James Smith, ‘servitor to the Earl of Winton,’ having to build some
houses in the village of Seaton, found that he could not obtain the
proper timber required without sending for it to Norway. It occurred
to him that the wood might most conveniently be paid for by sending
thirty-six bolls of wheat of his own growth, the one article to be
exchanged against the other. This was a very rational idea; but how to
carry it out? In those days, exportation, as already explained, was
a thing generally unpopular, as being supposed to cause scarcity at
home; and the sending out of corn was forbidden by particular laws. It
affords a curious idea of the difficulties which might then attend the
simplest movements in life, through the efficacy of erroneous doctrines
in political economy, that James Smith had to petition the government
before he could get the Norwegian timber for those houses about to be
built at Seaton. By favour probably of the Earl of Winton, who sat in
the Council, he was permitted to export the thirty-six bolls of wheat
to ‘Birren [Bergen] in Norway.’--_P. C. R._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MAR.]
Thomas Menzies, burgess of Aberdeen, who had been driven into exile on
account of popery some years before, now petitioned the king for leave
to return for a few months, to dispose of his estate and recover some
money owing to him, in order ‘that he may abandon the kingdom, without
staying any longer to give offence to the present professed religion.’
The king, seeing that Thomas had comported himself modestly during his
exile, was pleased to recommend the case to his Scottish Council, by
whom the necessary permission and protection were granted.--_P. C. R._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JUNE 3.]
A fulmination took place in the Privy Council concerning the
south-country papists. They gave final decision in the case of Robert
Rig, wright at the Brig-end of Dumfries, who had been more than once
before the presbytery of that district for marrying Elspeth Maxwell,
‘ane excommunicat papist.’ Robert, on being questioned, owned that ‘he
was married by a popish priest, upon the 17th of November last, being
Sunday, at night, with candle-light, above the bridge of Cluden, in the
fields, and that four were present at the marriage, beside the priest,
whereof some were men and some were women, whom he knew not, because
they had their faces covered.’ Mr Thomas Ramsay, minister of Dumfries,
was present to support the proceedings of the presbytery in the case.
Robert himself was full of contrition, and humbly craved pardon for
his offence. The lords, having fully considered everything, found
that ‘Robert Rig has violat and contravened the laws of this kingdom,
in marrying ane excommunicat woman, by a priest who has no power to
exerce any function within this kingdom,’ and they sentenced him to
be imprisoned during their pleasure in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh; ‘no
person from the said Elspeth Maxwell, his wife, to have access to him
by word or write.’
[Sidenote: 1634.]
The Council, soon after, had in hands the case of Elspeth herself,
who for some time had been expiating her candle-light nuptials by
imprisonment in Dumfries jail. A group of people, fourteen of them
women, mostly wives of tradesmen in Dumfries, were also now or had
lately been, prisoners in the same jail, ‘for hearing of mass and being
present thereat sundry times within thir twelvemonths bygane, as their
confessions bears.’ The Council ordered that all these people should be
‘exhibit’ before them, on a certain day, ‘to the intent such order may
be ta’en with them as may give terror to others to commit the like.’
In obedience to the charge of the Council, Mr Thomas Ramsay, minister
of Dumfries, and John Williamson, one of the bailies, appeared on the
3d of July, and _exhibited_ nearly the whole of these delinquents.
Eight ‘declared that they were heartily sorrowful for the scandal
they had given to the kirk by hearing of mass, and craved pardon for
the same;’ adding a faithful promise ‘in all time coming to obey the
laws, and for that effect to resort to the kirk, hear preachings and
to communicate, and that they should not hear mass nor reset Jesuits.’
These were commanded to remain in their lodgings in Edinburgh till
further orders. Seven, wholly women, ‘refused to conform to the
religion presently professed within the kingdom; in respect whereof,
the Lords ordains them to be committed to ward within the Tolbooth
of Edinburgh, therein to remain upon their awn expenses till they be
freed and relieved by the said Lords.’ Five days after, the whole were
committed to the hands of Patrick, Archbishop of Glasgow, to be dealt
with as he might think fit.’--_P. C. R._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JUNE 11.]
Walter, first Earl of Buccleuch, who had died in London towards the
close of the preceding year, was buried in the magnificent manner
then customary. His body, having been embalmed, was sent down to
Scotland ‘in one John Simpson’s ship of Kirkcaldy;’ but the ship,
meeting a storm, was driven to the coast of Norway, and only with great
difficulty, and after a long delay, reached Leith. After resting twenty
days in the church there, the corpse ‘were thence, by his honourable
friends, transported to his awn house of Branxholm, where they remained
till the 11th of June,’ when the funeral was at length solemnly
effected at Hawick.
[Sidenote: 1634.]
A striking sight it must have been, that long heraldic procession
which went before the body of the deceased noble, along the banks of
the Teviot, on that bright June day. First were forty-six _saulies_ in
black gowns and hoods, with black staves in their hands, headed by one
called a conductor, who was attended by an old man in a mourning-gown;
a trumpeter in the Buccleuch livery following, and sounding his
trumpet. Next came Robert Scott of Howshaw, fully armed, riding on a
fair horse, and carrying on the point of a lance a little banner of
the defunct’s colours, azure and or. Then a horse in black, led by a
lackey in mourning, a horse with a crimson velvet foot-mantle, and
‘three trumpets in mourning on foot, sounding sadly.’ Then, the great
gumpheon of black taffeta carried on a lance, the deceased’s spurs
carried by Walter Scott of Lauchope, his sword borne by Andrew Scott
of Broadmeadows, his gauntlets by Francis Scott of Castleside, and his
coat of honour by Mr Lawrence Scott.
The next great section of the procession was a purely heraldic display.
Eight gentlemen of the Clan Scott bore each the coat of arms of
one of the various paternal and maternal ancestors of the defunct.
Other gentlemen of the name--Scott of Harden, Scott of Scotstarvet,
&c.--carried the great pencil, the deceased’s standard, his coronet,
and his ‘arms in metal and colour.’ Near whom were three more trumpets,
and three pursuivants, all in mourning. ‘Last of all cam the corps,
carried under a fair pall of black velvet, decked with arms, larmes
[tears], and cipress of sattin, knopt with gold, and on the coffin
the defunct’s helmet and coronet, overlaid with cipress, to shew that
he was a soldier. And so in this order, with the conduct of many
honourable friends, marched they from Branxholm to Hawick Church,
where, after the funeral-sermon ended, the corps were interred amongst
his ancestors.’[55]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JUNE 14.]
An arrangement was made by royal authority for putting the sale of
tobacco under some restriction, so as to insure that only a good and
wholesome article should be presented to the public. Sir James Leslie,
knight, and Thomas Dalmahoy, servant to the Marquis of Hamilton, were
to sell licences to retailers, and account to the royal revenue for
the proceeds, as might be arranged between the parties. Thus it was
hoped that the great abuses from ‘the ungoverned sale and immoderate
use of tobacco’ might be abated.--_P. C. R._ Numberless entries in the
Record shew that great difficulty was experienced in carrying out this
arrangement.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JUNE 19.]
[Sidenote: 1634.]
The Privy Council had under its consideration a supplication from the
Bishops of Orkney and Caithness, setting forth the miserable condition
to which those districts were like to be reduced by famine. Owing to
tempestuous weather, the corns of the bypast year had not filled, or
proved answerable to the people’s expectation, ‘the boll of aits in
many parts not giving ane peck of meal.’ In the consequent deficiency
of seed, ‘the thrid rig lyeth unsown, and in many parts the half is
not sown.’ Even now, from the scarcity of victual, ‘multitudes die
in the open fields, and there is none to bury them, but where the
minister goeth furth with his man to bury them where they are found.
The ground,’ it was said, ‘yields them no corns, and the sea affords
no fishes unto them as it wont to do. The picture of Death is seen in
the faces of many. Some devour the sea-ware, some eat dogs, some steal
fowls. Of nine in a family, seven at once died, the husband and wife
expiring at one time. Many are reduced to that extremity that they are
forced to steal, and thereafter are execut, and some have desperately
run in the sea and drowned themselves. So great is the famine, that the
people of mean estate have nothing, and those of greater rank nothing
that they can spare.’
The lords recommended the case of these poor people to the charity of
their countrymen generally.--_P. C. R._ Supplies of food were soon
after sent, but not in time or quantity to save a deplorable mortality.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: JULY.]
A project was submitted to the government by Colonel Robert Monro, for
erecting in Scotland an hospital for the reception of disabled Scottish
soldiers. It received some encouragement, and a general contribution
was authorised under the colonel’s care; but it does not appear that
the scheme was ever in any degree realised.--_P. C. R._
* * * * *
‘About this time, a pot [eddy-pool] of the water of Brechin, called
South Esk, became suddenly dry, and for a short space continued so, but
bolts up again, and turns to its own course; which was thought to be an
ominous token for Scotland, as it so fell out.’
[Sidenote: 1634.]
A sudden desiccation or stoppage of the flow of rivers, is a phenomenon
not unknown to modern science. The rivers Teviot, Clyde, and Nith, were
all of them reduced, on the 27th of November 1838, to such a smallness
that the mills everywhere ceased to work. The small feeding-streams
were observed on this occasion to be completely dried up. The
phenomenon was variously attributed to an earthquake (though none was
felt), to a high wind obstructing the current, and to a frost. Mr David
Milne made some careful inquiries into the subject, and ascertained
that on the previous evening the thermometer had suddenly sunk to
26 degrees all over the south of Scotland, producing a very low
temperature. He considered the depletion to be caused by the frost,
arresting the small rills in the upper parts of the rivers, and yet not
sufficient to prevent the water further down from flowing away.[56]
* * * * *
Tired of the slow march of legal vengeance, and enraged that only John
Meldrum could be brought to death for the Frendraught tragedy, the
Gordons commenced this year to execute what they called _justice_ with
their own hand. The plan they followed was to take advantage of the
propensity of the neighbouring Highland clans to despoil the country of
Moray. The broken men of the Clan Gregor, the Clan Cameron under its
chief Allan M‘Ian Dhui, the Macdonalds of Glengarry and Clanranald, the
Clan Lachlan, were all ready instruments to their hands; and bands of
them, to the amount of several hundreds, were easily mustered. ‘They
came to the house of Chalmers of Ormiston, bound himself and his wife
hand and foot, spoiled his house, and reft and away took ane thousand
pounds or thereby.... They in like manner spoiled and herried the house
of Andrew Geddes in Gairmouth.... They came to the house of John Mair
in Braemurray, and robbed and spoiled the said John of his goods, and
gave Mr James Cumming (being in the house for the time) eleven wounds
with his own durk.... They violently lifted and took away ane _hership_
of fifty head of oxen off the mount of Dallas.... They stole three
mares from Thomas Gilyean in Halton, together with ane black horse,
and ... they violently drove away eleven horse and mares belonging to
John Hay in Orton; ... by the whilk and many more grievous oppressions
and depredations, committed upon his majesty’s good subjects in the
in-country of Moray by thir broken limmers and sorners, who go about
the country in great troops and companies, with unlawful weapons, the
_haill inhabitants in these bounds are in continual fear of their lives
and spoiling of their goods_, and dare not keep their horse or cattle
in the country.’
[Sidenote: SEP. 25.]
[Sidenote: 1634.]
A gentleman having come from Moray to Edinburgh, on purpose to give
information of these outrages, the Privy Council granted a commission
to fifteen men of name in the country, _not one of them a Gordon_,
to raise armed forces for the purpose of pursuing the ‘limmers’ and
bringing them to justice.
[Sidenote: NOV. 13.]
It soon after appears, from the proceedings of the Privy Council, that
the real authors of these disorders were believed to be the Marquis of
Huntly and a certain number of men of his house, lairds respectively of
Buckie, Carnbarrow, Tulloch, Lesmore, Letterfour, Ardlogie, Innermarky,
Park, Cluny, &c.; together with the Earl of Athole, Lord Lovat, Innes
of Balveny, the _Lady Rothiemay_, and a few other persons. And the
grand aim of the outbreak had developed itself in an attack upon the
lands of Frendraught. These lands had been visited with fire and sword,
and swept of all cattle and other ‘geir’ that could be carried away,
The act of Council speaks also of the laird’s servants killed and
maimed, his tenants and domestics frightened away from him, and himself
at the hazard of his life stealing away under night to claim the
protection of the Council in Edinburgh. The disorders of the country,
it further says, are come to such a height, ‘that almost nowhere in
the north country can his majesty’s subjects promise safety to their
persons or means ... the very burghs and towns themselves are in
continual fear of some sudden surprise, by fire or otherwise, from thir
broken men.’
[Sidenote: 1634.]
It appears, however, that Frendraught had not passively yielded to
these assaults. On a hership of goods being taken away in September,
‘he with some horsemen followed sharply, and brought back his
haill goods again but strake of sword.’ In October, a hership of
threescore nolt and elevenscore sheep was successfully taken away;
but shortly thereafter, on six hundred of the limmers coming into his
neighbourhood, he raised a force of two hundred foot and a hundred
and forty horsemen, and falling upon them by surprise, dispersed them
in flight. It was in November that, seeing the overpowering force
which was mustering against him, he went to claim the protection of
the Council. While the law was there issuing writs in his favour, the
Gordons openly broke out and took away another large hership of cattle
and sheep. ‘To hold siller among their hands,’ they took their prey to
a fair, and sold it, accepting a dollar for each cow, and a groat for
each sheep. Among other violent acts, finding one of Frendraught’s men
on the outlook for information, they hanged him as a spy. The quantity
of plunder they took from Frendraught almost reaches a fabulous amount.
After all they had already done, they ‘raised out of the ground
thirteenscore of nolt and eighteenscore of sheep,’ which they took
and stored in the Castle of Strathbogie, with a view to obtaining the
protection of the marquis for their misdeeds. They also burnt fourscore
stacks on his home-farm.--_Spal._
It was fully believed in the country that these violences were
committed under the sanction of the Lady Rothiemay, who had the death
of both a husband and a son to avenge upon Frendraught. At her trial
in Edinburgh, two years after, it was charged against her, that she
had received and entertained the Highlanders and their leaders, on
their coming to make the attack on Frendraught. Certain it is, they
now came with their prey to Rothiemay, entered the house, and began
to live in riotous style upon Frendraught’s bestial, killing at once
threescore bullocks and a hundred sheep. ‘Some they salted, some they
roasted, and some they ate fresh.’ They also compelled Frendraught’s
tenants to supply them with meal, malt, and poultry. According to
Spalding, there was an appearance of force exercised on the lady and
her two daughters, who were thrust into a kiln-barn to be out of the
way of the depredators. But no one doubted that, in reality, the lady
was happy to see them in her house. In her dittay, it is alleged that,
on their return from the first day’s adventures, she had tables spread
for them, and she and her daughters received them with salutations.
On the evening of the day when they burned Frendraught’s stackyard,
with twelvescore bolls of corn, the lady expressed herself as well
pleased with their success; and at Christmas ‘she dancit with the licht
horsemen in the place of Rothiemay, the _cushion-dance_, [bearing the
cushion] upon her shoulder.’ Till the house, indeed, was summoned and
rendered to the sheriff of Banff, in January 1635, she had given no
token of disrelish for any of the proceedings of the depredators.
[Sidenote: 1634.]
In November, a herald with a trumpeter, sent by the Privy Council, came
to summon the misdoers at the market-crosses of the northern burghs.
Between Banff and Elgin, ‘he meets with Captain Gordon [brother to
the Laird of Park, and one of the chief delinquents], to whom he told
his commission, and made intimation of his charges ... _who at the
giving thereof was weel fearit of his life_. Captain Gordon discreetly
answered, their blood was taken maist cruelly within the house of
Frendraught--justice is sought, but none found; whilk made them
desperately to seek revenge upon the Laird of Frendraught, his men,
tenants, and servants, at their own hands; but as to the rest of the
king’s lieges they would offer no injury.... The herald, glad of this
answer, _and blyth to win away with his life_, took his leave, and the
trumpeter sounded ... to whom the captain gave five dollars of wages.’
The herald also went to the Bog to summon the marquis, an extraordinary
piece of audacity: however, the marquis, who, in reality, had taken
no active part in the business, entertained the poor man civilly,
and allowed him to go on to Elgin, Forres, and Inverness, for the
fulfilment of his mission, as well as to return peaceably through Moray
when all was done.
[Sidenote: DEC. 30.]
The marquis represented to the Council that, from age and infirmity, he
was unable to obey their summons; but he sent several of the gentlemen
of his house who had been called upon to appear, and these were all put
into the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. The Council at the same time caused
the sheriff of Aberdeen to raise two hundred men and proceed to the
disturbed country. This officer found no violators of the law in his
own county, but learned that there was a host of them at Rothiemay, in
the county of Banff. These, being beyond his own bounds, he was obliged
to leave to the sheriff of Banff. The latter officer soon after went in
similar force to the place of Rothiemay, and, past expectation, ‘found
open yetts, enterit the place, sought the haill rooms, but no man was
there, for they had fled about twa hours before the sheriff’s coming;
whereupon he disbanded the gentlemen.... But the sheriff was no sooner
gone, but they came all back again to Rothiemay, where they held house
in wonted form.’
It is briefly noted in a manuscript written about 1720, that the
family of Frendraught, which once possessed three parishes (Forgue,
Inverkeithny, and Aberchirder), was by these inroads of their enemies
reduced to poverty, and in seventy years, was ‘stripped of all, and
extinguished.’[57]
* * * * *
The spring of this year was cold and dry. During the months of April
and May, there was no rain for seven weeks; consequently, the seed in
some places never germinated. The summer, however, proved so fine, that
after all there was a tolerable harvest.
‘The gose-summer[58] was matchless fair in Moray, without winds, wet,
or any storm; the corn was well won; the garden herbs revived, July
flowers and roses springing at Martinmass, whilk myself pulled. The
kale shot and came to seed, and the March violets were springing as in
April.’--_Spal._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: NOV.]
[Sidenote: 1634.]
A specimen of religious courtship of this age is given by Mr John
Livingstone in his Memoirs. The lady was daughter to Bartholomew
Fleming, merchant in Edinburgh. ‘When I went a visit to Ireland in
February 1634, Mr Blair propounded to me that marriage. I had seen
her before several times in Scotland, and heard the testimony of many
of her gracious disposition, yet I was for nine months seeking, as I
could, direction from God about that business; during which time I did
not offer to speak to her, who, I believe, had not heard anything of
the matter, only for want of clearness in my mind, although I was twice
or thrice in the house, and saw her frequently at communions and public
meetings, and it is like I might have been longer in such darkness,
except the Lord had presented me an occasion of our conferring
together; for in November 1634, when I was going to the Friday meeting
at Ancrum, I met with her and some others going thither, and propounded
to them by the way to confer upon a text whereupon I was to preach the
day after at Ancrum, wherein I found her conference so judicious and
spiritual, that I took that for some answer to my prayer to have my
mind cleared, and blamed myself that I had not before taken occasion to
confer with her. Four or five days after, I propounded the matter to
her, and desired her to think upon it; and after a week or two, I went
to her mother’s house, and being alone with her, desiring her answer,
I went to prayer, and urged her to pray, which at last she did; and in
that time I got abundance of clearness that it was the Lord’s mind that
I should marry her, and then propounded the matter more fully to her
mother. And although I was fully cleared, I may truly say it was above
a month before I got marriage affection to her, although she was for
personal endowments beyond many of her equals; and I got it not till
I obtained it by prayer. But thereafter I had a great difficulty to
moderate it.’
From this union proceeded a family which has made a distinguished
figure in the United States of America.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1634.]
The patent granted to Mr Nathaniel Uddart for twenty-one years, for
the sole making of soap within the kingdom, was now drawing near to
expiration; and by the king’s favour, a new one, to commence with the
close of the old, was granted to his ‘daily servitor, Patrick Mauld
of Panmure.’ The royal letter, recommending this matter to the Privy
Council, proceeds on the consideration how ‘necessar it is, for the
guid of his majesty’s ancient kingdom, that the same be furnished with
good soaps at reasonable prices within the self’--that is, within the
kingdom itself: further, that soap-making ‘is not a trade of such a
nature as can be communicat to all his majesty’s lieges, and that _the
publict would suffer if the same were left indifferently to all_;’
while it is equally true, that, such being the case, ‘the choice of the
person perteins to his majesty, as a part of his sovereign prerogative.’
Seeing that ‘Patrick Mauld is willing to undergo the said wark, and
to provide for all necessars for continuing the same,’ his majesty
granted to him and his representatives for thirty-one years ‘the sole
and full licence to make and cause to be made, within the said kingdom,
soap for washing of clothes, of all such colours and quantity as they
sall think good.’ Any quantity made beyond what was required for the
country, might be exported upon payment of a duty equal to that paid on
soap imported from abroad. Foreigners might be introduced to work for
Mauld; but were strictly forbidden to make soap for any other person.
As necessarily connected with this patent, the king granted to Mauld,
for the same time, ‘licence to fish and trade in the country and seas
of Greenland, and in the isles and other parts adjacent thereto, and
that for provision of the said soap-works with oils and other materials
necessar thereto,’ but solely so, free from all challenge or hinderance
on the part of any others of his majesty’s subjects. Considering that
there are certain ingredients necessary for the making of soap, and
which it would be well to obtain within the kingdom itself, the king
further gave Mauld sole licence ‘to make potasses of all sorts, of such
wood within the said kingdom, as is most fit for that purpose, and that
can be most conveniently spared;’ likewise ‘of all sorts of ferns and
other vegetable things whatsoever, fit for the purpose.’ Mauld was only
to pay twenty pounds sterling per annum for his privileges.--_P. C. R._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: NOV. 25.]
A proclamation was made by the king regarding ‘an abuse that has of
late years prevailed in the kingdom, by the disorderly behaviour
of some disobedient people, who ordinarily, when the communion is
administrate in their parishes, and at all other times when their
occasions and humours serve them, run to seek the communion at the
hands of such ministers as they know to be disconforme to all good
order.’ Punishment was threatened according to act of parliament.--_P.
C. R._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: NOV.]
[Sidenote: 1634.]
John Urquhart of Craigston, in Aberdeenshire, had raised a handsome
estate, ‘but court or session’--that is to say, without court favour
or by legal oppression--and built himself a beautiful semi-castellated
house, the elegance of which is still calculated to impress those who
visit it. As grand-uncle of the well-known Sir Thomas Urquhart of
Cromarty, he had taken charge of that gentleman’s affairs, and thus
came to be generally recognised as the Tutor of Cromarty. His death in
November 1631 was bewailed by the elegant Aberdeenshire poet, Arthur
Johnston, who says of him, in his epitaph in Kinedart church:
‘Posteritas, cui liquit agros et prædia, disce
Illius exemplo vivere, disce mori.’
The son of the Tutor, John Urquhart of Laithers, being deep in
debt--to the extent of £40,000 Scots--his father settled the estate
upon the next generation, now a boy. As John Urquhart was returning
from his father’s funeral, he took sickness suddenly by the way, and
soon found himself upon his death-bed. It was a bitter moment for the
spendthrift, for he knew that his death would occasion severe losses
to many gentlemen who stood as cautioners for his debts, and leave his
own widow unprovided for. He could only call the boy to his bedside,
and desire him to be good to his step-mother, and pay his father’s
debts out of the large estate which would shortly be his. ‘The young
boy passed his mourning promise so to do. Then he desires the Laird
of Cromarty, who was present, to be nae waur tutor to his son nor his
father was to him, and to help to see his debts paid.’
It seems to have been impossible in that age for either boy or girl
to be left as this boy was, without becoming the subject of sordid
speculations amongst those who had any access to or influence over
them. The Laird of Innes, who was brother-in-law to the deceased
Laithers, immediately ‘gets the guiding of this young boy, and, but
advice of his friends, shortly and quietly marries him upon his awn
eldest dochter, Elizabeth Innes.’ Such an outrage to the decency of
nature for the sake of rich connection, does not seem to have been
thought more than dexterous in those days. Innes, who was one of
the first baronets of Nova Scotia, is described as ‘a man of great
worth and honour.’ As a member of the Committee of Estates, he took a
prominent part in the war which was some years afterwards commenced for
the defence of the national religion.
[Sidenote: 1634.