LONDON AND THE KINGDOM
A HISTORY DERIVED MAINLY FROM THE ARCHIVES AT GUILDHALL IN THE CUSTODY OF
THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF LONDON.
By
Reginald R. Sharpe, D.C.L.,
RECORDS CLERK IN THE OFFICE OF THE TOWN CLERK OF THE CITY OF LONDON;
EDITOR OF "CALENDAR OF WILLS ENROLLED IN THE COURT OF HUSTING," ETC.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
Vol II
_PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CORPORATION UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE LIBRARY
COMMITTEE._
LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN & Co.
and New York: 15 East 16th Street.
1894.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XIX.
Reception of James I by the City.
Catholic Plots.
Purveyance.
The City and Free Trade.
Prince Henry a Merchant Taylor.
The Gunpowder Plot.
The King of Denmark in the City.
The City’s Water Supply.
Hugh Middleton and the New River.
The Plantation of Ulster.
Deception practised on the City.
Allotment of the Irish Estate.
The Irish Society.
The Livery Companies and their title to Irish Estate.
CHAPTER XX.
The City and the Plantation of Virginia.
Public Lotteries in aid of the Plantation.
Copland’s Sermon at Bow Church.
The King’s pecuniary difficulties.
The Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth.
The King entertained by the City.
The Addled Parliament.
Peter Proby, Sheriff and Ex-Barber.
A general muster of City trained bands.
A Commission of Lieutenancy granted to the City.
The Company of Merchant Adventurers suppressed.
Knights of the Bath at Drapers’ Hall.
Request for a loan of £100,000.
Sebastian Hervey and his daughter.
The Thirty Years’ War.
Loan of £100,000 to the Elector Palatine.
The Spanish Ambassador ill-treated.
The City and the Spanish Match.
Concealed Lands.
The City and Mansfield’s Expedition.
CHAPTER XXI.
A loan of £60,000 to Charles I.
Failure of Cadiz Expedition.
A loan refused.
The City called upon to furnish ships and men.
The Forced Loan.
Expedition to Rochelle.
Royal Contract.
Doctor Lamb.
Assassination of Duke of Buckingham.
Tonnage and Poundage.
Birth of Prince Charles.
Demand for Ship money.
Richard Chambers.
Forfeiture of City’s Irish Estate.
Inspeximus Charter of Charles I.
The Short Parliament.
Attempt to force a City loan.
Four Aldermen committed to prison.
Impeachment of the Recorder.
Riot at Lambeth.
The Aldermen released.
More City Loans.
The Treaty of Ripon.
CHAPTER XXII.
Meeting of the Long Parliament.
The City and the Earl of Strafford.
The Scottish Commissioners in the City.
Letters to the City from Speaker Lenthall.
Trial and Execution of Strafford.
The "Protestation" accepted by the city.
The "Friendly Assistance."
The Scottish army paid off.
Reversal of judgment of forfeiture of Irish Estate.
The City and the Bishops.
Charles in the City.
Riots at Westminster.
The trained bands called out.
The attempted arrest of the five members.
The King at the Guildhall.
Panic in the City.
Skippon in command of the City Forces.
Charles quits London.
The Rebellion in Ireland.
The Militia Ordinance.
The City and Parliament.
A loan of £100,000 raised in the City.
Gurney, the Lord Mayor, deposed.
Charles sets up his Standard at Nottingham.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Commencement of the Civil War.
Military activity in the City.
Pennington, Mayor
Battle of Edge-Hill.
Another loan to Parliament.
A cry for Peace.
A City Deputation to the King at Oxford.
The City’s "Weekly Assessment"
Erection of Fortifications.
Volunteer horse and foot.
Waller’s Plot.
Disputes over the City’s Militia.
Waller appointed Command-in-Chief.
Essex and the Common Council
The City and the Siege of Gloucester.
Courageous conduct of Londoners at Newbury.
Disaffection of the trained bands.
Brooke’s Plot.
The Committee of Both Kingdoms.
The City’s Weekly Meal Money.
A rendezvous at Aylesbury.
The City’s Auxiliaries called out.
A large City loan.
Insubordination of trained bands.
Ordinance for a Standing Army.
Propositions for Peace.
Royalist Successes.
The Treaty of Uxbridge.
CHAPTER XXIV.
The New Model Army.
The self-denying Ordinance.
Proposals to Parliament by the City.
Cromwell, Lieutenant-General.
The Battle of Naseby.
Cavalry raised by the City.
Plymouth appeals to London.
Presbyterianism in the City.
The King proposes to come to Westminster.
Scottish Commissioners attend Common Council.
The City’s claim to command Militia of Suburbs.
Ordinance for Presbyterianism.
Defeat of Royalists.
Charles communicates with the City.
A City Loan desired to pay off Scottish Army.
City grievances.
A new City Militia Committee.
The City and the Parliamentary Forces.
The Declaration of the Army.
The trained bands refuse to muster.
Protracted correspondence between the City and Fairfax.
City Commissioners sent to the Army.
The Solemn Engagement.
The City’s Militia placed under a Parliamentary Committee.
Great Commotion.
Ordinance repealed.
More correspondence with Fairfax.
The Army enters London.
The City submits.
CHAPTER XXV.
Glyn the Recorder sent to the Tower.
More loans.
Aldermen sent to the Tower.
Threat to quarter the Army on the City.
A rising of Apprentices.
Release of imprisoned Aldermen.
John Everard.
"The City to pay for all."
The protection of Parliament entrusted to the City.
A Royalist rising in Kent.
The City’s proposal that Charles should be invited to London.
Negotiations for a Personal Treaty with the King.
Secret enlistments in the City.
Overtures from the Prince of Wales.
The Army loses patience both with King and Parliament.
Fairfax seizes the Treasure in the City.
Royalists in the City.
Abraham Reynardson, Mayor and the Common Council.
The King’s trial and execution.
CHAPTER XXVI.
A Commonwealth declared.
Analogy between the City and the Kingdom.
The Aldermanic Veto.
Reynardson and other Aldermen deprived.
Mutinous troops in the City.
The Commonwealth proclaimed in the City.
Aldermen punished for not attending Proclamation.
The Council of State entertained at Grocer’s Hall.
Richmond Park vested in the City.
Resignation of Glyn, Recorder.
Trial of John Lilburne at the Guildhall.
Retrenchment of City’s expenditure.
A City Post started.
The Borough of Southwark desires Incorporation.
The City asserts its title to Irish Estate.
The victory at Dunbar.
Act touching Elections in Common Hall.
Removal of Royal Emblems.
Matters in dispute between Court of Aldermen and Common Council.
Charges against John Fowke, Mayor.
The Scottish Army in England.
The Battle of Worcester.
CHAPTER XXVII.
The War with Holland.
Barebone’s Parliament.
The Lord Protector entertained at Grocer’s Hall.
Alderman Sir Christopher Pack and his Remonstrance.
Cromwell’s City Peers.
The Restoration of the Rump.
Re-election of John Ireton, Mayor.
Parliament closed by Lambert.
Monk prepares to Act.
A demand for a Free Parliament.
Negotiations between Fleetwood and the City.
Revival of the City’s Militia.
The Rump again restored.
The Common Council dissolved by order of Parliament.
Monk enters London.
Takes up his quarters in the City.
Mediates between the City and Parliament.
Declines to leave the City for Whitehall.
The Common Council restored.
The Long Parliament dissolved.
The Restoration discussed.
The City publishes a Vindication of its doings.
Letter from Charles II to the City.
The Declaration of Breda.
City Commissioners sent to the Hague.
The King restored.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Richmond Park restored to the King.
Restoration of Royalist Aldermen.
The King and Parliament entertained at Guildhall.
Fanatics in the City.
More City loans.
Coronation of Charles II.
The Cavalier Parliament.
The City an example to the Country.
The Corporation Act.
Proposals for renewal of City’s Charter.
The Hearth Tax.
The Act of Uniformity.
Sir John Robinson, Mayor.
The Russian Ambassador in the City.
The French Ambassador insulted at Lord Mayor’s Banquet.
War with the Dutch.
The "Loyal London."
The Plague.
The City decimated.
The Great Fire.
Sir Thomas Bludworth, Mayor.
The Monument.
Sympathy displayed towards the City.
Preparations for re-building the City.
The City and Fire Insurances.
CHAPTER XXIX.
The re-building of the City.
Fire Decrees.
Statute 19 Chas. II, c. 3.
Four City Surveyors appointed.
Allotment of Market Sites.
The Dutch War.
The Treaty of Breda.
The City’s Financial condition.
Alderman Backwell.
The Lord Mayor assaulted in the Temple.
The Prince of Orange in the City.
The Exchequer closed.
Renewal of Dutch War.
Philip de Cardonel and his Financial Scheme.
The Aldermanic Veto again.
Jeffreys, Common Sergeant, suspended from office.
The Popish Plot.
Three Short Parliaments.
The Habeas Corpus Act.
Petitioners and Abhorrers.
City Addresses.
A Parliament at Oxford.
More City Addresses.
The City to mind its own business.
CHAPTER XXX.
A Tory re-action.
The "Protestant joiner"
Proceedings against the Earl of Shaftesbury.
Packed juries.
The Mayor’s prerogative in election of Sheriffs.
Election of Bethell and Cornish.
Pilkington and Shute.
Another Address to the King.
Sir John Moore, Mayor.
Issue of a Quo Warranto against the City.
The City and the Duke of York.
Election of Sheriffs.
Papillon and Du Bois.
Dudley North and Box.
Rich elected loco Box discharged.
Cornish assaulted at the Guildhall.
Sir William Pritchard, Mayor.
Action for slander against Pilkington.
Sir Patience Ward convicted of perjury.
Proceedings on the Quo Warranto.
Judgment pronounced.
Terms offered the City.
Pritchard arrested at suit of Papillon.
The Rye House Plot.
Surrender or No Surrender?
The City taken into the King’s hands.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Accession of James II.
The question of Supply.
A Tory Parliament.
Oates and Dangerfield.
Richard Baxter.
The Monmouth Rebellion.
Trial and execution of Cornish.
The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
Popery in the City.
The first Declaration of Indulgence.
The "regulation" of Corporations.
William Kiffin, Alderman.
Sir John Shorter, Mayor.
The second Declaration of Indulgence.
The trial of the Seven Bishops.
Invitation to William of Orange.
Restoration of the City’s Liberties.
The landing of the Prince of Orange.
Attack on Catholics.
The King’s flight.
The Prince of Orange enters London.
The unique position of, and deference shown to, the City of London.
A Convention Parliament summoned.
A City loan.
William and Mary crowned.
CHAPTER XXXII.
Proceedings for reversal of judgment on the Quo Warranto.
Pecuniary difficulties in connexion with City Orphans.
Pilkington, Mayor, loco Chapman, deceased.
The attainder of Cornish reversed.
The Siege of Londonderry.
William and Mary at the Guildhall.
Parliamentary Elections.
The judgment on the Quo Warranto reversed.
Disputed Municipal Elections.
The War with France.
Men and money furnished by the City.
The question of the Mayor’s prerogative revived.
Act of Common Council regulating Wardmote Elections.
Naval victory at La Hogue.
More City loans.
Disaster of Lagos Bay.
Sir William Ashurst, Mayor.
The Queen invited to the Lord Mayor’s Banquet.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
The Rise of the East India Company.
Sir Josiah Child and Sir Thomas Cook.
The City Orphans.
The City’s financial difficulties.
The Foundation of the Bank of England.
Death of Queen Mary.
Discovery of corrupt practices.
The Speaker dismissed for Bribery.
Proceedings against Cook and Firebrace.
Committed to the Tower.
The union of the East India Companies.
The first Triennial Parliament.
The Barclay Conspiracy.
The City and the Election Bill.
The restoration of the Currency.
The last of City loans.
The Peace of Ryswick.
The King welcomed home.
Death of James II.
Sir William Gore, Mayor.
Death of William.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Accession of Queen Anne.
The Tories in power.
The Queen entertained on Lord Mayor’s Day.
A thanksgiving service at St. Paul’s.
The Battle of Blenheim.
Marlborough in the City.
The City’s continued financial difficulties.
The Queen again at St. Paul’s.
The Tories give place to Whigs.
The victory at Ramillies.
The City and Prince Eugene.
The Union with Scotland.
The City and the Pretender.
The victory at Oudenarde.
Death of Prince George of Denmark.
Scarcity in the City.
Dr. Sacheverell and his Sermon.
The fall of the Whigs.
Act for building fifty new Churches.
The Occasional Conformity Act.
Disputed Municipal Elections.
Proposed entertainment to Prince Eugene.
The Treaty of Utrecht.
The Queen’s illness and death.
CHAPTER XIX.
(M1)
The proclamation announcing James VI of Scotland to be "by law, by lineal
succession and undoubted right," heir to the throne of England, now that
Elizabeth was dead, illustrates again the ancient right of the citizens of
London to a voice in electing a successor to the crown. The document not
only acknowledges the assistance received by the lords of the realm from
the lord mayor, aldermen and citizens of London in determining the
succession, but at the very head of the signatories to the proclamation
stands the name of "Robert Lee, Maior," precedence being allowed him over
the primate and other lords spiritual and temporal.(1)
(M2)
Whatever failings the new king may have had, he possessed sufficient
shrewdness to know the value of the favour of the City, which he hastened
to acknowledge with "thankfull mynde" within a few days of his
accession.(2) A reply was sent to the king’s letter the following day,
signed by the mayor and aldermen, in which, after expressing their twofold
feelings of sorrow and joy—sorrow at losing a mother in the late queen and
joy at gaining a father in the person of the new king—they declared they
had used all their powers to advance his just claim to the crown, and
would preserve the city of London, the king’s Chamber, against every enemy
at home or abroad. He was invited to notify his wishes to them through
their secretary or remembrancer, "Mr. Doctor Fletcher," whom they sent as
their special messenger.(3) The king returned for answer, that although he
had been already aware of the City’s forwardness in joining with the
nobility in proclaiming him rightful successor to the crown, he was
pleased to learn from their trusty messenger that the citizens had
advocated his cause not only from the consciousness of its being a just
one, but also because they were assured of his zeal for the preservation
of religion.(4) This was one of James’s mystifying remarks which he was
accustomed to throw out in order to raise the hopes of the Catholics, who
questioned his title to the crown, whilst affording no cause for alarm or
discontent among the Protestants.
(M3)
On the 5th April James left Edinburgh for London, where every precaution
was taken to prevent disturbance by ridding the streets of rogues,
vagabonds and "masterless" men.(5) He proceeded southward by easy stages,
accompanied by a long retinue of Scotsmen, until he reached Theobald’s, at
that time the mansion house of Sir Robert Cecil, but soon to become a
royal hunting-lodge. On the 19th the mayor issued his precept to the
livery companies to prepare a certain number of members to accompany the
mayor in his attendance upon the king, who was shortly expected in the
city. It was intended that not only the mayor and aldermen but also the
full number of 500 of the "best and gravest" citizens should wait upon his
majesty on horseback, clothed in coats of velvet with velvet sleeves and
adorned with chains of gold, and each accompanied by "one comlie person,
well apparelled in his doublet and hose," on foot. In a word, the
cavalcade was to be furnished on a more sumptuous scale than had yet been
seen within the memory of man.(6) The Court of Aldermen in the meantime
appointed a committee to consider what suits were "fitt to be made to the
Kinges most excellent Maiestye for ye good of this Cittie and the
enlarging of the libertyes and priviledge of the same."(7)
(M4)
After resting a few days at Theobald’s, James set out (7 May) for the last
stage of his journey. At Stamford Hill he was met by the mayor and
aldermen and a deputation from the livery companies. At every
stopping-place on his journey from Scotland he had lavishly bestowed
knighthoods.(8) On the 11th May he entered the Tower of London, having
come from Whitehall by water for fear of the plague which was ravaging the
city.
(M5)
The coronation ceremony was hurried over owing to the presence of the
plague. Only the mayor, the aldermen and twelve of the principal citizens
were permitted to attend, and much labour bestowed on preparations for the
event was consequently lost.(9) The civic authorities did their utmost to
stay the sickness and alleviate distress. The streets were ordered to be
kept better cleansed. Infected houses were marked with papers bearing the
words "Lord have mercy upon us," and when these were torn down a red
painted cross, fourteen inches in length and breadth, and not so easily
effaced, was added.(10) Persons stricken with the plague were forbidden to
leave their houses. A master who had been inhuman enough to turn out into
the street a domestic servant who had fallen a victim to the prevailing
disorder was ordered by the Court of Aldermen to take her back again into
his house,(11) a circumstance which seems to point to the pest-house or
hospital being already overcrowded. Instructions were given for seeing
that the graves of those who died of the plague were sufficiently covered
with earth, and that the number of mourners attending funerals should be
as far as possible limited. Women whose duty it was to search the bodies
of the dead, as well as all those who were brought into contact with the
sick, were forbidden to go abroad unless they carried before them a red
rod three feet in length in order to give notice to passers by. It was a
common belief that infection was carried about by stray dogs. To those,
therefore, who killed dogs found in the streets without an owner a reward
was given.(12) The sufferings of the afflicted were alleviated, as far as
circumstances permitted, by money subscribed by the livery companies,
which were further called upon to forego their customary banquets in order
to relieve the poor.(13) The plague was accompanied, as was usually the
case, with a scarcity of corn, and again the assistance of the companies
was invoked.(14)
(M6)
By the end of the year (1603) the city was almost free of the plague, and
in the following March (1604) James determined to make his first public
entry into London. A sum of £400 was raised by the livery companies(15)
for furnishing pageants and stands for the occasion, and steps were taken
to remove from the streets everything that might be offensive to the
king’s eye or ear. Thursday, the 15th March, was the day fixed for his
entry, and from the preceding Wednesday until the following Friday no
refuse of any kind was to be thrown into the street.(16) It was further
ordered that no church bells should be rung before seven o’clock in the
evening of the eventful day, lest the noise should prove offensive and
hinder his majesty from hearing the speeches that were to be made.(17)
When all was over and the pageants were about to be taken down, the Court
of Aldermen, with the frugal mind of men of business, ordered the master
and wardens of the Company of Painter Stainers to examine the painters’
work bestowed on them, and report whether, in their opinion, such work had
been well and honestly executed, and what amount of remuneration the
workmen deserved.(18) It is said that the Recorder, Sir Henry Montagu,
welcomed the king on this occasion with a speech, wishing him on behalf of
the city "a golden reigne," and that a cup of gold was presented to the
king, the queen and the young prince who accompanied them
respectively;(19) but no record of the speech or gifts appears in the
City’s archives.
(M7)
One of the first questions James had to decide on his accession to the
throne was that of religious toleration; and his settlement of the
question was anxiously looked for as well by the Puritans as the
Catholics. The fear lest the policy which the king should advocate might
prove adverse to their interests determined the Catholics to resort to
strong measures, and the life of James was threatened by a series of
plots, as that of Elizabeth had been before him. Among these was a plan
for seizing the king at Greenwich on Midsummer-day, 1603. The plan was
laid by a secular priest named William Watson, who had previously sounded
James as to his probable attitude to the Catholics if he came to the
throne, Sir Griffin Markham, a Catholic gentleman, who for private reasons
was discontented with the government, and one Antony Copley. News of the
plot having reached the government, the conspirators fled for their lives.
Proclamations were issued for their capture,(20) in which details were
given of their personal appearance. Thus Watson was described as a man of
the lowest sort about thirty-six years of age, "he lookethe a squinte and
is verie purblynde," and had formerly worn a long beard which he was
believed to have cut off; whilst Sir Griffin Markham is credited with
having a large broad face of a "bleake" complexion, a big nose, and a hand
maimed by a bullet. His brethren "have all verie greate noses." Copley’s
description is not given, but we have that of another conspirator, William
Clarke, a priest, whose hair is represented as having been "betwixte redd
and yeallowe." The whole party was subsequently taken, one after another,
and their examination disclosed traces of another conspiracy, the object
of which was to place Arabella Stuart on the throne.
The discovery of Watson’s conspiracy—generally known as the "Bye" or
"Surprise" Plot—so alarmed the king that he lost no time in making known
his intention to exact no longer the recusancy fines. The result was such
as might be expected. The Puritans were disgusted, whilst the number of
recusants increased to such an alarming extent that in February, 1604, the
king took the extreme measure of ordering the expulsion of all Jesuits and
Seminary priests from the country before the 19th March,(21) the day fixed
for the meeting of parliament.
(M8)
As soon as parliament met a crisis was felt to be at hand; the new king
and the Commons were for the first time to measure their strength. The
city’s representatives are duly recorded.(22) At the head of them was Sir
Henry Billingsley,(23) a former mayor, Sir Henry Montague,(24) recently
appointed Recorder of the city upon the king’s own recommendation,
Nicholas Fuller, of whom little is known beyond the fact that he came from
Berkshire and married the daughter of Nicholas Backhouse,(25) alderman and
grocer, and Richard Gore, a merchant tailor.
(M9)
With his customary self-complacency and patronising air James told the
assembled Commons that he had brought them two gifts, the one peace
abroad,(26) and the other the union of England with Scotland under the
title of Great Britain,(27) and he expressed no little surprise and
indignation when he found that neither one nor the other was acceptable.
The question of the union of the two kingdoms, seeing that it involved
some political difficulties necessary of solution, was referred to a
commission.(28) James showed his displeasure at the want of compliance
displayed by the Commons by refusing to accept a scheme of commutation of
his rights of purveyance and wardship, which had now grown so burdensome.
(M10)
The abuse of purveyance, more especially, had become a standing grievance
to the burgesses of London as well as of other cities and towns, in spite
of attempted remedies by statute or charter.(29) An offer of £50,000 a
year was made to the king by way of commuting any shred of right he might
still have to purveyance after thirty-six statutes had pronounced it
altogether illegal. This, however, he refused, and the matter was allowed
to drop. Two years later, almost to the day (23 April, 1606), the king
endeavoured so far to remedy the evil as to issue a proclamation against
exactions and illegal acts of his purveyors,(30) and yet scarcely a month
elapsed before the lord mayor had occasion to call the attention of the
lords of the council to the great inconvenience caused in the city by
their recent demand for 200 carts with two horses to each, together with
the lord mayor’s own barge, for the purpose of conveying his majesty’s
effects to Greenwich. As for the barge, the mayor wrote that the lord
chamberlain sometimes borrowed it for conveying the king’s guard, and it
might haply be required again for the same purpose, "but for carringe anie
stuffe or lugedge whereby it maie receave hurt it was never yet required,"
and he hoped their lordships would see the matter in that light.(31)
(M11)
Another important matter which occupied the attention of the House at this
session—although no reference to it appears in the City’s records of the
day—was the introduction of Free Trade, to the prejudice of the chartered
rights of various trading companies. The citizens of London were deeply
interested in the bill which was introduced for this purpose, for although
it little affected the livery companies, it touched very closely the
interests of those companies which were incorporated for the purpose of
trading with foreign countries, such as that of the Merchant Adventurers,
the Levant Company, the Russia Company, and others. These companies had
been formed at a time when few individuals were sufficiently wealthy to
bear the risk of distant enterprises. Not every citizen was a Whitington
or a Gresham. The risk incurred by these associations in undertaking
voyages to distant countries was compensated by the advantage gained by
the enjoyment of a monopoly of the trade with those countries by charter
from the Crown. At the outset there had been no cry raised against
monopolies of this kind, but as time wore on and the merchant navy
increased, as it did in the last reign with extraordinary rapidity, a
feeling of jealousy grew up on the part of shipowners who were not members
of one or other of these chartered companies. By the beginning of the
seventeenth century dissatisfaction with the privileges of these trading
companies had become so general that appeals were made to the Privy
Council. These being without effect, the whole matter was referred to a
parliamentary committee. No pains were spared to get at the root of the
grievance. The committee were attended by "a great concourse of clothiers
and merchants of all parts of the realm and especially of London."(32)
Counsel was heard in favour of the bill which had been drafted for the
purpose of throwing open foreign trade to all merchants alike, and the
bill was supported by all the merchants attending the committee with the
exception of the merchants of London, who were represented on the occasion
by the principal aldermen of the city. The free traders urged the natural
right of every one to the free exercise of his own industry and the
example set by other nations. They declared that the passing of the bill
would lead to the more even distribution of wealth,(33) the greater
increase of shipping, and the augmentation of the revenues of the Crown.
The upholders of the companies, on the other hand, could find no better
arguments in their favour than that no company could be a monopoly
inasmuch as a monopoly was something granted exclusively to a single
individual, and that if the existence of the companies was determined,
apprenticeship would cease and difficulties arise in collecting the king’s
customs! After three days’ debate on the third reading the bill passed the
Commons by a large majority.(34) It met, however, with so much opposition
in the House of Lords that it was eventually dropt.
(M12)
A quarrel afterwards arose between the king and the Commons on financial
and ecclesiastical questions, and matters being brought to a deadlock, the
House was adjourned (7 July). A few days before the adjournment the
Speaker and over a hundred members held "a friendly and loving meeting" at
Merchant Taylors’ Hall, before departing to their country homes. The king
contributed a buck and a hogshead of wine towards the entertainment, which
proved so popular that thirty more guests appeared on the scene than was
originally intended. The "Solemn Feast" was further graced by a
"marchpane"—(a confection of bitter almonds and sugar)—representing the
House of Commons sitting.(35)
(M13)
Three years later (17 July, 1607) the king himself honoured the company
with his presence at dinner in their hall. The Merchant Taylors would
gladly have welcomed him as one of their number and admitted him to the
honorary freedom of their company, but James had already been made free of
the company of Clothworkers. His son, Prince Henry, who was present at the
entertainment, declared himself willing to accept the freedom, and made
those of his suite who were not already members of some other company
follow his example.(36)
(M14)
In August (1604) the king sent to borrow £20,000 from the City, a sum
which was afterwards, at the City’s earnest request, reduced to £15,000.
The money was to be levied by order of the court of Common Council (23
Aug.) on the companies, according to rates agreed upon at the time of the
loan of £20,000 to the late queen in 1598,(37) and it was to be delivered
to Sir Thomas Lowe, the treasurer of the fund, by the 5th September. Some
of the companies, however, proved remiss in paying their quota.(38)
(M15)
The action of James in expelling the Jesuits and Seminary priests had in
the meantime so incensed the Catholics that a plot was set on foot for
blowing up the king, the lords and commons, with gunpowder, as soon as
parliament should re-assemble. In May (1604) a house had been hired by a
Catholic named Robert Catesby, through which access might be gained to the
basement of the parliament-house. The party-wall, however, proved
exceptionally thick, and more than a year elapsed before the necessary
mining operations were complete. Catesby was assisted in his work by a
Spaniard named Guy Fawkes, who assumed the name of John Johnson. In the
spring of 1605 the exasperation of the Catholics was increased by James
again imposing the recusancy fines, and the little band of plotters
increased in numbers, although never allowed to become large. The design
of the conspirators was rendered more easy of execution by the discovery
that a cellar reaching under the parliament-house was to be let. This was
hired by one of the plotters, and a large quantity of gunpowder was safely
deposited there and carefully concealed. After several adjournments
parliament was summoned to assemble on the 5th November. On the eve of its
meeting Fawkes entered the cellar with a lantern, ready to fire the train
in the morning. One of the conspirators, however, Tresham by name, had
given his friends some hint of the impending danger. Fawkes was seized and
committed to the Tower, where he was subjected to the most horrible
torture by the king’s orders.(39) The rest of the conspirators, with the
exception of Winter, took immediate flight. Hue and cry was raised,(40)
and a personal description of the leaders for their better identification
was scattered throughout the country. Winter was described as "a man of
meane stature, rather lowe than otherwise, square made, somewhat stouping,
neere fortie yeares of age, his haire and beard browne, his beard not much
and his haire short"; Stephen Littleton, another conspirator, as "a verye
tall man, swarthy of complexion, of browne coloured haire, no beard or
litle, about thirty yeares of age"; and Thomas Percy, another, as "a tall
man, with a great broad beard, a good face, the colour of his beard and
head mingled with white heares, but stoupeth somewhat in the shoulders,
well coloured in the face, long-footed, small legged."(41)
On the 8th November the mayor issued his precept for bonfires to be
lighted that evening in the principal streets of the city in token of joy
and thanksgiving for the deliverance of the king and parliament from this
"most horrible treason."(42) A week later (16 Nov.) another precept was
addressed to the alderman of each ward to furnish an extra watch, as those
who had been engaged in safe-guarding the city had found the work too much
for them "since the troubles begonne."(43) A diligent search was
subsequently ordered to be made in every cellar and vault for any illegal
store of gunpowder.(44) Fawkes and such of his fellow-conspirators as were
taken alive were brought to trial at Westminster, in January (1606), and
executed, some in St. Paul’s Churchyard and others before the
parliament-house, their quarters being afterwards placed on the city’s
gates, whilst their heads were stuck up on London bridge.(45) Pending
their trial a double watch was kept in the city and fresh halberds
issued.(46)
Three Jesuits were implicated in the plot, their names being John Gerrard,
Oswald Greenway, and Henry Garnet. Gerrard and Greenway effected their
escape, but Garnet was captured after having suffered much deprivation
whilst in hiding, and was brought to trial at the Guildhall. Gerrard is
described as tall and well set up, but his complexion "swart or blackish,
his face large, his cheeks sticking out and somewhat hollow underneath,"
his hair long unless recently cut, his beard cut close, "saving littell
mustachoes and a littell tuft under his lower lippe," his age about forty.
Equally precise descriptions are given of Greenway and Garnet; the former
being represented as of "meane stature, somewhat grosse," his hair black,
his beard bushy and brown, his forehead broad, and his age about the same
as that of Gerrard; whilst Garnet is described as an older man, between
fifty and sixty years of age, of fair complexion, full face and grisly
hair, with a high forehead, and corpulent.(47) At his trial, which took
place on the 28th March, Garnet denied all knowledge of the plot save what
he had heard under the seal of confession. He was nevertheless convicted
and executed (3 May) in St. Paul’s Churchyard.(48)
(M16)
Notwithstanding the capture and execution of the chief actors in the late
conspiracy, some time elapsed before the nation recovered from the shock,
and every idle rumour of mishap to the king soon became exaggerated as it
flew from one end of the kingdom to the other. Thus it was that the
citizens of London awoke on the morning of Saturday, the 22nd March, to
learn that the king was reported to have been killed with a poisoned
dagger whilst engaged in his favourite pursuit of hunting. The alarm thus
raised was with difficulty laid to rest by the following precept(49):—
_By y_e_ Mayo_r_._
_"Where rumo_r_ hath this morninge bine dispersed abroad within
this cittie and ells where neere about the same that his ma_ties_
person was in very greate dainger for asmuch I have even now
receaved intelligence from the lords of his ma_ties_ most
honorable__ pryvye counsell that his ma_tie_ god be thancked is in
saftie, and that I should presently make knowne the same to all
his lovinge subiects which by theis presents I doe._
_God save y_e_ kinge."_
On the 10th June James signed a proclamation ordering all Priests,
Jesuits, Seminaries and such like to depart the kingdom before the first
day of August. Any priest presenting himself to the officer of a sea-port,
and acknowledging his profession, would be forwarded on his way across the
sea, with the exception of Gerrard and Greenway, or Greenwell.(50)
(M17)
In July of this year (1606) the king of Denmark arrived in England on a
visit to his brother-in-law, king James. The mayor, being informed by the
lords of the council that the Danish fleet was already in the Thames,
summoned a Common Council (17 July) to consider what steps should be taken
to give the royal visitor a befitting reception in the city. A committee
was thereupon appointed to make the necessary preparations.(51) They had
but a fortnight before them for contriving a pageant, cleansing the
streets, setting up rails and executing the thousand little things which
always require to be done on such occasions. The sum of £1,000 was raised
by the livery companies,(52) and each alderman was directed to see that
the inhabitants of his ward hung out suitable tapestry from houses on the
line of procession. The distinguished visitor was presented with a gold
cup taken from the king’s jewel-house in the Tower. It weighed 62-3/4
ozs., and the City paid for it at the rate of £3 10_s._ per ounce.(53)
There was but one thing to mar the general rejoicing in the city, and that
was the presence of the plague. This necessitated special precautions
being taken to prevent the spread of infection, and an additional number
of wardens were appointed to take their stand, halberd in hand, at the
doors of infected houses on the day of the king’s visit to prevent anyone
going in or coming out.(54)
(M18)
That the chief cause of the city being so often visited by epidemics in
former days was the lack of a plentiful supply of wholesome water will
scarcely be denied. When we consider with what rapidity the population of
the city increased, more especially under the Tudors, the short-sighted
policy of a government which forbade the erection of new buildings within
three miles of the city’s gates,(55) and drove so many families to find
shelter under one roof within the limited area of the city proper, in
spite of proclamations to the contrary,(56) the want of any organised
system of drainage, and the scanty supply of water—we can only marvel that
the city was ever free from epidemics.
In 1543 the municipal authorities obtained statutory powers to amend
decayed conduits and erect new ones, as well as to bring water to the city
from Hampstead,(57) and from that time they appear to have taken a more
active interest in the water supply. They made periodical visits to the
various conduits, and more especially the conduit-head at Marylebone,
where a banqueting-house was erected for their convenience. Nevertheless
they preferred encouraging private individuals (and these not infrequently
foreigners) in attempts to improve the city’s water supply, as necessity
arose, to undertaking the work themselves in their corporate capacity. In
1570 the City acquired parliamentary powers to break soil for the purpose
of conveying water from the river Lea, "otherwise called Ware River," at
any time _within the next ten years_,(58) but these powers were allowed to
lapse by default. In 1581 Peter Morice, a Dutchman, obtained permission to
set up a water-mill in the Thames at London Bridge, and by some mechanical
contrivance—a "most artificial forcier"—succeeded in conveying water as
far as Leadenhall and Gracechurch. The civic authorities were so pleased
with the result of his first efforts that they assisted him with a loan of
£1,000 to perfect his work.(59) Ten years later (1591) the famous Italian
engineer—of "fire-ship" fame—Frederico Gianibelli obtained the consent of
the Court of Aldermen to erect new water-works at Tyburn for the purpose
of providing the city with a better supply.(60) In 1593 Beavis Bulmer,
another foreigner (to judge from his name), obtained a lease for 500 years
permitting him to set up an engine at Broken Wharf for the purpose of
supplying water to the inhabitants of the city. The Court of Aldermen
granted him the use of the green-yard at Leadenhall for putting together
his engine, whilst the court of Common Council advanced him the sum of
£1,000 on easy terms.(61) Soon after the granting of Bulmer’s lease the
Common Council conceded to Henry Shaw a right to convey water from Fogwell
pond, Smithfield, and to supply it to anyone willing to pay him for it,
for a similar term of 500 years.(62)
(M19)
At length a scheme was started at the opening of the seventeenth century
which not only proved itself equal to the task of supplying the
ever-increasing population of London with an adequate supply of water, but
was destined in after years to render its undertakers rich "beyond the
dreams of avarice." The New River Company, the original shares of which
are of almost fabulous value at the present day, had its commencement in
an Act of Parliament (3 James I, c. 18) which empowered the mayor,
commonalty and citizens of London and their successors at any time to make
an open trench(63) for the purpose of bringing a fresh stream of running
water to the north parts of the city from springs at Chadwell and Amwell,
co. Herts. Whilst showing themselves ready and anxious to render the city
more healthy and less subject to epidemics by cleansing the city’s ditches
of all filth and draining Finsbury and the Moorfields,(64) the civic
authorities were appalled at the enormity of their own proposals, and
hesitated to carry out what at that time appeared to be an engineering
task of stupendous difficulty. Three years elapsed and nothing was done.
Offers were made by various individuals to execute the work for them, but
these were declined.(65) At length, on the 28th March, 1609, Hugh
Middleton, a goldsmith of London, but of Welsh extraction, declared
himself ready to undertake the work and to complete it within four years.
His offer was accepted, and an agreement was drawn up and executed on the
21st April.(66)
(M20)
Notwithstanding the lords of the council having been desired by the lord
mayor to instruct the Justices of the Peace of Hertfordshire and Middlesex
to assist Middleton and his men in carrying out their work,(67) the
undertaking met with great opposition. Among the various objections raised
to the New River scheme was one to the effect that the municipal
authorities had done nothing in the business themselves, but had by Act of
Common Council irrevocably conveyed their whole interest in fee simple to
Middleton, who was carrying out the work "for his own private benefit." To
this objection answer was made that if the mayor and citizens would not
adventure upon so uncertain a work Middleton deserved the greater
commendation in adventuring his money and labour for the good of the city,
and if the city was benefited and the country not prejudiced Middleton
deserved all that he gained.(68) A bill was introduced into parliament to
repeal the Acts authorising the construction of the New River, and a
committee appointed (20 June, 1610) to survey the damages caused or likely
to be caused by the work,(69) and report thereon to the House. "Much ado
there is also in the House," wrote a contemporary to his friend,(70)
"about the work undertaken and far advanced already by Middleton, of the
cutting of a river and bringing it to London from ten or twelve miles off,
through the grounds of many men who, for their particular interest, do
strongly oppose themselves to it, and are like (as ’tis said) to overthrow
it all." The bill was opposed by the City. A deputation consisting of two
aldermen, the Town Clerk and the City Remembrancer was appointed (25 May,
1610) to wait upon Sir John Herbert, one of the principal Secretaries of
State, Sir Julius Cæsar, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and other
influential members of parliament, for the purpose of entreating them to
use their efforts to prevent the repeal of the statutes on the ground that
the stream of fresh water which would thereby be brought to the north
parts of the city would tend to the preservation of health; that the work
had already been carried ten miles, and that Middleton had already
expended more than £3,000 in carrying it out.(71)
(M21)
Middleton was eventually allowed to proceed with his work, but the delay
that had taken place made it necessary for him to apply to the Common
Council for an extension of time within which to complete it. The City
readily consented to grant him an extension of five years (27 Feb.,
1611).(72) No application for pecuniary assistance however appears to have
been made to the City at this or any other time whilst the work was in
progress by Middleton, although he lacked funds and was compelled in the
following year to seek the assistance of James himself. The king was
familiar with Middleton and his undertaking, for the New River was carried
past his own hunting-lodge of Theobalds. In May (1612) he agreed to pay
half the cost of the whole work on condition that Middleton would convey
to him one-half of the property. Middleton could not do otherwise than
accept the king’s offer, and in the following August executed a deed
conveying thirty-six shares to James.(73)
(M22)
With royalty at his back Middleton was enabled to complete his
undertaking, and the New River was opened with befitting ceremony on the
very day (29 Sept., 1613) that Thomas,(74) his elder brother, was elected
to the mayoralty chair for the ensuing year.
(M23)
Even then the whole enterprise might have failed had not pressure been
brought to bear to make the inhabitants of the city use the New River
water to the exclusion of other supplies. In 1616, three years after the
New River had been opened, the lords of the council wrote (23 Dec.) to the
mayor and aldermen informing them that it was the king’s wish that,
inasmuch as few persons used the new supply, the city authorities should
see that all such houses as could conveniently use it should be made to
use it, for it was not to be supposed, said they, that two Acts of
Parliament and an Act of Common Council affecting the health and safety of
the city should be passed to no other purpose than to injure those who
undertook so useful a work on the part of the city.(75) So again, in the
following year (1617), when the brewers of London wished to erect
waterworks on their own account at Dowgate, they were stopped by order of
the Privy Council, and told to take their water from the New River, which
had been made at great expense, "was of great consequence to his majesty’s
service, and deserved all due encouragement."(76) Even the civic
authorities themselves were forbidden (11 April, 1634) to improve the
supply from Tyburn, on which they had already expended much money, for
fear of injuring the interests of the shareholders of the New River
Company,(77) who had but recently received their first dividend.(78)
(M24)
Soon after the completion of the New River, Middleton applied to the City
for a loan. The whole of his own capital had been sunk in his vast
undertaking, and he required an advance of £3,000. The loan was granted (8
Sept., 1614) for three years at six per cent., security being given by his
brother Thomas, the lord mayor, Robert, another brother, and Robert
Bateman.(79)
(M25)
In 1622 (19 Oct.) James conferred on Middleton a baronetcy—a new
hereditary title recently established for supplying the king with money to
put down the Irish rebellion.(80) Middleton, however, appears to have been
too poor to pay the sum of £1,000 or so for which the new title was
purchasable; at any rate the money was not exacted.(81) A baronet in the
city of London (by the way) enjoyed the special privilege of exemption
from serving as sheriff. "It was unfit," wrote James to the lord mayor (11
Nov., 1613), "that a gentleman called to the quality of a baronet should
be afterwards called to be sheriff," and he declared that he would have
"no such precedent."(82)
(M26)
A year after Middleton had been created a baronet the Court of Aldermen
voted him (13 Nov., 1623) a gold chain of the value of 200 marks in
recognition of his services in supplying the city with water, and thereby
preventing the spread of disastrous fires. Only the night before (12
Nov.) "a very terrible and fearful fire" had broken out, destroying many
houses, and among them that of Sir William Cockaine, in Broad Street, and
causing damage to the extent of £40,000 and more;(83) and the Court of
Aldermen, in recording their vote, testified to the great danger which
would have threatened the city had not a plentiful supply of water, thanks
to Middleton, been at hand.(84) The chain was set with diamonds and had
the City’s arms by way of pendant. Middleton himself being a goldsmith of
repute was allowed to supervise the making of it.(85)
(M27)
All this time the City’s loan to Middleton remained outstanding, and
indeed it remained unrepaid at the time of his death in December, 1631, a
circumstance which shows that the greatest engineer of the age died worse
off than many believe. After considerable hesitation the Court of Aldermen
instructed the City Solicitor to recover the money by suing on Middleton’s
bond.(86)
(M28)
If other evidence were wanting to show that Middleton died in reduced
circumstances there is the fact that his widow was compelled, soon after
her husband’s death, to seek satisfaction from the City for losses
sustained by his estate by means of "many breaches made in the pipes of
water and otherwise upon occasion of divers great fires." After
considering the matter for close upon two years the Common Council at
length agreed (2 Oct., 1634) to raise a sum of £1,000 for her by
assessment on the wards, but hesitated whether to pay the money to Lady
Middleton for her own use or as executrix only of the will of her late
husband, "to be distributed according to the custome of this Citty whereof
he dyed a Freeman." The court added this condition to the gift, viz.: that
the City should be allowed to set up cocks in connection with the New
River pipes in each ward, to be used in cases of fire, in place of cutting
the pipes, as had been the custom on such occasions.(87) In 1635
Middleton’s loan remained still owing to the City, and the £1,000 promised
to his widow was not yet collected. On the 12th May Lady Middleton
petitioned the Court of Aldermen to allow the £1,000 to be accepted in
part payment of her late husband’s debt and she would endeavour forthwith
to discharge the remainder. To this the court acceded.(88)
(M29)
In 1726 the New River Company petitioned the Common Council for a direct
conveyance to be made to the company of all the statutory rights and
privileges the City had originally made over to Middleton. The reason
given for this request was that the company found themselves obliged at
the time to prosecute a number of trespassers, and that it had been
advised by counsel that in order to get a verdict in the company’s favour
it would have to prove its title, "through all times and through all the
mean conveyances," from the passing of the original Act of Parliament to
the present time. The company represented that such a proceeding would
involve enormous difficulty, but this difficulty could be got over if the
City would consent to give an immediate grant to the company of all that
they had formerly conveyed to Middleton, and upon the same terms. The
matter, urged the company, was one that affected the interests of the
City, for unless the offenders were punished the water of the New River
would continue to be intercepted before it reached the city. The petition
was referred to the City Lands Committee for consideration.(89)
(M30)
Just at the time when the City was meditating a transfer of their powers
under the New River Acts to Middleton, a scheme was being set on foot for
colonising a vast tract of land in the north of Ireland, which, after the
flight of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel in 1607, was declared to be
confiscated to the Crown. In October, 1608, commissioners had been
appointed to draw up a plan for the proposed colonisation, or, as it was
called, the "Plantation of Ulster," and by the following January (1609)
their reports were sent in.(90) The next step was the formulating of
orders and conditions to be observed by the undertakers of the plantation,
and by the end of January these were ready, although they do not appear to
have been published before the following March.(91) The object of
promulgating these orders and conditions was to attract persons to take a
share in the work of the plantation, not so much with the view of
benefiting themselves as of doing service to the Crown and commonwealth.
Whatever attraction the scheme as put forth in this Collection of Orders
and Conditions—often referred to in subsequent proceedings as the "printed
book"—may have had for others, it had none for the Londoner.(92) The city
merchant and trader required to be assured of some substantial benefit to
be gained by himself before he would embark in any such undertaking, and
in order to give him this assurance he was asked to consider a long list
of "motives and reasons to induce the City of London to undertake
plantation in the north of Ireland."(93)
(M31)
In this document, bearing date the 28th May, 1609, the king offered to
make over to the city of London the city of Derry and another place near
the castle of Coleraine with adjacent territory, and with exceptional
advantages as to custom dues and admiralty jurisdiction. As an inducement
to accept the king’s offer the citizens were assured that the country was
well watered and suitable for breeding cattle; it grew hemp and flax
better than elsewhere; it was well stocked with game and had excellent sea
and river fisheries, and it contained such abundance of provisions as not
only to supply the plantation, but also assist towards the relief of the
London poor. Besides these advantages the city, which was so overcrowded
"that one tradesman was scarcely able to live by another," would have an
opportunity of getting rid of some of its surplus population, and at the
same time render itself less liable to infectious diseases. If the
citizens wanted a precedent for what they were now called upon to
undertake, they were invited to look at what Bristol had done for Dublin
in the reign of Henry II. The plantation of Dublin by Bristol, which
reflected "eternal commendation" on the latter city, had done much towards
civilising and securing that part of Ireland, and it was greatly to be
hoped that the precedent so set would now be followed by London, more
especially as the advantages to be gained were far greater.
(M32)
A goodly prospect indeed; but still the enterprise failed to commend
itself to the Londoner. A month went by and nothing was done. At length,
on Saturday, the 1st July, the matter was brought direct to the attention
of a special Court of Aldermen and "divers selected comoners" of the city
by the lords of the council. Again the citizens were assured that by
taking a part in the work of the plantation they would not only be doing a
work acceptable unto God but one which would be at once honourable and
profitable to themselves.
(M33)
The project was received with favour to the extent that it was resolved to
invite the livery companies to consider the matter, and to appoint
committees to make suggestions to the court in writing by the following
Wednesday (5 July),(94) and precepts to the companies were issued
accordingly. The reply sent by the companies appears to have been
considered unsatisfactory, for on the following Saturday (8 July) the
mayor issued another precept rebuking them for the attitude taken up by
their representatives, who had not, in his opinion, paid sufficient
attention to the matter nor fully realised the motives and reasons which
had been propounded. He bade them reconsider the matter and send their
representatives to the Guildhall on Friday, 14th July, with "such reasons
and demands as are fit to be remembered, required or considered of in the
undertaking of so great and honourable an action" set down in writing.(95)
Accordingly, on the 14th, the committees of the various companies appeared
before the Court of Aldermen with their answer in writing, and a
deputation was nominated to carry their answer to the lords and to hear
anything more that they might have to say on the matter.(96)
The lords of the council being angry with the companies for sending in
their answer before a conference had been held with them, the Recorder was
instructed to inform them that the companies had acted under a mistake,
and intended nothing undutiful in what they had done, and a deputation was
again nominated to confer with their lordships.(97) This was on Tuesday,
the 18th July.
(M34)
Before the end of the week "a full and large conference" took place, and
the lords of the council so satisfied the representatives of the companies
of the profitable nature of the undertaking that they were encouraged to
become adventurers. It was an understood thing between the parties that
the citizens should send their own representatives over to Ireland to view
the property, and if the undertaking proved to be otherwise than had been
represented, and unprofitable, they were to be at liberty to withdraw from
it altogether. The result of the conference was signified to the masters
and wardens of the several companies on Monday, the 24th July, by precept
of the mayor, who enjoined them to call together their companies on the
following Wednesday, and after explaining the whole matter to them, to
learn from each individual member what amount he was prepared to
contribute towards the furtherance of so "famous a project," and to cause
the same to be entered in a book "to the intent his majesty may be
informed of the readiness of this city in a matter of such great
consequence." A note was to be made of any who refused to contribute, and
those who failed to attend the summons were to be fined. No time was to be
lost, for the lords of the council expected a return of the amount to be
contributed by the companies by Friday (28 July).(98)
(M35)
On Sunday, the 30th July, a deputation of aldermen and commoners again
waited on the lords of the council, and received permission to elect four
wise, grave and discreet citizens to cross over to Ireland and view the
proposed plantation. On Tuesday (1 Aug.) the Common Council nominated John
Broad, goldsmith, Hugh Hamersley, haberdasher, Robert Treswell,
painter-stainer, and John Rowley, draper, to be the City’s commissioners
for the purpose.(99)
(M36)
The lords of the council anticipated the arrival of the City’s agents in
Ireland by directing Sir Thomas Philips to accompany them in their
travels, and by sending instructions to Sir Arthur Chichester, the deputy,
to see that they were well supplied with necessaries and were assisted in
every way. The latter was more particularly instructed to use great care
in the selection of discreet persons to conduct and accompany them, men
who from their experience and understanding might be able, "both by
discourse and reason, to controule whatsoever any man shall reporte either
out of ignorance or malice, and to give the undertakors satisfaccon when
they shalbe mistaken or not well informed of any particular."(100) The
conductors were to take care to lead the Londoners by the best roads, and
to lodge them on their journeys where they might, if possible, receive
English entertainment in Englishmen’s houses. The lords of the council at
the same time forwarded to Sir Arthur Chichester a copy of the "Project,"
and desired him to see that those who conducted the City’s agents were
"well prepared before-hand to confirme and strengthen every part thereof
by demonstracon as they may plainly apprehend and conceive the commodities
to be of good use and profit." On the other hand, matters of distaste,
such as fear of the Irish, of the soldiers, of cess and such like must not
be so much as named. These could be set right afterwards and were only
matters of discipline and order. Lastly, if the Londoners should happen to
express a wish respecting anything, "whether it be the fishing, the
admirallty, or any other particuler wch may serve for a motyve to enduce
them," the same was to be conceded at once, and no private interests,
whether of Sir Arthur Chichester himself or any other individual, were to
be allowed to stand in the way.
These instructions were carried out to the letter, and the City’s
representatives, as soon as they set foot in Ireland, were treated right
royally. Sir John Davys, one of the king’s commissioners engaged in
surveying the country, wrote home on the 28th August(101): "The Londoners
are now come, and exceeding welcome to us. Wee all use our best rhetorick
to persuade them to go on wth their plantation, wch will assure the whole
island to the crowne of England forever. They like and praise the cuntrey
very much, specially the Banne and the river of Loghfoyle." He goes on to
say that one of the City’s agents had fallen sick, and would have
returned, but the lord-deputy and the rest had used every means to comfort
and retain him, "lest this accident shold discourage his fellow
cittizens." In other respects, too, they saw the country at its best, for
they arrived at a time when the Irish were flocking in and making their
submission in far better fashion than they had done for years. So pleased
were they with what they saw that they assured Sir Arthur Chichester that
the City would certainly undertake the plantation upon the report they
were about to make. The deputy on his part assured them that if the
Londoners did not undertake the work they would be enemies to themselves.
He suggested that they should send home to the lord mayor some samples of
the commodities of the country. The suggestion was adopted, and he
obtained for them some raw hides, tallow, salmon, herrings, eels,
pipe-staves, beef and the like at a cheap rate. He also procured them some
iron ore and promised to furnish them with samples of lead and
copper.(102)
(M37)
By November the City’s agents had returned to London. On the 28th they
appeared before the Court of Aldermen and presented their report, together
with an answer made by Sir Arthur Chichester to certain questions they had
put to him on doubtful points, and also a map or "plott" of the country
they had viewed. The court in the first place authorised the Chamberlain
to re-imburse them the sum of £100 which they had found it necessary to
borrow to supplement the allowance of £300 originally allowed for their
expenses by the court;(103) and in the next gave orders for all the
documents to be enrolled by the Remembrancer "in a faier booke, wherein
the letters and other things comytted to his charge and care are recorded
and entred," and also in the Journal by the Clerk of the Orphans.(104) The
viewers’ report came before the court of Common Council on the 2nd
December, when it was openly read and referred to a committee specially
appointed.(105)
(M38)
On Friday, the 15th, the committee were ready with their report. They had
met five times, and had held long debate and consultation on the various
matters incident to "so great a business," and on each and all of these
they had something to say. As to the financial part of the undertaking
they were of opinion that the Common Council should pass an Act for
raising a sum of £15,000, and no more, upon the members of the wealthier
livery companies, by poll, the inferior companies being spared. The report
having been approved by the court a deputation was appointed to wait upon
the Privy Council with the City’s answer on the following Sunday (17
December).(106)
(M39)
When the lords of the council came to consider the City’s proposals they
found much to their liking, but the clause which restricted the amount of
money to be furnished by the City to £15,000, and no more, was "much
distasted" by them, seeing that that sum would scarcely suffice to buy up
private interests, let alone the work of plantation. The City’s offer in
this respect was therefore rejected, and the Common Council had therefore
to increase its offer to £20,000.(107)
(M40)
Early in the following year (8 Jan., 1610) a committee was appointed,
including the four commissioners who had viewed the plantation, to confer
with commissioners appointed by the Privy Council as to the best means of
carrying out the work. In the meantime the sum of £5,000, or one-fourth
part of the £20,000 required, was to be immediately levied on the
principal companies according to their corn assessment.(108) Some of the
companies complained of the unfairness of assessing them according to the
existing corn rate, inasmuch as a great change had taken place since that
rate had been made: "Divers companies are decayed and others growne to bee
of greater liability, so as particuler men of some companies are now
exceedinglie overcharged and others greatelye favoured." It was too late
to make any alteration in the payment of the first two instalments, as the
plantation was to commence in the summer,(109) but a new assessment for
corn was made in July with the view of making the rate more
equitable.(110)
(M41)
On the 28th January (1610) the committee appointed by the court of Common
Council came to terms with the Privy Council, and a special agreement was
signed by both parties embodying all the essential conditions of the
plantation in twenty-seven articles. A period of seven years was allowed
the City to make such other reasonable demands as time might show to be
needful.(111)
(M42)
The articles were read at the Common Council held two days later (30
Jan.), when it was decided to form a company in the city of London for the
purpose of carrying out the plantation, the company to consist of a
governor, a deputy-governor and twenty-four assistants, of whom the
Recorder of the city was to be one. The governor and five of the
assistants were to be aldermen of the city, the rest commoners.(112) On
the 4th February the lords of the council informed Sir Arthur Chichester
that the "noble and worthy work of the plantation in Ulster undertaken by
the city" was concluded, and the articles signed. The city had chosen a
governor and a council of assistants for the more orderly disposition of
their affairs. They had also elected John Rowley to be their agent, and he
and others would shortly set out for Ireland. The lords commended him to
the deputy’s care, and he was instructed to see that they were furnished
with a sufficient number of labourers for felling timber, digging stone
and burning lime. Sir Arthur’s services in forwarding a work which the
king had so much at heart would not go, they assured him, unrewarded.(113)
(M43)
The articles of the plantation had not long been signed before the
government broke faith with the City, and the latter were asked to forego
no less than 2,000 acres of land agreed to be assigned to them. This
iniquitous proposal on the part of the king’s commissioners was laid
before a special court of Common Council (7 June, 1610) by Alderman
Cockaine, the governor of the Irish Society. After long deliberation the
court decided to stand upon their rights, and rejected the proposal. Six
weeks later (22 July) they saw fit to change their minds, and they agreed
to surrender the 2,000 acres whilst refusing to accede to other
demands.(114)
(M44)
It was no easy task the City had undertaken. Great difficulty was
experienced in getting the companies to pay up their quota of the £20,000
to be raised for the purpose of the plantation. The wardens of the
Mercers, the Clothworkers and other companies were committed to prison by
order of the Court of Aldermen for refusing or failing to pay the sums at
which their respective companies had been assessed.(115) The masters or
wardens of the companies were not so much to blame as the individual
members of the companies who refused to pay. Thus, a sum of £200 due from
Sir John Spencer, the rich Clothworker, remained unpaid at his death. It
was eventually paid by his son-in-law, Lord Compton, after much
solicitation.(116) Even when the money was got in there was a difficulty
in forwarding it to its destination, so infested was the Irish coast with
pirates who lay in wait for the money sent by the City for the works at
Coleraine.(117)
(M45)
Early in the following year (31 Jan., 1611) the livery companies were
called upon to certify to the Irish Society, within one week, whether or
no they were willing to accept an allotment of the Irish estate
proportionate to the money by them advanced, and to cultivate and plant
the same at their own cost and charges, according to the "printed book" of
the plantation, or leave the letting and disposing thereof to the governor
and committees. They were warned that, in any case, they would still have
to contribute towards the charge of building houses and fortifications and
freeing of tithes.(118) In response to the mayor’s precept eight of the
principal companies of the city, viz., the Mercers, Grocers, Drapers,
Fishmongers, Goldsmiths, Salters, Ironmongers and Vintners, and ten of the
inferior companies, viz., the Dyers, Pewterers, Founders, Whitebakers,
Broderers, Armourers, Tilers and Bricklayers, Blacksmiths, Weavers and
Woodmongers, signified their willingness to accept a proportionate part of
the land (27 Feb.). The remainder of the companies preferred to leave the
lands alone, but they were allowed to come in afterwards if they saw
reason to change their mind.(119)
(M46)
By July (1611) nearly the whole of the £20,000 had been expended. The
Common Council thereupon resolved that a further sum of £10,000 should be
levied on the companies at the same rate as the last two payments. A day
was appointed for the companies to send in a written notice whether they
agreed to contribute to this fresh sum or were ready to forfeit the money
they had already subscribed and lose all their right in the
plantation.(120). £5,000 was to be ready by the 10th August. The remainder
was not demanded until July, 1612.(121)
(M47)
Hitherto the agreement between the lords of the council and the citizens
of London had been carried out by one side only. The City had found the
money wherewith to carry out the work of the plantation, but as yet not an
acre of land had been assigned. It is not surprising, therefore, that when
the Grocers’ Company were called upon to contribute their _quota_ to the
£5,000 demanded in July, 1612, they desired the lord mayor not to press
the matter until the assurance of the lands and other hereditaments for
which money had been formerly disbursed should have been obtained from his
majesty.(122) At length, on the 29th March, 1613, the Irish Society
received its charter of incorporation.
(M48)
Notwithstanding the great difficulty experienced in getting in the last
£5,000—as much as £3,667 10_s._ being still outstanding in October,
1612(123)—the Common Council found itself under the unpleasant necessity
of asking the companies for another £10,000 within a few weeks of the
incorporation of the Irish Society. Not only had the whole of the £30,000
formerly subscribed been expended, but the Irish Society had borrowed
£3,000 from the Chamber of London.(124) The money was to be raised by the
end of May.
(M49)
James had already begun to show impatience—even before the granting of the
charter of incorporation to the Irish Society—at the little progress made
in the work of the plantation. At the close of the last year (21 Dec.,
1612) he had himself written to Sir Arthur Chichester directing him to
send home an account of what the Londoners had done; for, notwithstanding
their pretence of great expenditure, there was, so he was informed, little
outward show for it.(125) Fault was found with them, not only for failing
to build houses according to the articles of agreement, but for their
humane treatment of the "mere Irish," instead of driving them forth to
perish in the narrow districts set apart for them.(126)
(M50)
On Midsummer-day (1613) Sir Henry Montague, the Recorder, and Sir William
Cockaine, the governor of the Irish Society, signified to the Common
Council that it was the king’s wish that the walls and fortifications of
Derry should be at once taken in hand. The court agreed to lose no time in
carrying out the king’s wishes, and further resolved to despatch "some
great and worthy magistrate," as well as "some commoner of special
countenance and credit," to take an exact notice, view and account of the
whole work of the plantation, and of all works done and to be done, and,
in a word, to do all that they deemed necessary for the good of the
plantation. The choice of the court fell upon Alderman George Smithes and
Matthias Springham, a Merchant Taylor.(127)
(M51)
These two proceeded to Ireland, and, having viewed the plantation, sent
home from Dublin a detailed report of all they had seen and done.(128) The
report was submitted to the Common Council on the 8th November (1613).
Among other things they had taken great pains to make an equal division of
the land as far as was possible into twelve parts, with the view of
distributing it among the livery companies as proposed, and a "plott" of
the division was laid before the court. But they were of opinion that the
city of Londonderry and its land of 4,000 acres, and the town of Coleraine
with its 3,000 acres, its ferries and fisheries, could not be conveniently
divided, but the rents and profits of them might be divided among the
several companies. As to the fortification of Derry, the commissioners had
consulted ten military experts on the matter and plans had been drafted;
but it was necessary to gather material before the wall could be
commenced, and this the commissioners recommended should be taken in hand
at once.
(M52)
On the 17th December lots were publicly drawn to decide the particular
lands which each of the twelve principal companies, combined with several
of the inferior companies in such a way as to make their total
contributions to amount, as far as might be, to one-twelth of the whole
sum (£40,000) contributed, should hold.(129) The companies at once took
possession of their property so far as they could do so; but livery of
seisin was not and could not be made to them until James had granted (30
Sep., 1615), both to the Irish Society and to the companies, a licence in
mortmain. This licence was expressly granted "to the end that they might
be the better encouraged and enabled to proceed and finish the same
plantation, and in future times reap some gains and benefits of their
great travails and expenses bestowed therein."(130) It may be inferred
from this that James had little expectation that the undertakers would
reap much gain or profit from their enterprise notwithstanding former
professions. For some years to come there was no gain, little or great. No
sooner had the allotment of land to the companies taken place than they
were called upon to raise a further sum of £5,000,(131) and at the end of
another twelve months a further sum of £7,500, making in all a sum total
of £52,500 which they had subscribed towards the plantation.(132) It was
not until 1623 that the profits of the plantation began to exceed the
costs and the Irish Society was in a position to pay a dividend.(133)
(M53) (M54)
In years gone by, when some of the companies sold their Irish estate,
there was no question as to their power of alienation or their absolute
right to the proceeds of the sale, but of late years a cry has been raised
that the companies held their estates in a fiduciary capacity, and that
they could not legally alienate their Irish property without accounting
for the proceeds of the sale as public trustees. It had got abroad that
those companies who had not already parted with their Irish estates—as the
Haberdashers had done as far back as the year 1675, and the Merchant
Taylors, the Goldsmiths and the Vintners, between the years 1728 and
1737—were meditating a sale. In response to the cry thus raised a select
Parliamentary Committee was appointed to enquire "as to the Terms of the
Charters or other Instruments by which their Estates in Ireland were
granted to the Irish Society and to the London companies, and as to the
Trusts and Obligations (if any) attaching to the Ownership of such
Estates." Any trust or obligation in connection with the tenure of these
estates would naturally be comprised within the four corners of the
charters and instruments mentioned in the order of reference just cited,
but these the committee practically ignored, on the ground that the task
of pronouncing with decisive authority upon their legal construction could
only be performed by a judicial tribunal.(134) We have it, however, on the
authority of so sound a lawyer as the late Sir George Jessel, that the
companies are ordinary owners of their Irish estates in fee simple,
subject only to the reservations expressly contained in the conveyance to
them.(135)