
so far in recovering the confidence and goodwill of the government as to
have a royal commission of lieutenancy for the city of London granted to
the mayor, Sir John Leman, eight of the aldermen and Antony Benn, the
Recorder.(205) The commission was to continue during the king’s pleasure,
or until notice of its determination should have been given by the Privy
Council under their hands and seals.
(M84)
Matters remained on this footing for a year, when the lords of the council
gave notice (17 May, 1618) of the commission having been withdrawn, and at
the same time directed the Court of Aldermen to furnish them with a
certificate of the number of men enrolled in the trained bands (such as
had long since been ordered but had never yet been sent), and to see that
all previous orders relative to the magazine of arms and the storage of
powder were duly executed. Special directions were given to replace the
"calliver" (now become unserviceable) by the musket, and to provide
bullets in addition to powder and match.(206) The letter of the lords was
read at a Common Council held on the 31st July, when committees were
appointed to see to the muster and training of 6,000 men, and to examine
what sums of money remained over from the two last fifteenths levied for
similar purposes.(207)
(M85)
That James, like his predecessor on the throne, had the increase of the
material prosperity of his subjects very much at heart there is little
doubt. The measures, however, which he took for increasing that prosperity
were not always sound. Among these must be reckoned the withdrawal of all
licences for the exportation of undyed and undressed cloth,(208) the
suppression of the old company of Merchant Adventurers and the formation
of a new company. For these measures the king was not so much to blame as
William Cockaine, the city alderman who gave him advice on the matter.
That the advice was bad became soon manifest. The Dutch, who had been the
principal buyers of English undyed cloth, retaliated by setting up looms
for themselves, and threatened to destroy the English cloth trade
altogether. The new company, with Cockaine at its head, proved a complete
failure, and the old company was restored.(209)
(M86)
The aldermen of the city continued to be pressed for a loan of £100,000,
and after many refusals they at length consented to advance £30,000; but
"what is that"—wrote Chamberlain to Carleton—"among so many who gape and
starve after it?"(210)
(M87)
During the brief career of the new company Cockaine had enjoyed the honour
of entertaining the king at his own house in Broad Street. The cost of the
entertainment, which took place on the 8th June, 1616—including a bason of
gold and £1,000 presented to James and another gift of £500 to Prince
Charles—amounted to more than £3,000, and this (we are told) was
discharged by the company, whilst his majesty reserved his thanks for
Cockaine alone, and at parting conferred upon him the honour of knighthood
with the civic sword.(211)
(M88)
A few months later (Nov., 1616) the city was the scene of another festive
gathering, the occasion being a supper given at Drapers’ Hall to the
recently created Knights of the Bath. That the wives of city burgesses
were looked upon as fair game for the courtier to fly at may be seen in
the works of the dramatists of the day; nor was the merchant’s or
tradesman’s daughter averse to the attention of the court gallant when
kept within reasonable bounds, but on this occasion the exuberant spirits
of the knights, after the long ordeal they had recently gone through,
appear to have overcome them, for, we are told, they were so rude and
unmannerly and carried themselves so insolently divers ways, but specially
in "putting citizens’ wives to the squeak," that the sheriff interfered,
whereupon they left the hall in high dudgeon without waiting for the
supper prepared for them.(212)
(M89)
Previous to his departure on a progress to Scotland in the spring of 1617,
the king addressed a letter to the mayor and Common Council of the City
asking for a loan of £100,000.(213) The necessary occasions of his
affairs, he said, required just then "the present use of good somes of
money," by way of a loan, and he could think of no better way of supplying
himself than by resorting, as his forefathers had done, "to the love" of
his city, and borrowing the money upon the credit of its common bonds. He
reminded them that whenever he had borrowed money the lenders had always
received "royall paiement," and he doubted not that they would now act as
their own registers and records would show that their predecessors had
acted on similar occasions. On the 22nd January this application was read
to the Common Council, when, after mature deliberation, it was unanimously
agreed—"without either word or hand to the contrary"—that one or more
bonds should be made in the name of the Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens
of London, under their common seal, for the repayment of principal,
together with interest, to those who were willing to contribute towards
the loan, upon such counter security as was mentioned in the king’s
letter. The security there mentioned was to be under the great seal and of
such a character as the city had been accustomed formerly to receive from
the king’s predecessors. It appears that James had a few days before
endeavoured to get the citizens to advance the sum of £100,000 on the
security of the crown jewels, but this proposal had met with little
favour.(214)
(M90)
In March the mayor, John Leman, received the honour of knighthood and was
publicly thanked by the king for the forwardness displayed by the citizens
in the loan, although the money had not at the time been raised.(215)
Great difficulty was experienced in raising the money. One London
merchant, John Eldred, whose name frequently occurs in the State Papers in
connection with advances to the king, endeavoured to get the amount of his
assessment reduced by £400,(216) whilst another, William Cater, kept out
of the way to avoid contributing to the loan.(217) In May there was still
a deficiency of £20,000, which called forth a reprimand from the lords of
the council. The city authorities had been observed to omit or else to
sparingly handle many of the best citizens who were "nicetest" to be dealt
with, and especially intended for the purpose, and to lay the burden of
contribution upon persons of weak and mean estate, or such as otherwise by
their quality and place were not so fit to be called upon for any such
occasion.(218)
(M91)
On his return from Scotland in September the king was met by the mayor and
aldermen and a deputation from the livery companies at Knightsbridge and
escorted to Whitehall with the same pomp and solemnity as had been
accustomed to be displayed in attending Queen Elizabeth on her return from
a progress.(219) The mayor presented James with a purse of 500 gold
pieces,(220) and the king conferred the honour of knighthood upon Antony
Benn, the Recorder, and Ralph Freeman.(221)
(M92)
In the following March (17th) the mayor and aldermen were informed by
letter from the lords of the council of the king’s inability to repay the
last loan according to promise, and were asked to allow a twelvemonth’s
grace.(222)
(M93)
The king’s financial position had become by this time reduced to so low a
state that when his consort died in March of the following year (1619)
there was some probability that her funeral would have to be delayed for
want of money to buy "the blacks."(223) As it was the funeral did not take
place until the 13th May, but this may have been owing to the king himself
having been ill.(224) The mayor, Sebastian Hervey, and the aldermen
received (after some delay) the customary allowance of mourning
cloth,(225) but for some reason or other they were not invited to attend
the funeral.
(M94)
James had recently been worrying the mayor into consenting to a match
between his daughter, a girl barely fourteen years of age, and Christopher
Villiers, son of the Countess of Buckingham. The match was "so much
against the old man’s stomach," wrote a contemporary,(226) "as the conceit
thereof hath brought him very near his grave already." He had publicly
declared that he would rather that he and his daughter were both dead than
that he should give his consent. The king pressed matters so far as one
day to send for the mayor, his wife and daughter, from dinner at Merchant
Taylors’ Hall, in order to urge upon them the marriage.(227) It was
perhaps owing to the strained relations existing at the time between the
king and the mayor that the civic authorities were not invited to the
funeral of the queen. If that be the case James soon saw that he had made
a mistake, and in order "to please them" caused a memorial service to be
held on Trinity Sunday at Paul’s Cross, which was attended by the aldermen
and other officers of the city, but not by Hervey, the mayor, who—"wilful
and dogged" as he may have been—had become seriously ill from the king’s
importunity and was unable to be present.(228)
(M95)
In the meantime a revolution had taken place on the continent, the effects
of which were felt in London and the kingdom. In 1618 the Protestant
nobility of Bohemia deposed their king, the Emperor Matthias, and in the
following year they deposed his successor, Ferdinand, after
unceremoniously flinging his deputies out of the window, and offered the
crown to Frederick, the Elector Palatine, who had married James’s
daughter, the Princess Elizabeth. The Elector asked his father-in-law’s
advice before accepting the proffered crown, but James shilly-shallied so
long that Frederick could wait no longer, and he signified his acceptance
(26 Aug., 1619). James was urged to lend assistance to his son-in-law
against the deposed Ferdinand, who had become by election the Emperor
Ferdinand II, but to every appeal he turned a deaf ear.
(M96)
Failing in this quarter the Elector turned to the city of London. On the
26th November, 1619, he wrote from Nuremburg to the lord mayor, saying he
was about to send the Baron Dohna to explain how matters stood in Bohemia,
and desiring his lordship to lend a favourable ear to what the baron would
tell him.(229) This letter the mayor forwarded to James, intimating that
either himself or the Recorder would wait upon him when convenient.(230)
Time went on, and the king made no sign until in February of the next year
(1620) secretary Calvert wrote to the mayor(231) on the king’s behalf to
the effect that, his majesty having understood that a request had been
made to the City for a loan, he could take no steps in the matter until he
was fully satisfied of the justice of the cause; that at present he knew
nothing and was "a mere straunger to the business."(232) In the meantime,
if the mayor desired to say anything more to his majesty, he might meet
the king at Theobalds, or later on in London.
(M97) (M98)
A fortnight passed, and then Baron Dohna wrote (28 Feb.) to the mayor
making a formal application for a loan of £100,000 for the defence of the
Palatinate, and expressing a hope for a speedy and favourable reply.(233)
The king was asked to back up the baron’s request, but declined.(234) A
month later the city authorities again consulted the king as to his
wishes. The reply given was characteristic of the caution displayed by
James throughout: "I will neither command you nor entreat you," was the
answer they got, "but if you do anything for my son-in-law I shall take it
kindly."(235) The citizens were not in the least averse to advancing money
for the cause of Bohemia, if only they could get some assurance from the
king or council that they would not afterwards be blamed for it.(236)
Having got as much as ever they were likely to get by way of this
assurance, they signified their assent to Dohna’s request, and received in
return a letter of thanks (25 Mar.) from Frederick himself.(237)
Precept was issued (29 March) by the mayor, not, as was usually the custom
in similar cases, to the livery companies, but to the aldermen of each
ward.(238) Moreover, subscriptions to the loan were to be purely
voluntary. Each alderman was especially directed not to "compell any wch
are unwilling, nor refuse to accept the smaller summes of such as out of
their loves doe offer the same."(239)
(M99)
On Sunday, the 26th March (1620), the king paid a State visit to St.
Paul’s, attended by the mayor and aldermen and the members of the civic
companies in their best liveries.(240) The object of the visit, which had
given rise to much surmise—the Catholics believing that it was to hear a
sermon in favour of the proposed Spanish match, whilst the Protestants
hoped it was for the purpose of exhorting the people to contribute to the
fund that was being raised for the king of Bohemia—was to hasten the
subscriptions for rebuilding the cathedral church,(241) which for sixty
years had been in a more or less ruinous state, in spite of all efforts to
restore it. On this occasion the king was presented with a sum of 1,000
marks and Prince Charles with half that amount.(242)
(M100)
Towards the close of the year (1620) news reached England that a Spanish
army had entered Bohemia and driven Frederick out of the country after a
crushing defeat, and at last James was roused to action. A parliament was
summoned to meet in January (1621)(243) in order to vote supplies for war.
In the meantime he endeavoured to raise what he could by way of a
voluntary gift from the nobility and wealthier class of his subjects, to
whom circulars from the council were sent urging them to assist.(244)
(M101)
The council also applied (31 Oct.) to the city of London,(245) but more
than a month elapsed before a reply was sent,(246) and it was not until
the 14th December that the mayor issued his precept to the livery
companies to raise among themselves the several sums of money they had
been accustomed to pay on former occasions,(247) such sums being in
accordance with a corn assessment made in the mayoralty of Sir Thomas
Middleton (1613-14). Several of the companies, and notably the Merchant
Taylors (the largest contributors), objected to this mode of imposing
assessment upon them according to the corn rate as working an injustice.
The Court of Aldermen therefore agreed to again revise the corn rate.(248)
A dispute also arose as to the amounts to be paid by the Apothecaries and
the Grocers respectively, the former having recently severed themselves
from the latter and become incorporated as a separate company.(249) After
all said and done the companies could not be prevailed upon to contribute
more than £5,000, which sum was raised to 10,000 marks, or £6,666 13_s._
4_d._, by contribution from the City’s Chamber.(250) We have it on record
that the lords of the council never intended that any call should be made
on the companies at this juncture, but that only the mayor and aldermen
and those who had fined either for sheriff or alderman should contribute
towards the defence of the Palatinate as they themselves had done.(251)
Nor would the companies have been called upon on this occasion (any more
than they appear to have been called upon on the last) had the collection
of money from the various parishes risen to the proportion required. It
was only when a deficiency was discovered that the mayor and aldermen had
resort to the expedient of raising £5,000 from the companies, each company
paying rateably according to their usual rates for other assessments.(252)
(M102)
When parliament at length met (after several prorogations) on the 30th
January (1621) James opened the session with a long speech, in which a
request for supplies held a prominent place. The Commons, however, without
showing any disposition to be captious, were in no hurry to grant war
supplies until they were assured that there was to be a war. The king had
therefore to be content with a grant of no more than two subsidies, or
about £160,000. He had recently issued a proclamation (24 Dec., 1620)
forbidding his subjects to speak on affairs of State.(253) If the nation
in general was to be thus bridled the Commons showed their determination,
whilst criticising the king’s administration, to vindicate at least their
own right to liberty of speech.
(M103)
There was also a class of Londoner not easily silenced. A royal
proclamation had no terrors for the London apprentice; and when they
recognised an old enemy in the person of the Spanish ambassador(254) in
the street, they were accustomed to give tongue and, if thwarted, to
resort to blows. It happened one day that as Gondomar was being carried
down Fenchurch Street, an apprentice standing idly with one or two of his
fellows at his master’s door cried out, "There goeth the devil in a
dung-cart." This remark raised a laugh which so stung one of the
ambassador’s servants that he turned sharply on the offender. "Sir," said
he, "you shall see Bridewell ere long for your mirth." "What," cried one
of his fellows, "shall we go to Bridewell for such a dog as thou?" and
forthwith brought him to the ground with a box on the ear. The ambassador
laid a complaint before the mayor, who somewhat reluctantly sentenced the
offending apprentices to be whipt at the cart’s tail. That any of their
number should be flogged for insulting a Spaniard, even though he were the
Spanish king’s ambassador, was intolerable to the minds of the apprentices
of London, who were known for their staunchness to one another. The report
spread like wildfire, and soon a body of nearly 300 apprentices had
assembled at Temple Bar, where they rescued their comrades and beat the
city marshals. Again Gondomar complained to the mayor, who, sympathising
at heart with the delinquents, testily replied that it was not to the
Spanish ambassador that he had to give an account of the government of the
city. The matter having reached the king’s ears at Theobalds, he suddenly
appeared at the Guildhall and threatened to place a garrison in the city
and to deprive the citizens of their charter if matters were not mended.
His anger was with difficulty appeased by the Recorder, and he at last
contented himself with privately admonishing the aldermen to see the young
fellows punished. The end of the affair was tragical enough. The original
sentence was carried out, with the result that one of the apprentices
unhappily died.(255)
Such is the account of the disturbance as found in contemporary letters.
From the City’s records(256) we learn a few additional particulars. On
Wednesday, the 4th April, a special Court of Aldermen sat, at which a
letter from the lords of the council was read signifying the king’s
pleasure that David Sampson, an apprentice to a tailor, should be very
sharply whipt through the city from Aldgate to Fleet Street by the common
executioner for an insult offered the Spanish ambassador on the preceding
Monday (2 April). A good guard was also to be appointed for the purpose,
and instructions were given to the Recorder and some of the aldermen to
discover if possible the rest of the offenders. The result of their
efforts in this direction was the apprehension of Robert Michell, an
apprentice to a haberdasher, and Richard Taylor, an apprentice to a
bricklayer, the former of whom was accused of threatening to throw a loaf
at the "choppes" of the ambassador’s servant, and the latter with having
actually discharged a brickbat with effect at one of his suite. Sampson’s
whipping, which ought to have taken place in the forenoon of Wednesday,
was thereupon postponed until the afternoon, when all three offenders were
punished together, in the presence of a good guard. On the following
morning (5 April) another special Court of Aldermen sat at the mayor’s own
house, when it was ordered that Daniel Ray, a drayman, who had been
convicted of holding up his hand at the Spanish ambassador as he passed
through Gracechurch Street, grinning at him and calling him "Spanish
dogge" just before Michell and Taylor committed their excesses, should
also be whipt between eight and nine o’clock the next morning. In order to
prevent a repetition of the disturbance which had occurred the previous
day, the mayor issued his precept(257)(5 April) for a substantial double
watch to be kept for twenty-four hours from nine o’clock in the evening of
the 5th April. The inhabitants were further ordered to stand at their
doors, halberd in hand, and ready for any emergency, whilst they were to
see that their apprentices, children and servants behaved well towards all
ambassadors and strangers as well as his majesty’s subjects.
By this time news of the confusion and rescue attending the earlier
punishment had reached the king’s ears. Ray’s whipping was put off. The
Recorder informed the Court of Aldermen, specially summoned to the mayor’s
house on Friday afternoon (6 April), that the king purposed coming that
day to the Guildhall in person between two and three o’clock, when the
mayor and aldermen were commanded to attend, and until then the execution
of Ray’s punishment was not to be carried out. At the appointed hour James
arrived with divers lords of the council. He is recorded(258) as having
made an excellent oration to the mayor and aldermen, "much reprovinge
their misgovernment, and the ill carriage of the rude sorte of people, and
the affront lately offered to justice in that rescue." He commanded them
at their peril to see that no manner of affront occurred in the punishment
of Daniel Ray, but that he should after his whipping be quietly conveyed
to prison until his majesty’s pleasure should be further known. Three days
later (9 April) Ray, Sampson and Taylor (Michell appears to have been the
one who succumbed to ill treatment) appeared before a special Court of
Aldermen and, acknowledging their offences, asked pardon of God and the
king. Thereupon the Recorder signified to them the king’s remission of
further punishment, and they were discharged out of prison.(259)
(M104)
Whilst the Commons were chafing under the restriction which forbade them
mentioning even the name of the Palatinate, an elderly individual named
Floyd was imprisoned in the Fleet for displaying joy at the news of the
battle of Prague. "Goodman Palsgrave and Goodwife Palsgrave," he had been
heard to say, "were now turned out of doors." All sorts of punishment was
suggested by members of the House, which after all had no jurisdiction in
the matter whatever; and after a kind of three-cornered duel between the
king, the Lords and Commons, Floyd was made to expiate his crime by riding
from Fleet Bridge to the Standard in Cheapside, his face towards the
horse’s tail, and having a paper in his hat with the words, "For using
ignominious and malicious words against the Prince and Princess Palatine,
the king’s only daughter and children." After standing there for two hours
he was branded on his forehead with the letter K and conveyed to the
Fleet.(260)
(M105)
The Commons having voted supplies, albeit small and inadequate for the
king’s wants, James lost no time in asking the citizens for an advance on
the amount of subsidy due from them. On the 27th March (1621) the lord
treasurer wrote very urgently on the matter. "I pray you," he added by way
of postscript, "make noe stickinge hereatt; you shall bee sure to bee paid
att the tyme named."(261) If the citizens could not advance the whole sum
at short notice, they were asked to give credit for the rest to the
merchant whom Baron Dohna should appoint for transferring the money to the
Palatinate by bills of exchange. It was all to no purpose. The mayor and
aldermen were tired of the repeated calls upon their purse, and returned
answer by word of mouth of the Common Sergeant and the Remembrancer that
the City hoped rather to receive part of the money already lent than to
"runne in further."(262)
(M106)
The failure of negotiations for a Spanish match, and the return of Prince
Charles after his romantic expedition in 1623 without bringing the Infanta
with him, was a source of great satisfaction both to the City and the
nation. The following story of the day serves to illustrate the feeling
prevalent at the time relative to the Spanish match. The bishop of London
had given orders to the clergy, pursuant to instructions he had himself
received from James, not to "prejudicate the prince’s journey by their
prayers," but only to pray to God to bring him safely home again and no
more. A clergyman, who must have been a bit of a wag (for it is difficult
to explain his conduct otherwise), is said to have literally carried out
his bishop’s orders, and to have prayed publicly "That God would return
our noble prince home again to us and no more."(263) When it became known
that the prince had arrived safely at Madrid, bonfires were lighted and
bells rung; but the Londoners were but half-hearted in expressing their
joy, and would probably have made no display had they not received orders
from the lords of the council.(264) It was otherwise when the prince
returned—and without the Infanta. As soon as news reached the mayor that
Charles had arrived at Guildford he issued his precept (6 Oct.) for bells
to be rung and bonfires to be lighted,(265) and right gladly were his
orders carried out. "I have not heard of more demonstrations of public joy
than were here and everywhere, from the highest to the lowest," wrote
Chamberlain from London;(266) "such spreading of tables in the streets
with all manner of provisions, setting out whole hogsheads of wine and
butts of sack, but specially such numbers of bonfires, both here and all
along as he [the prince] went, the marks whereof we found by the way two
days afterwards, is almost incredible."
(M107)
The king’s foreign policy having proved a total failure, there was no
other course open for him but to summon a parliament. A parliament was
accordingly summoned to meet in February of the next year (1624). The king
and Commons soon found themselves in opposition, the former advocating a
war in Germany for the defence of the Palatinate, the latter a war against
Spain. At length a compromise was effected, the Commons agreeing to vote
supplies on the understanding that James broke off all negotiations with
Spain.
(M108)
Negotiations with Spain were thereupon broken off, but not before James
had found another ally in France. Before parliament was prorogued (29 May)
James had sounded Louis XIII as to a marriage between Charles and
Henrietta Maria, the French king’s sister. In April Count Mansfeld, a
German adventurer who had offered his services to France, arrived in
England and was hospitably entertained. The object of his visit was to see
the extent of the preparations that were being made for war.
(M109)
Strenuous efforts to raise money in the city were made. Chamberlain,
writing to Carleton from London (1 July), tells his friend, "Here is great
expedition used to raise money, and make ready payment; insomuch that
since Monday sevennight, the council have sat thrice at Guildhall about
the subsidies." The lord keeper, in his endeavours to persuade the
citizens to loosen their purse-strings, went so far as to declare that
anyone disguising his wealth was committing the sin against the Holy
Ghost, and was as Ananias and Saphira! So great was the general decay,
both in the city and the country, that there was some talk of putting in
force the penal laws against recusants, notwithstanding the negotiations
that were going on for a French marriage, in order to make up the expected
deficit.(267) The civic authorities were again pressing the king for the
repayment of the loan (£100,000) made in 1617. Time had wrought
alterations in the condition of the lenders; some were dead and their
widows and orphans were crying out for repayment; some were decayed and
imprisoned, and others likely to undergo the same calamity if steps were
not taken for their speedy relief. They complained that the city’s seal,
which had by his majesty’s command been given as security to the tenders,
suffered as never it had done before, and several suits had been commenced
against the Chamber of London in the courts at Westminster, to which they
knew not how to give satisfactory answer. They therefore prayed him to
give order for such payment to be made to them as might give relief to the
distressed and comfort to them all. The result was that the king directed
(July, 1624) his two principal secretaries and the chancellor of the
exchequer to devise means for satisfying the debt.(268)
(M110)
In September Mansfield was again in England asking for men and money for
the recovery of the Palatinate, in which he had been assured of the
co-operation of France. This assurance, however, was only a verbal one,
and nothing would induce Louis to reduce it to writing. James on his part
was willing to make every concession, provided that the matrimonial
alliance on which he had set his heart could be brought to a happy
conclusion. But as these concessions involved broken pledges, he feared to
face the Commons, and thus the parliament, which should have re-assembled
this autumn, was further prorogued and never met again until James was no
more.
(M111)
It was to James’s last parliament that the City was indebted for a
statute,(269) which at length insured it quiet enjoyment of its lands free
from that inquisitorial system which had prevailed since 1547, under
pretext that it had concealed lands charged with superstitious uses which
had not been redeemed. In 1618 a commission had been appointed to enquire
as to the waste grounds of the city, on pretence of concealment; but upon
representation being made by the mayor and aldermen that the City had long
enjoyed the lands in question by ancient grant, proceedings had been
stayed.(270) Early in the following year (1619), however, the livery
companies were called upon to make a composition to the attorney-general
of £6,000 for arrears of superstitious charges claimed by the king.(271)
On learning that this money was to be paid to John Murray, of the king’s
bed-chamber (whether to his own use or that of the king is not quite
clear),(272) the mayor and aldermen petitioned the king for a grant of
letters patent, securing both for the City and the companies quiet
enjoyment of their possessions, lest in that "searching age" other defects
might haply be found in their title, to be followed by further
inconveniences. To this the king readily assented, and instructed the
attorney-general to draw up letters patent embracing such matters as the
City desired.(273) The letters patent were no sooner drawn up by Sir Henry
Yelverton, the attorney-general, than he was charged with having
introduced certain clauses(274) "corruptly and without warrant." The new
charter was ordered to be brought up. The whole matter formed a subject of
investigation for three days in the Star Chamber; Yelverton was dismissed
from office, and the City compelled to draw up a formal document
disclaiming and cancelling the letters patent.(275) At length, on the 23rd
February, 1624, a bill was brought in for the "general quiet of the
subjects against all pretences of concealment whatsoever," and read the
first time; and on the 7th April the bill was passed.(276)
(M112)
The question how to supply Mansfield with men as well as money necessary
for his undertaking in the absence of parliament was answered by making
application to the Council of War. On the 29th October orders were issued
for pressing 12,000 men for the service, and on the same day James himself
wrote to the mayor for 2,000 men to be pressed in the city to assist in
the recovery of the Palatinate.(277) Two days afterwards (31 Oct.)
followed a letter from the lords of the council(278) directing the mayor
to see that the men were of able bodies and years, but not taken out of
the trained bands, which were to be left entire. They were to be ready by
the end of November to march to Dover under such officers as the Privy
Council might select. As the amount of conduct money, which was usually a
half-penny per mile, would vary owing to the difference of localities
where the men lived, it was thought best to allow them their ordinary pay
of eightpence per day from the time they were handed over to the officers.
The mayor was further directed to demand of the collectors of the subsidy
sufficient money for the charge of coats, conduct, armour, etc. On the
last day of November the lords of the council wrote again informing the
lord mayor of the names of the officers appointed to conduct the men to
Dover by the 24th December. He was to see that the men were delivered to
the officers by roll indented, to be subscribed by himself or his
deputy-lieutenants on the one part and the captains or officers on the
other part.(279) The service was very unpopular; many deserted, and it was
with difficulty that the rest could be got to the sea-coast. The city
contingent was ordered to assemble at Leadenhall on the night of the 18th
December or by the next morning at the latest, in order to set out on
their march by Monday, the 20th. The full complement of men was to be made
up and the bail of deserters estreated.(280)
(M113)
There was little to hope for from raw levies such as these were,
transported into a hostile country under the leadership of a foreigner.
"God speed them well whatsoever they do or wheresoever they go," wrote an
eye-witness;(281) "but it is beyond my experience or reading to have such
a body of English committed and commanded by a stranger, to say no more."
On their way to Dover the men carried out a system of pillage as if
already in an enemy’s country; and as soon as they found their pay was not
forthcoming they mutinied.(282) The promises of the French king proved
fallacious and Mansfeld was forbidden to land his forces in France. This
prohibition, however, was little to him, for he had already determined to
act in direct opposition to the wishes of James and to carry his army to
Flushing. Before he set sail from Dover, which he did on the 31st January
(1625), it became necessary to recruit his rapidly diminishing forces by
the issue of new press warrants. The City was called upon to furnish 1,000
men in addition to those already supplied.(283) The mayor’s precept on
this occasion directed the alderman of each ward to seize in their beds or
otherwise all able-bodied men, and especially "all tapsters, ostlers,
chamberlains, vagrants, idle and suspected persons," and to convey them to
Leadenhall or Bridewell. Those who had previously been pressed and had
absconded were to be particularly sought for, whilst those who had in
their charge two small children were to be spared.(284) At Flushing, where
Mansfeld landed his forces (1 Feb.), the men were soon decimated by want
of food, the inclemency of the season, and sickness, so that, at the time
of James’s death (27 March), out of a force of 12,000 men there were
barely left 3,000 capable of carrying arms.