But the impulse of an exultant moment rapidly chilled in the case of

Ercole and his duchess. Madame de Soubise's secret labours prevented

any but the briefest pacification. And Ercole had not long been duke

when he came to the conclusion that, even at the price of a break with

France, the daily infliction of her person was no longer supportable.

With as much tact as the circumstances permitted, he wrote to Francis

I. upon the subject, and in the end received authority for her

departure. But even so, difficulties arose about the actual journey,

and she still continued long enough in Ferrara to negotiate one last

unpleasantness for Ercole.

He went away for a short time, and during his absence Madame de

Soubise subtly arranged with the French royalties that Renée should at

last go on a visit to her own country. Ercole returned to find the

invitation waiting for him. He was placed by it in a very awkward

position. An unhappy wife, quivering to tell a tale of misery and

ill-treatment, was not a politic person to send to her own people

when, should it suit them, they possessed the power to make affairs

very difficult for the husband. On the other hand, to refuse might be

to rouse suspicion and displeasure.

Not entirely unperturbed, Ercole chose the second risk as the less

dangerous of the two. In reply to the French invitation, he wrote that

Renée had several small children to take care of, and that she was

also still too feeble in health to undertake so long and dangerous a

journey. The refusal came almost like a loss of all hope to Renée.

Thought of it had been a sudden irradiating anticipation in the drear

distastefulness of life. Nothing in a monotonous existence is more

uplifting than an incident to make plans for, and now from the sudden

quickening influence of a contemplated holiday she was flung back

again upon the old confusing friction of her days in the grim

Castello.

Every year Ercole's interests diverged more widely from her own. Renée

loved France instinctively, as people love the home of their

forefathers. When she first married Ferrara's interests lay in

friendship with France. But Ercole's policy brought him later to the

side of Pope and Emperor, when support from France ceased to be

important. After Madame de Soubise, therefore, had at last been sent

from Italy, and all hope of Renée's going home had been withdrawn,

the latter must have experienced almost a sense of desolation. The

easement of heart entailed by merely telling the hoarded mischances of

her married life would have warmed her spirit like a cordial.

She did not naturally love Ercole better for getting rid of the woman

who had been motherly to her all her days, and for having thwarted the

one intense longing which it was in his power to gratify. Their

antagonism quieted not a whit through the departure of Renée's

governess; Ercole had rid himself of one grievance only to find

another grow more hardy.

Its first public demonstration took place during a Good Friday service

in the church of Ferrara. As the cross was being raised for adoration,

a little singer, Zanetto, belonging to the duchess's service, suddenly

walked out of the building, making blasphemous comments in a voice of

penetrating clarity. He was arrested that evening, and trouble and

danger swept into Renée's household. She herself had for some time

past secretly belonged to the Protestant party. Ercole's hope that his

wife would fall into a weary acquiescence of conduct, when the

influence of Madame de Soubise had been withdrawn, ended in

inevitable failure. Renée was disastrously obstinate, and in addition,

the doctrines of Calvin had already become too deeply engrafted in her

ever to be really uprooted. Religion was an urgent necessity to her.

She was an unloved woman, and consequently the other world had never

slunk into vagueness through the engrossing sufficiencies of this one.

The appeal made to her by the new religion is easy to understand. Her

little soul was narrow, but it was at the same time eager, and

temperamentally attuned to austere and dreary dogmas. Renée belonged

to the class who prefer to take life sadly--a gloomy religion, hedged

in by appalling terrors, met the needs of her character far more

closely than the shifty and cheerful methods of Roman Catholicism

could ever have done.

Before the Good Friday incident Calvin had secretly been to see her,

had preached to her, and exhorted her. No man was better fitted to

keep a hold over Renée; for Calvin was not merely the great preacher

of a new religion, he was an impassioned and autocratic schoolmaster.

When later he controlled the town of Geneva, it became impossible to

indulge in even the mildest private weaknesses. Domestic conduct fell

under the jurisdiction of a council, which inflicted penalties for

the least undesirable idiosyncrasy. It was at Geneva, for instance,

that Calvin had a gambler set in the stocks for an hour, with his

playing-cards hung round his neck; the inventor of a masquerade was

forced to ask pardon for it on his knees in the cathedral; a man

guilty of perjury they hoisted on a ladder and kept there for several

hours, his right hand fastened to the top; while a man and woman,

whose love lay under the stigma of impropriety, were paraded through

the streets of the city for the abuse of virtuous horror. Calvin flung

immense energy into the conversion of Renée. As an individual he

thought little of her, but converts among the socially great were

momentous for the growth of the cause. Renée, moreover, gave awed and

pliant assent to the uncompromising preacher's teaching, until the

arrest of her singer for blasphemy brought the sudden sharpness of

danger into her household. This created panic. Not actually for

herself--while Francis I. remained King of France she relied

implicitly upon French protection--but for the people of her

entourage. Zanetto, placed upon the rack, broke down at the third

twist of the screw, and a list of names poured out of his lips. They

were all persons employed in the duchess's service. Several had

already been arrested as accomplices, though concerning one of them,

usually thought to be Calvin, there is considerable mystery. The

arrests had been made by Ercole's orders, chiefly, it would appear, to

exasperate his wife.

He owed her a fresh sword-thrust. This public religious scandal

constituted a really serious danger for him. The Vatican had some time

previously realized that the new heresy must be exterminated if it

were not to become a growing danger to the power at Rome. Apart from

this, Renée had been behaving with an inimical cunning difficult for

any man to pass over good-humouredly. She had been writing secret

letters to the Pope, supplicating him to have the prisoners delivered

out of the power of Ercole into the authority of France.

In retaliation, Ercole had Cardillan, treasurer and controller of

finances to Renée ever since her arrival in Ferrara, imprisoned with

the others. Few things could have hurt her more, and the scenes that

took place between the two over the Zanetto business must again have

driven them into unforgettable personalities. In the matter of

personal interviews Ercole no doubt had the best of it. Renée did not

possess the gift of facile utterance; her face alone shows a mind

easily disconcerted. But her stolid silence would have held as much

inner rancour as the other's violence. Beyond question, when roused,

Ercole frightened her, but not sufficiently to abate forlorn

contrariness. All he could achieve was to make her hate him a little

more desperately than before, and to fling her with renewed tenacity

upon the policy of aggravation. According to current rumour, Ercole

beat her. The allegation has not been proved, but she was the type of

woman liable to ill-treatment, and it is more than likely that he did.

Certainly no respect was enforced towards her, for Renée, writing to

Margaret of Navarre, complained that the Inquisitor whom she

interviewed concerning the arrested heretics spoke to her with so much

contempt and insolence, that the other would have been dumbfounded had

she been present.

The situation of husband and wife at that period could not possibly

have been worse. Ercole's enflamed resentment also found utterance in

a letter. It was written to the Ferrarese envoy at the French court.

Extreme caution in statements conveyed to paper formed part of Italian

education, and the plain truthfulness of the duke's expressions could

only have issued from a spirit choking with a sense of injury. He

wrote: "If it were not for the respect I owe to the king, I should

certainly not have suffered such an insult, and should have shown

madame the deep resentment I feel."

The bustling distress and excitement roused by the heretics

nevertheless fizzled out. That a scandal of this sort should take

serious proportions would have brought very evil notoriety upon the

Ferrarese court. Cardillan was released and banished; the other

prisoners conveniently permitted to escape. Ercole still gained his

main object--the satisfaction of depriving Renée of another of her

French attendants. Probably husband and wife hated each other a little

more keenly than before, but to all appearances another storm had

passed over. For the two still continued to share one bedroom. They

must in consequence have enjoyed intervals of ordinary conversation

and apparent friendliness. Moreover, they had children. In all the

divergences of their interests, there remained some that could not be

separated. After the sharp encounter brought about by the unwisdom of

Zanetto, Renée gave birth to another infant. Household trivialities

provided permanent groundwork for amiable bedroom discussions, and,

however apathetically, they must at least have gone through intervals

of superficial good-humour.

Outwardly, at any rate, there occurred another lull in the fighting.

The court removed into the country, and eased everything by an

out-of-door existence. Marot, who had been sent by Margaret of Navarre

to Renée for safety, made light, enticing verses upon the ladies he

transiently delighted in. He also wrote a sonnet to Renée herself,

that, besides containing one line of exquisite musicalness--"_O la

douceur des douceurs feminines_"--shows how unconcealed the failure of

her marriage had become. It suggests, in fact, that Ercole's behaviour

was publicly abusive and unpardonable. He wrote--

"Souvenant de tes graces divines

Suis en douleur, princesse, en ton absence,

Et si languis quand suis en ta presence

Voyant ce Lys au milieu des épines.

O la douceur des douceurs feminines?

O cœur sans fiel? O race d'excellence?

O dur mari rempli de violence."

The rest is uninteresting. But the reference to Ercole, allowing for

prejudice, could not have been uttered, one imagines, wholly without

justification. No fundamentally pleasant person could be referred to

so uncompromisingly as steeped in hateful violences.

Marot sided deeply with Renée, and wrote some additional verses to

Margaret, which he told her openly were intended to convey a picture

of the wrongs and sufferings to which the duchess was subjected. All

the lines dealing directly with the subject read as if sincere and

vivid, while the note of gravity was struck in the poignant bluntness

of the opening verse. Marot meant the queen to realize that he handled

something unmistakably and acutely tragic--

"Playne les morts qui plaindre les voudra

Tant que vivrai mon cœur se résoudra

A plaindre ceux que douleur assauldra

En cette vie.

* * * * *

"Ha Marguerite, écoute la souffrance

Du noble cœur de Renée de France

Puis comme sœur plus fort que d'espérance

Console-la.

"Tu sais comment hors son pays alla

Et que parens et amis laissa là,

Mais tu ne sais quel traitement elle a

En terre étrange.

"De cent couleurs en une heure elle change,

En ses repas percée d'angoisse mange

Et en son vin larmes fait melange

Tout par ennui.

"Ennui reçu du côté de celui

Qui dut être sa joie et son appui

Ennui plus grief que s'il venait d'autrui

Et plus à craindre."

* * * * *

Few phrases could expose more explicitly a brutal husband. Allowing

for exaggeration, Ercole obviously behaved like a boor, making his

wife's meals, when he was present, little else than a weeping

martyrdom. Renée certainly had the temperament to cry often and

easily, though not tempestuously; but at Ferrara the vague-looking

eyes seem to have possessed ample reason for being constantly and

bitterly watered. Marot, of course, had neither the opportunity nor

the desire to dwell upon intervals of passivity. But, as one knows,

there must inevitably have been some in the hectored years of Renée's

Italian existence. And among them was certainly the visit of Vittoria

Colonna. She stayed for ten months, and all the information given

implies that during that period there was almost peace at the

Castello. This is to Ercole's credit, for Vittoria Colonna would have

bored any but a practised intelligence. Her _forte_ lay in an unerring

sense of what was fine in everything--art, conduct, and deliberation.

Clever men adored her, and her brain was certainly imposing,

deliberate, attentive, and comprehending. The woman who understood

Michelangelo could scarcely fail to grasp the meanings of lesser

intelligences. But the minor gaieties she had not; the quaint, swift

humour with which subtle women sweep away tension would never have

lightened Vittoria's solid arguments. She wrote poetry--very insincere

and laboured--but she possessed no imagination. The gravity of

existence, and the fact that each soul in it is born to exist

eternally, clothed her thoughts with an almost restricting austerity.

Few jokes would have sounded suitable in her presence. She appeared

too exquisitely reasonable, cool, and punctiliously magnificent for

any descent into the ridiculous.

Undoubtedly Vittoria's presence eased domestic friction, though it is

doubtful, notwithstanding, whether Renée liked her. There are letters

between Vittoria and Ercole, but none to be found between the two

women. Vittoria Colonna was inherently good, but she was also

triumphant, pampered, flattered, and successful. When she came to

Ferrara she was received with a voluntary public ovation. Flanked by

the mental sumptuousness of this efficient creature, Renée's

insignificance was accentuated; the contrast dragged the whole extent

of her ineffectuality into light. And Renée, almost meek in

appearance, with her "weakened body," as Brantome put it, and her

vague-looking face, was not meek in disposition. She forgot at no time

of her life that but for the Salic law she would have sat upon the

throne of France.

There is no statement against the existence of affection between the

two women, but the probabilities are not for it. There is far more

likelihood that Vittoria got upon her hostess's nerves, and chilled

her by flaming, for all her disadvantages of years, with a sort of

opulent beauty that intensified the pallid ugliness of the foreign

duchess. Small wonder that Renée turned to the sympathy offered by

Monsieur Pons; small wonder that she permitted the elegant and amiable

Frenchman to make inroads upon her affections.

Monsieur Pons represents the solitary scandal of Renée's existence.

Some writers do not like Monsieur Pons. They desire the page

unblemished by this warm and doubtful incident. To them Renée must

stand as a blameless martyr to the cause of Protestantism, and this

friendship confuses the picture. In such hands Monsieur Pons fades

into an insignificance not sufficiently substantial for impropriety.

The effacement is entirely to be regretted. Monsieur Pons was the one

wholly tender circumstance in Renée's life. It is ridiculous to

pretend that she did not love him. Her harassed heart, unaccustomed

to being besieged, surrendered naturally to sympathetic advances from

a fascinating man of her own nationality. He made love to her

discreetly, mildly, and, no doubt, indirectly, while the woman warmed

under it before she realized the fearsome pleasantness of the

sensation. They may actually have had sympathy of temperament.

Monsieur Pons also may really have experienced a slight compassionate

tenderness for the frail, misshapen little duchess, who was openly

ill-treated by a lusty and unfaithful husband. It is difficult to

probe Monsieur Pons's motives. Policy is rarely absent from the mind

of those who deal with powerful persons. He was upon admirable terms

with his own wife. So was Renée, notwithstanding a friendship for the

husband exhilarated by a hint of something just a little more alive

and poignant. Genuine impropriety, one feels assured, there was not.

Yet to those anxious for scandal the duchess's letters would in

themselves be considered sufficient to take away any woman's

character. They are personal, intimate, and interwoven with unspoken

statements. Actually they have charm--the charm that issues when a

woman with some grace of mind desires her letter to be chiefly a

persuasive form of flirtation. The word "love" is not mentioned in

them, but for all that they are undeniably love-letters. They are, in

addition, the love-letters of a woman not yet muddled by any

uncertainty as to the recipient's reciprocity.

It must be admitted that Renée, had she behaved with strict decorum,

would not have written these documents. Married persons forfeit the

licence to indulge in a certain kind of correspondence. But there is

no reason to suppose that because a woman writes a delicately

flirtatious letter she has any evil thoughts at the back of it, or

that the relations of the two will at any time transgress the limits

of an audacious friendliness. The mistake is usually made, though few

things show less acquaintance with human nature.

Renée of Ferrara was temperamentally incapable of the scandal some of

her biographers have foisted upon her. Putting it upon the lowest

basis, she had neither sufficient courage nor sufficient pliancy for

unfaithfulness. The distinguishing trait of Renée's character was her

incapacity ever to go the extreme length in anything. There are no

tenable grounds, besides, for supposing that she desired to forget

right living for Monsieur Pons and passion. She was not an ardent

woman; the dull face expresses nothing so unmistakable as a wistful

apathy and a bad circulation.

From the internal evidence of the letters themselves, one finds a

romantic and sentimental friendship, or, phrased more colloquially, a

flirtation. But the essence of a flirtation is to play at being more

than it is in reality--to hover skilfully about borders neither player

would really care to trespass. Not a phrase in Renée's letters reveals

any desire to thrust aside cautious boundaries. She had also perfect

knowledge of Monsieur Pons's comfortable domestic circumstances.

Madame de Pons was her friend, the closest woman companion remaining

to her. What is more than likely is that she and Madame Pons--madame

with a finger secretly to her nose--enjoyed a perfect understanding as

to Renée's relations with the husband. They agreed together in worship

of Monsieur Pons, while he on his side was supposed to love them

both--though Renée, of course, with discretion, with reverence, with

the distance that her rank necessitated.

Madame Pons was safe; she could afford this dismal and lonely woman

some farcical illusions. Renée, in consequence, was allowed her

pathetic share in Monsieur Pons. The real, warm, comfortable

possession could only be the wife's, but Renée felt that she also had

her small, vague place; she was included; she was dear to Monsieur

Pons; she had her right of confidences, and perhaps--who knows?--in

certain ways, might convey an appeal his wife lacked possession of.

The wanderings of a heart ill-fed are always wild and a little tragic.

The letters were written during a diplomatic mission to France, upon

which Monsieur Pons had been sent by the duke. They contain intimate

accounts of little everyday doings, put down with a woeful disregard

of grammar, and yet with something approaching literary instinct.

Reading them, one discovers that the duchess was not an entirely

stupid woman. Without possessing the least intellectual capacity, she

shows a gift of irony, of graceful utterance, and of oblique

suggestion that is totally unexpected.

She says in one, "If this letter is badly written, it is because of

the place and the hour, for I write in bed, and I began so early that

I can scarcely see clearly; but I hope to write more every day until

the Basque starts again. I began yesterday, the very day he

arrived.... The wee doggie came, and fondled me a thousand times, in

betweenwhiles seizing the pen with his little teeth, after which he

came and settled himself on my arm, with the pen under his head, and

so went to sleep, and I too, to keep him company, for I don't know

which of us needed it most." This little pet dog, and another,

evidently given to her by Monsieur Pons, figure several times in the

correspondence. She writes again, "The Basque will give you an account

of your wife's state of health, of our little company, and, above all,

of the wee doggies who still, as always, sleep with me, and refuse to

leave my side."

How much Monsieur Pons was missed, is said many times and in diverse

ways. She conveys it very prettily upon one occasion, in the

statement, "Lesleu was saying that since you had gone the house seems

deserted. He is not the only one who thinks this. Several others say

the same, and there are some who are only too well aware of it." In

French the meaning is both more finely and more definitely

transmitted. In another place she says, "We need you to bring back the

joy you took away with your departure."

Madame Pons gave birth to a boy during her husband's absence, and

Renée writes that it resembles its father in chin and mouth, adding

immediately that she had kissed the little lips "two or three" times.

She also says, "He has such a sweet expression; everybody likes to

look at him. He does not sulk like the others." His mouth, she states,

is infinitesimal. Later, when his wife continued very unwell, Renée

wrote, "I beg you to try and return before the winter, as much for her

as for me, of whom I will say nothing, for I think less of my own

troubles than that you should be successful in your undertaking."

There were no concealments between Monsieur Pons and herself

concerning Ercole. She tells the diplomatist that her visit to France

had once more been broached by the ambassador, who had received the

usual answer, "when the weather permitted." With delicious irony the

duchess adds, "I think he means when the wind carries me." At all

times she was indifferent to her husband's mistresses. And she tells

Monsieur Pons, "Monday, which was the eve of St. John, I took him (the

ambassador) to the mountain where monsieur was having supper with the

Calcaquine.... The day after the birth of your son I had supper with

the cardinal and monsieur, and the day of St. John I had supper in the

'_bosquet_' with monsieur and the ambassador." The Contessa Calcaquine

was at that time Ercole's mistress.

In the continuation of daily details Renée makes it quite clear how

little she enjoyed "monsieur's" society. She had been asked by him to

join, if she cared to, a little party spending the evening on the

hill--presumably at the contessa's. But, she says, with an

undercurrent of wider meaning than the actual words express, "I made

the excuse that it would be too late."

Renée implied no objection upon the grounds of the hostess. She

mentions quite gaily a visit to one of Ercole's ladies, concluding,

"That is all the fresh air I have had since you left, but I am waiting

till your wife is up again, and then we shall go out together, and

with all the more pleasure because you will be with us."

Queens of the Renaissance · 第 14 / 22 段