FEB. 7.]

‘There began a great storm of snow, with horrible high winds, whilk

were noted to be universal through all Scotland.... The like had never

been seen in these parts, for it would overturn countrymen’s houses to

the ground, and some persons suddenly smo’ered within, without relief.

It also threw down the stately crown bigged of curious ashler wark,

off the steeple of the King’s College of Old Aberdeen. This outrageous

storm stopped the ordinary course of ebbing and flowing on sundry

waters, by the space of twenty-four hours, such as the waters of Leith,

Dundee, Montrose, and other ports--whilk signified great troubles to be

in Scotland, as after ye sall hear how truly came to pass.’--_Spal._

An irregular tide on the east coast of Scotland is no unexampled

phenomenon, and could easily be explained; but it would probably defy

a Humboldt or a Whewell to explain another wonder which a grave church

historian of the eighteenth century--a ‘writer’ in Edinburgh, too--sets

down as occurring at the same time. ‘What was yet more marvellous,’

says he, ‘the moon, though in her first quarter, set not, but was seen

from the Wednesday to the Thursday at even.’[45]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1633.]

George Nicol, the son of a tailor in Edinburgh, and who had been

secretary or clerk to Sir Archibald Acheson, under an unlucky zeal for

the public good, resolved to expose some malpractices of the Scottish

rulers which had fallen under his attention, or which he believed to

exist. Being in London, he presented to the king some information

against the Chancellor, the Earls of Morton and Stratherne, the Lord

Traquair, the Lord Advocate, &c., for mismanagement of the treasury.

These officers were summoned to London to meet the charges brought

against them, when it soon appeared that Nicol had advanced what he

could not prove.

[Sidenote: MAR. 5.]

He was returned to Scotland under the power of the men whom he

had accused, and was adjudged by the Privy Council guilty of

_leasing-making_, and to stand at the entry of the session-house for

an hour, and two hours at the Cross, with a paper on his head bearing,

‘_Here stands Mr George Nicol, who is tried, found, and declared to be

a false calumnious liar_,’ and thereafter to receive six stripes on his

naked back by the hand of the hangman, and then to be led back to the

Tolbooth with his shoulders still exposed.[46]

This prototype of Scottish political reformers met ‘with much

compassion from the promiscuous beholders, who generally believed he

suffered wrongfully.’ He was afterwards deported to Flanders.

* * * * *

Colin Campbell, Laird of Glenurchy, who had succeeded his father Duncan

in 1631, seems to have outrivalled him in his taste for elegant things.

In the quaint memoir of his family written about this time, it is

stated: ‘The said Sir Colin bestowit and gave to ane German painter,

whom he entertainit in his house aucht month, and that for painting of

thretty brods of the kings of Scotland, and of Great Britain, France,

and Ireland, and twa of their majesties’ queens of guid memory, and

of the said Sir Colin his awn and his predecessors’ portraits, whilk

portraits are set up in the hall and chalmer of dais of the house of

Balloch, the soum of ane thousand pounds.’[47]

He also patronised the portrait-painter, George Jameson, now in the

zenith of his fame, and settled in Edinburgh. From a letter written

by this distinguished person to Sir Colin, June 23, 1635, it appears

that he charged for his portraits twenty merks each, he furnishing

‘claith and colours.’ The laird had given an order for pictures of a

considerable number of his friends, and Jameson promised, if he began

in July, to have sixteen ready in September.[48]

[Sidenote: 1633.]

His labours are thus spoken of in the family chronicle: ‘Sir Colin gave

unto George Jameson, painter in Edinburgh, for King Robert and King

David Bruces, kings of Scotland, and Charles I., king of Great Britain,

and his majesty’s queen, and for nine more of the queens of Scotland

their portraits, whilk are set up in the hall of Balloch, the soum of

twa hundred threescore pounds.’... ‘For the knight of Lochow’s lady,

and the first Countess of Argyle, and six of the ladies of Glenurchy

their portraits, and Sir Colin his awn portrait, whilk are set up

in the chalmer of dais of Balloch, [he gave] ane hundred fourscore

pounds.’[49] If we are to presume that Scots money is meant in all

these instances, it would appear that this eminent artist was content

to execute a bust portrait at a pound sterling!

* * * * *

[Sidenote: JUNE 13.]

The king arrived in Edinburgh, accompanied by the Duke of Lennox, the

Marquis of Hamilton, and divers other Scotch and English lords and

gentlemen, to the number of about five hundred. His furniture and

plate were carried about with him in princely form. He, riding on

horseback, was received at the West Port in a theatrical manner, after

the fashion of the allegorical entertainments with which Ben Jonson

has made us familiar. There was a kind of theatre under an arch, where

a nymph representing Edinburgh appeared on a mountain, which was so

arranged as to move at the approach of majesty. The nymph was attired

in a sea-green velvet mantle, with sleeves and under-robe of blue

tissue, and blue buskins on her feet: about her neck she wore a chain

of diamonds; her head-dress represented a castle with turrets, and her

locks dangled about her shoulders.

A speech of welcome was delivered by this fair lady, together with the

keys of the city. Meanwhile, the provost, Alexander Clark, and the

bailies, in furred red robes, with about threescore councillors and

others, in black velvet gowns, had taken up a position on a wooden

stand at the other side of the gate. Thence the provost addressed the

king in a brief speech, presenting him at the same time with a gold

basin worth five thousand merks, into which were shaken out of an

embroidered purse a thousand golden double angels, as a token of the

town’s love and service. ‘The king looked gladly upon the speech and

gift both; but the Marquis of Hamilton, master of his majesty’s horse,

hard beside, meddled with the gift, as due to him by virtue of his

office.’ [Sidenote: 1633.]

The provost then mounted his own horse, which was sumptuously attired,

and, followed by the councillors and others on foot attended his

majesty along the Grassmarket. Here appeared ‘a brave company of town’s

soldiers all clad in white satin doublets black velvet breeches, and

silk stockings, with hats, feathers, scarfs, bands, and the rest

correspondent. These gallants had dainty muskets, pikes, and gilded

partisans, and such like,’ and attended his majesty as a guard. At

the gate in the middle of the West Bow, there was another theatre,

presenting a Highland scene, labelled with the word GRAMPIUS, and from

which a female, representing the genius of Caledonia, welcomed his

majesty in verse. Coming to the west end of the Tolbooth, he there

found an arch across the narrowed street, surmounted by a crown; Mars,

as the protecting deity of the country, on one side, and Minerva on

the other. Here, on the withdrawal of a curtain, Mercury appeared,

as just arrived from the Elysian fields with his majesty’s deceased

progenitors. This was a part of the spectacle really interesting to the

king, for the portraits struck his tasteful eye as well executed; and

so they were, being the work of George Jameson of Aberdeen.[50] Here

there was a fourth speech.

‘At the Mercat Cross, he had a fifth speech, where his majesty’s health

was drunk by Bacchus on the Cross, and the haill stroups [spouts]

thereof running over with wine in abundance. At the Tron, Parnassus

hill was erected curiously, all green with birks, where nine pretty

boys, representing the nine nymphs or muses, was nymph-like clad [in

varying taffetas, cloth of silver, and purple].’ Amidst the trees,

appeared Endymion, like a shepherd, in a long coat of crimson velvet,

with gilt leather buskins, telling the king, in William Drummond’s

verse, that he had been despatched by Cynthia to celebrate the day.

‘Roused from the Latmian cave, where many years

That empress of the lowest of the spheres,

Who cheers the night, and kept me hid, apart

From mortal wights, to case her love-sick heart;

As young as when she did me first enclose,

As fresh in beauty as the Maying rose,

Endymion, that whilom kept my flocks

Upon Ionia’s flowery hills and rocks,

And sweet lays warbling to my Cynthia’s beams,

O’ersang the swannets of Meander’s streams,’ &c.

[Sidenote: 1633.]

At the Nether Bow, where he made his exit from the city, another

speech was addressed to him. ‘Whilk haill orations his majesty, with

great pleasure and delight, sitting on horseback, as his company did,

heard pleasantly; syne rode down the Canongate to his own palace of

Holyroodhouse, where he stayed that night. The provost with the rest

returned home.’--_Spal._[51]

Next day (Sunday) the king received Cornelius Smoski, the Polish

ambassador, in great state, in his privy chamber at Holyrood; and

on the ensuing day, the Prince Shemei and his brother, two proper

gentlemen, sons of the Duke de Arscotte, had audience in the same

place. The ambassador was entertained, while in Scotland, ‘upon his

majesty’s charges.’--_Bal._

On the same day, the king made a procession in his coach to the Castle,

where he was magnificently banqueted, ‘served with his awn official’s

and with his awn provision, vessels, and plate.’ Thence he returned

next day, conducted by his nobility in state, in his royal robes, to

the Abbey Kirk of Holyrood, and there was solemnly crowned by the

Bishop of Brechin. ‘It is markit that there was are four-nuikit table

in manner of ane altar, having standing thereon twa books called

_blind books_, with twa chandlers, and twa wax-candles, whilks were

unlichtit, and are basin wherein there was nothing. At the back of this

altar there was ane rich tapestry, wherein the crucifix was curiously

wrought; and as thir bishops who was in service passed by this

crucifix, they were seen to bow their knee and beck, which with their

habit was noted, and bred grit fear of inbringing of popery.’--_Spal._

[Sidenote: 1633.]

On the 20th, the Estates sat down, after one of those formal

processions so often alluded to in Scottish history as the _Riding of

the Parliament_. Such had been the custom from an early period; but

latterly the riding was an affair of greatly increased splendour, and

never had it been so grand as on this occasion. The procession started

at the Abbey Close, or court in front of the palace, and extended along

the principal street of the city to the Tolbooth, where the parliament

was to be held. First went the commissioners for burghs, ‘ilk ane in

their awn places, weel clad in cloaks, having on their horses black

velvet footmantles.’ Then in order went the commissioners for barons

or minor gentry, the lords of spirituality, and the bishops, the

latter being all present but the Bishop of Aberdeen, who lay sick at

home. The temporal lords, the viscounts, and earls followed in order

of rank and date, the Earl of Buchan carrying the sword, and Rothes

the sceptre; after whom came the Marquis of Douglas (lately Earl of

Angus) bearing the crown, and with the Duke of Hamilton on his right

hand, and the Marquis of Hamilton on his left. All the nobles rode in

scarlet furred robes, with footmantles. ‘Then cam his majesty riding

upon ane gallant chestnut-coloured horse having in his head ane fair

bunch of feathers, with ane foot-mantle of purpour velvet. His majesty

made choice to ride in King James IV.’s robe-royal, whilk was of

purpour velvet, richly furrit and lacit with gold, hanging over his

horse-tail ane great deal,’ and borne by five grooms in a line. The

king ‘had upon his head ane hat and ane rod in his hand. The lion

heralds, pursuivants, macers, and trumpeters followed his majesty in

silence.’ At the Nether Bow, where he entered the bounds of the city,

the king was saluted by the provost, who attended him closely the rest

of the way. Within the city there was a space of the street staked

off, sanded, and lined with a guard of armed citizens. At a style or

passage in the Luckenbooths, the king lighted, and was conducted by

the Lord High Constable, the Earl of Errol, to ‘the outer door of the

Heich Tolbooth,’ where ‘the Earl Marischal, as Marischal of Scotland,

with all humility received him, and convoyed him to his tribunal.’ On

the second day of the parliament, the king went in his coach, and after

the business was ended, walked back to the palace, moving so swiftly as

to throw his foot-guard into a perspiration, ‘being ane able footman

as was within, the town.’--_Spal._ The whole reception of King Charles

was magnificent to a degree unprecedented. The people viewed their

sovereign as a stranger of great distinction, and were more awed than

won by his grandeur, while under all lurked the dread of that constant

tampering with the national church and worship which for some years had

been so conspicuous.

[Sidenote: JUNE 23.]

[Sidenote: 1633.]

(Sunday) ‘the king came to St Giles’s Church to hear sermon, and

after he was set down in his awn place, the ordinary reader being

[engaged in] reading the word and singing psalms, before sermon, Mr

John Maxwell, minister of Edinburgh, came down from the king’s loft,

caused the reader remove from his place, and set down there two English

chaplains, clad with surplices, who with the help of other chaplains

and bishops there present, acted their English service. This being

ended, in came Mr John Guthrie, Bishop of Moray, clad also with a

surplice, went up to the pulpit, and taught a sermon. At thir things

many marvelled.

‘Sermon being ended, the king and all his nobles goes into the

banqueting-house, prepared by the town of Edinburgh, that they might

feast him. The banqueting-house was so near the kirk, and so great

noise in it of men, musical instruments, trumpets, playing, singing,

also shooting of cannon, that no service was had in the afternoon,

either in the greater or lesser kirk of St Giles.’--_Row._

Another contemporary says: ‘The people of Edinburgh, seeing the bishop

teach in his rochet, whilk was never seen in St Giles’s Kirk sin’

the Reformation, and by him who sometime was are of their awn town’s

puritan ministers, were grievit, thinking the same smellit of popery.’

Here lay the canker of this flowery scene. Could any one have foretold

that, in the course of a series of circumstances flowing from these

matters of dress and ceremonial, the youthful king now present in

such grandeur would perish on a scaffold; that Bishop Guthrie would,

for what he did this very day, be deposed and excommunicated; and

that Maxwell, who was now on the eve of being made a bishop, would

be deposed and frightened out of his country, be half cut to pieces

in a massacre in Ireland, and finally die of grief on account of his

sovereign’s irretrievable misfortunes--how strange it would have

appeared!

[Sidenote: JUNE 24.]

This day, being St John’s Day, the king went in state to the Chapel

Royal, Holyroodhouse, and there, after a solemn offertory, touched

about a hundred persons for the king’s evil, ‘putting about every one

of their necks a piece of gold, coined for the purpose, hung at a white

silk riband.’--_Bal._

On the same day, the city gave a banquet to the English nobility, ‘with

music and much merriment. After dinner, the provost, bailies, and

councillors, ilk are in others’ hands, with bare heads, cam dancing

down the High Street with all sort of music, trumpeters, and drums. The

nobles went to the king, and told him their entertainment, joy, and

gladness, whereat the king was weel pleasit.’--_Spal._

[Sidenote: JULY 8.]

[Sidenote: 1633.]

After a sporting tour by Linlithgow, Dunfermline, and Falkland, ‘his

majesty came to Perth, and was weel receivit with tenscore of men for

guard, all in white doublets and red breeks, with partisans. Mr William

Bell delivered him a speech.... There was are sword-dance dancit to his

majesty the morn after his coming, upon an island made of timmer on

the water of Tay, and certain verses spoken to his majesty by ane boy,

representing the person of the river Tay, and some conference in his

majesty’s praise betwixt Tay and another representing Perth, made by

Andrew Wilson, bailie.’--_Chron. Perth._

The king on this occasion lodged in the house which had belonged to the

late Earl of Gowrie, and where his father had had a memorable adventure

in 1600. The arrangement for the sword-dance is more particularly

described in the record of the corporation of glovers. His majesty

‘went down to the garden, and being set upon the wall next the water

of Tay, whereupon was ane fleeting stage of timber clad about with

birks, upon the whilk thirteen of this our calling of glovers, with

green caps, silver strings, red ribbons, white shoes, and bells about

their legs, shewing rapiers in their hands, and all other abulyiement,

dancit our sword-dance, with mony difficile knots, five being under and

five above, upon their shoulders, three of them dancing through their

feet and about them, drinking wine and breaking glasses. Whilk, God

be praisit, was actit and done without hurt or skaith till any. Whilk

drew us till great charges and expenses, amounting to the sum of 350

merks.’[52]

We have no actual account of Highlanders present on this occasion;

but it fully appears that Charles, ten days before, caused a letter

to be sent to the Laird of Glenurchy, desiring that there might be a

‘show and muster’ of that class of his subjects at Perth, ‘in their

country habit and best order.’ The laird was requested to ‘single out

and convene a number of [his] friends, followers, and dependers, men

personable for stature, and in their best array and equipage, with

trews, bows, dorlochs [swords], and others their ordinary weapons and

furniture, and to send them to the burgh of Perth,’ for the king’s

contentment.[53]

If these mountaineers made their appearance as requested, there must

have been precisely the same mixture of Highland and more civilised

costumes at Perth on this occasion, as was presented in Edinburgh at

the visit of George IV. in 1822.

[Sidenote: JULY 10.]

[Sidenote: 1633.]

On his return to Edinburgh, the king crossed the Firth of Forth, in

fair weather; nevertheless, a boat perished in his sight, containing

thirty-five of his domestics, all of whom excepting two were

drowned.[54] ‘His majesty’s silver plate and household stuff perished

with the rest; a pitiful sight, no doubt, to the king and the haill

beholders ... betokening great troubles to fall betwixt the king and

his subjects, as after does appear.’--_Spal._

[Sidenote: JULY 12.]

The aged Marquis of Huntly desired to take advantage of the king’s

presence in Scotland to interest him in the affair of Frendraught; but

in his journey from the north to Edinburgh he fell sick at Candechyll,

a country-house he had on Dee-side, and could go no further. ‘He

sent his lady with the Lady Aboyne [his daughter-in-law] to complain

unto his majesty anent the fire of Frendraught; who took their own

time as commodiously as they could, and, accompanied with some other

ladies in mourning weed, pitifully told the king of the murder ...

humbly craving at his hands justice. The king with great patience

heard this complaint, whilk he bewailed, comforted the ladies the best

way he could, and promised justice.’ They could get no more for the

present, but humbly took their leave at the king, and returned to their

lodgings.--_Spal._

This mourning procession for justice was in imitation of similar

incidents which took place while James lived in Holyrood. The two

ladies were not altogether unsuccessful, as they did not return from

Edinburgh till they had urged on the trial of John Meldrum, and seen

him executed. He ‘died but any certain or real confession, as was said,

anent this doleful fire.’--_Spal._

The king left Edinburgh on the 13th of July, on his journey to London.

‘It is said his majesty commendit our Scottish enterteinment and brave

behaviour, albeit some lords grudgit with him.’--_Spal._

* * * * *

[Sidenote: JULY 30.]

Licence was given to one Edward Graham to have the keeping of a camel

belonging to the king, and to take the animal throughout the kingdom

that it might be shewn to the people, ‘by tuck of drum or sound of

trumpet, from time to time, without trouble or let,’ he and his

servants engaging to behave themselves modestly, and not exhibit the

camel on the Sabbath-day.--_P. C. R._

* * * * *

[Sidenote: _Aug. 19._]

[Sidenote: 1633]

The moral wildness which still clung to the Highlands was evinced by a

rude incident which happened in the course of a deer-stalking adventure

of Alexander Gordon of Dunkintie and his eldest son. Having gone into

the savage wilderness at the head of Strathaven, the two gentlemen

suddenly lighted upon a party of natives, believed to be of the Clan

Chattan, who were sleeping upon the hillside. Suspecting these men

to be rogues, the two gentlemen shot at them, and wounded one. The

men then set upon Gordon and his son, and killed both, but not before

two more of their party had fallen. The servants of the Gordons then

retreated to give an alarm.

When Dunkintie’s second son soon after came to the spot with a few

friends, he found his father’s and brother’s bodies lying on the

ground, beside one of the slain Highlanders, while the other two slain

men were very cunningly buried in one hole. The young man piously

disposed the bodies of his father and brother in two chests, to be

taken to Elgin for interment. Then cutting off the head of one of the

Highlanders, he caused it to be erected on a pointed stick, and carried

before the coffins on their way to the grave. ‘Upon the 22d day of

August, with great lamentation, they were buried within the Marquis’s

Aisle, and immediately thereafter this limmer’s head was set up on ane

iron stob, upon the end of the Tolbooth of Elgin, in example of others

to do the like.’

The Marquis of Huntly took the death of these his near relatives

greatly to heart, and used his utmost influence to detect the offenders

and bring them to justice, but in vain: ‘some thought this strange

that the great marquis should see his blood destroyed without trial or

reparation.’--_Spal._

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NOV.]

[Sidenote: 1633.]

The parish of Duddingstone, near Edinburgh, had for its pastor Mr

Robert Monteath, who came to have a strange history. Of Arminian

tendencies, and perhaps further infected with Romanism from his

parishioner the Marchioness of Abercorn, he incurred the enmity of

the Calvinists in consequence of pasquinading them. Such a walk as

his would have required great circumspection; he, on the contrary,

fell under the serious blame of adultery with the wife of another

parishioner, Sir James Hamilton of Priestfield. The unfortunate

minister fled to France, there joined the Catholic church, and attached

himself to the service, first of M. de la Porte, Grand Prior of France,

and afterwards of the famous Cardinal du Retz, who, forming a high

opinion of his talents, bestowed on him a canonry in Notre Dame. He

wrote _Histoire des Troubles de la Grande Brétagne depuis l’an 1633

jusques 1649_ (Paris, fol. 1661), of which an English translation

appeared in 1735, bearing the words ‘by Robert Monteth of Salmonet.’

It is told of him that, on arriving in France, being asked of what

family he was, and finding that ‘blood’ was essential to his prospering

there, he described himself as one of the Monteaths of _Salmonet_--a

word that sounded well, while the fact was that his father was a mere

fisherman (user of a _salmon-net_) on the Forth at Stirling; but

another account denies this story, and makes Salmonet a real house of

that age, and one in tolerable esteem, being a branch of the Monteaths

of Kerse.

* * * * *

William Coke and Alison Dick were burnt for witchcraft on the sands of

Kirkcaldy. An account, which has been preserved in the session records

of the parish, of the expenses incurred on the occasion, reveals some

parts of the process of witch-prosecution, including the lamentable

fact of the concern borne in such matters by the ministers of religion.

There is first paid, _for the kirk’s part_, £17, 10s., composed as

follows: Mr John Miller, when he went to Preston for a man to try

them, £2, 7s.; to the man of Culross, when he went away the first time

[probably a pricker], 12s.; for coals for the witches, £1, 4s.; in

purchasing the commission, £9, 3s.; for one to go to Finmouth for the

laird to sit upon their assize as judge, 6s.; for harden to be jumps to

them, £3, 10s.; for making of them, 8s. Then, of the town’s part, for

ten loads of coal to burn them, 5 merks, £3, 6s. 8d.; for a tar-barrel,

14s.; for tows, 6s.; to him that brought the executioner, £2, 18s.; to

the executioner for his pains, £8, 14s.; for his expenses here, 16s.

4d.; for one to go to Finmouth for the laird, 6s.; in all, £17, 1s. Sum

of the expense, £34, 11s. Scots.

[Sidenote: 1634.

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