JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, _January 15, 1861_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate passed on the 10th

instant, requesting me to inform that body, if not incompatible with the

public interest, "whether John B. Floyd, whose appointment as Secretary

of War was confirmed by the Senate on the 6th of March, 1857, still

continues to hold said office, and, if not, when and how said office

became vacant; and, further, to inform the Senate how and by whom the

duties of said office are now discharged, and, if an appointment of an

acting or provisional Secretary of War has been made, how, when, and by

what authority it was so made, and why the fact of said appointment has

not been communicated to the Senate," I have to inform the Senate that

John B. Floyd, the late Secretary of the War Department, resigned that

office on the 29th day of December last, and that on the 1st day of

January instant Joseph Holt was authorized by me to perform the duties

of the said office until a successor should be appointed or the vacancy

filled. Under this authority the duties of the War Department have been

performed by Mr. Holt from the day last mentioned to the present time.

The power to carry on the business of the Government by means of a

provisional appointment when a vacancy occurs is expressly given by the

act of February 13, 1795, which enacts--

That in case of vacancy in the office of Secretary of State,

Secretary of the Treasury, or of the Secretary of the Department

of War, or of any officer of either of the said Departments whose

appointment is not in the head thereof, whereby they can not perform

the duties of their respective offices, it shall be lawful for the

President of the United States, in case he shall think it necessary,

to authorize any person or persons, at his discretion, to perform the

duties of the said respective offices until a successor be appointed

or such vacancy be filled: _Provided_, That no one vacancy shall be

supplied in manner aforesaid for a longer period than six months.

It is manifest that if the power which this law gives had been withheld

the public interest would frequently suffer very serious detriment.

Vacancies may occur at any time in the most important offices which can

not be immediately and permanently filled in a manner satisfactory to

the appointing power. It was wise to make a provision which would enable

the President to avoid a total suspension of business in the interval,

and equally wise so to limit the Executive discretion as to prevent any

serious abuse of it. This is what the framers of the act of 1795 did,

and neither the policy nor the constitutional validity of their law has

been questioned for sixty-five years.

The practice of making such appointments, whether in a vacation or

during the session of Congress, has been constantly followed during

every Administration from the earliest period of the Government, and its

perfect lawfulness has never to my knowledge been questioned or denied.

Without going back further than the year 1829, and without taking into

the calculation any but the chief officers of the several Departments,

it will be found that provisional appointments to fill vacancies were

made to the number of 179 from the commencement of General Jackson's

Administration to the close of General Pierce's. This number would

probably be greatly increased if all the cases which occurred in the

subordinate offices and bureaus were added to the count. Some of them

were made while the Senate was in session; some which were made in

vacation were continued in force long after the Senate assembled.

Sometimes the temporary officer was the commissioned head of another

Department, sometimes a subordinate in the same Department. Sometimes

the affairs of the Navy Department have been directed _ad interim_ by a

commodore and those of the War Department by a general. In most, if not

all, of the cases which occurred previous to 1852 it is believed that

the compensation provided by law for the officer regularly commissioned

was paid to the person who discharged the duties _ad interim_. To give

the Senate a more detailed and satisfactory view of the subject, I send

the accompanying tabular statement, certified by the Secretary of State,

in which the instances are all set forth in which provisional as well as

permanent appointments were made to the highest executive offices from

1829 nearly to the present time, with their respective dates.

It must be allowed that these precedents, so numerous and so long

continued, are entitled to great respect, since we can scarcely suppose

that the wise and eminent men by whom they were made could have been

mistaken on a point which was brought to their attention so often. Still

less can it be supposed that any of them willfully violated the law or

the Constitution.

The lawfulness of the practice rests upon the exigencies of the public

service, which require that the movements of the Government shall not be

arrested by an accidental vacancy in one of the Departments; upon an act

of Congress expressly and plainly giving and regulating the power, and

upon long and uninterrupted usage of the Executive, which has never been

challenged as illegal by Congress.

This answers the inquiry of the Senate so far as it is necessary to show

"how and by whom the duties of said office are now discharged." Nor is

it necessary to explain further than I have done "how, when, and by what

authority" the provisional appointment has been made; but the resolution

makes the additional inquiry "_why_ the fact of said appointment has not

been communicated to the Senate,"

I take it for granted that the Senate did not mean to call for the

reasons upon which I acted in performing an Executive duty nor to demand

an account of the motives which governed me in an act which the law and

the Constitution left to my own discretion. It is sufficient, therefore,

for that part of the resolution to say that a provisional or temporary

appointment like that in question is not required by law to be

communicated to the Senate, and that there is no instance on record

where such communication ever has been made.

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