IMPOLICY OF THE SLAVE TRADE.
FEW persons in Great Britain have now any doubts of the inhumanity
of the slave trade, and none would presume to come forwards as its
defenders. It is a great moral evil, perhaps the greatest in the world,
from which England has at last been delivered. But her work is not yet
done, other nations continue to transport the natives of Africa from
their own shores to those of South America; and even when her efforts
have succeeded in persuading them to forbid this trade, the plan of
abolition must be followed up in her own colonies; she must atone for
the crimes which she has committed, and prove to other countries her
sincerity in the cause, by her zeal in rooting out a most execrable
system with all prudent and possible expedition.
In Brazil there are several excellent men who still entertain the idea
that the Africans are saved from death by the slave-dealers, and that
if they were not purchased by Europeans, their countrymen would murder
them; this _was_ the opinion in England a few years ago, and therefore
we cannot be surprised that the Brazilians should still consider it as
being founded upon truth. It is their interest so to think, (or at any
rate, they imagine that it is their interest) and they have no books or
other means by which they might be undeceived. To the planters I fear
that scarcely any arguments would be of any avail; they imagine that
without slaves their estates must decay, and therefore they fortify
themselves under the notion of the humanity of the trade by which
they obtain their supplies. If the chief body of the priests could be
convinced of its cruelty,—of the effect which this trade has to render
still more prominent than they would otherwise be, the bad qualities
of the natives of Africa in their own country, and to check every
thing that is good;—of its direct tendency to increase the manifold
evils of the state of society existing in the parts of that continent
which are subject to the resort of slave-dealers;—if the clergy could
be made to believe that by their voice they were sanctioning one of
the most shocking systems under which the world ever laboured, I know
that their aid would be given to the abolition. I am aware likewise
of the weight which their opinions carry with them among all other
descriptions of persons. One of the chief arguments with the priesthood
is the advantages which the Africans receive from their entrance into
the Catholic church;—how much better would it be to teach them the
Christian religion upon their native soil, without all the miseries to
which they are subjected by their transportation!
Another opinion has also been adopted, which induces the Brazilians
to suspect the motives of Great Britain in urging their government to
abolish the trade. They say it was from policy alone that she abolished
the slave trade, because her colonies were fully stocked; and that now
she wishes to accomplish the abolition among all other nations who
are not so well provided with labourers, that they may not rival her
transatlantic possessions, and ultimately surpass them by the increased
number of workmen[250]. It is clear that those who hold out that upon
such principles as these the abolition was effected in England, know
nothing of its history;—for if they did, they would soon see from what
pure motives the zeal for the prohibition of the slave-trade proceeded;
they would read of the exertions and perseverance of Clarkson, the
great apostle in this cause, and they would be convinced that the
eloquence of Wilberforce could only emanate from the most disinterested
sources. It would be perceived that these two individuals whose names
will for ever be connected with the famous law to the passing of which
they contributed so materially, were followed by a train of advocates
in this glorious struggle, whose aid was afforded under circumstances
which were as little liable to suspicion as the conduct of their great
leaders. The proofs of the unstained principles upon which this act was
carried through Parliament are so decisive, that a plain statement of
facts would convince all those who were not previously determined to
believe the contrary.
The government of Brazil has a difficult part to act; it rules a
numerous body of slave-owners, who are scattered over a very extensive
country, in which the authority of the sovereign will only of necessity
be loosely recognized; the possibility of resisting his commands does
exist, and though his mandates are issued in the style of despotism,
still he must be careful not to go too far; for he has not the means
of enforcing obedience to his edicts in the chief provinces, if any
one of them chose to withdraw its allegiance. The government would be,
I rather think, inclined to follow the example of the chief powers of
Europe; but it must not be precipitate, the people must be prepared
for the change, and have time given them to think upon a subject,
which, under their present impressions, is supposed to injure them so
materially. It is at Bahia that the slave-dealers and planters have
shewn themselves most violent in favour of the slave-trade; it is
from that place that the most extensive traffic is carried on to the
coast of Africa. In the province of Bahia there are great estates,
possessing two, three, and four hundred slaves; the owners of these
are consequently rich, and they possess power over the free population
as well as over their own immediate dependents. It is in that quarter
that the greatest inclination to resist whatever its people does not
relish, has been experienced. Petitions containing forcible language
have been made to the government at Rio de Janeiro, against the
abolition and against the proceedings of the British cruisers stationed
upon the coast of Africa, by which several slave ships have been
captured[251]. The government of Brazil may, and ought to be persuaded
by all peaceable and friendly means which independent States possess
of urging each other, to do its utmost in accomplishing the much to be
desired end; but still whatever our wishes may be, and however much the
inclinations of the Portugueze ministry may coincide with them, they
must consult the state of the country over which they rule.
A Brazilian writer who has published several pamphlets at Rio de
Janeiro with the permission of the Regent, has spoken against the
trade, as far as it is possible under present circumstances. Slavery he
styles “a terrible cancer in the body politic, which tends to impede
the increase of the white race,” and as he rather quaintly expresses
himself “to Africanize the New World[252].” This is not the only place
in which the same writer speaks of slavery, and of the trade in these
terms. A Portugueze writer of much reputation among his countrymen,
says, “if we have never feared the power of the government, neither
ought we to hesitate in combating the erroneous opinions of the people;
confident that although he who opposes himself to the prejudices of
a nation, renders his name odious, still he may be quite certain
that posterity will do him justice[253].” Another Journal of equal
reputation states, that “it is a great evil for the chief strength
of an empire to consist in the number of its slaves; and if Brazil
had once reflected, that each negro which she exports from Africa, is
necessarily an enemy whom she is nurturing, she would perhaps not have
dared to employ them at all; or at any rate she would have made use of
them in smaller numbers[254].” I hope that other individuals of the
same nation will see the subject in the same light, and will give their
assistance in leading their countrymen to a knowledge of the equity,
humanity, and good policy of abolishing this detestable traffic.
The ruin of Brazil is predicted, the decay of its agriculture and of
its commerce are supposed to be inevitable from the want of labourers
if the trade is prohibited. This is generally asserted wherever I
have been, without the least consideration, without a thought being
given to the possibility of employing the free population of the
country in daily labour. It is said, that if Africans are not to be
obtained, every thing must be at a stand, and the country can make no
progress. This argument against the abolition, the Brazilians bring
forwards even with much less plausibility than the planters of the
Columbian islands. In these the number of free persons of colour, is
comparatively very small, whereas in Brazil, a great proportion of the
population consists of free persons in the lower ranks of life. In some
parts of the country which I have visited, the free people preponderate
considerably, and in none of those districts which I saw, do I conceive
that the slaves outnumber the free people in a greater proportion than
three to one. It will have been seen from foregoing chapters, that
the sugar plantations are not largely stocked with slaves, and that
no estate is without some portion of its lands which are occupied by
families who are in a state of freedom. The villages too contain free
persons almost exclusively, and even in the large towns, the major part
of the mechanics are free.
The slave trade is impolitic with regard to Brazil on the broad
principle, that a man in a state of bondage will not be so serviceable
to the community as one who acts for himself, and whose whole exertions
are directed to the advancement of his own fortune, the increase of
which, by regular means, adds to the general prosperity of the society
to which he belongs. This is an undoubted and indisputable fact, to
which every person assents, owing to the self-evidence of its truth;
and which must be still more strongly imprinted on the mind of every
one who has been in the habit of seeing the manner in which slaves
perform their daily labour. Their indifference, and the extreme
slowness of every movement, plainly point out the trifling interest
which they have in the advancement of the work. I have watched two
parties labouring in the same field, one of free persons, and the other
of slaves, which occasionally, though very seldom, occurs. The former
are singing, joking, and laughing, and are always actively moving hand
and foot; whilst the latter are silent, and if they are viewed from a
little distance, their movements are scarcely to be perceived.
Even if Brazil had only to depend upon its slaves for the increase
of its agriculture and population, it would still be better for that
country in the main, to put a stop to the introduction of Africans;
but in that case, although its advancement would necessarily be
progressive, it would be slow. Every African who enters the country is
an enemy of which the State is sanctioning the introduction. Besides
Brazil is not in want of them, and even if that country made the
greatest possible use of every individual whom it at present possesses,
(which it does not,) and yet urgently and necessarily required an
additional number of hands to continue the cultivation of the lands,
the transportation of Africans is the worst manner of obtaining them,
even in a political point of view. If, however, upon Africans _alone_
its advancement was to depend, many years must pass before any great
change would be seen in its riches and power, and consequently in its
progress to the rank of a great nation. Brazil is, however, in a far
different situation; her free population is numerous, and the time
seems to have almost arrived, when this part of the community would
take its proper place in society in spite of existing regulations[255].
So much do I imagine this to be the case, that I think the abolition
of the slave trade would scarcely be felt at Pernambuco after the first
moment; and even any sensation which might be caused, would rather be
produced artificially than necessarily. The rich slave owners would
immediately rival each other in the purchase of the Africans who might
happen to be on sale, and thus an increase of price would be produced;
but the number of free persons is quite adequate to fill up any vacuum
which it is supposed would be caused in the country by a stop being put
to the supply of the imported part of the population.
Constituted as society is in civilized states, the poor must depend
upon those who are sufficiently wealthy to give them employment; and
again, the latter must depend upon the former for the execution of
their projects. But the situation of Brazil excludes the lower ranks
from the aid of those who are above them, and deprives the rich of the
assistance which they might receive from the labour of the poor. The
peasant is under the necessity of planting for his own subsistence,
without possessing the capital which is requisite for the undertaking.
If the crop fails he remains totally destitute. The exertions of a
number of individuals each occupied singly in clearing and cultivating
separate plots of land, cannot accomplish so easily, or with so much
perfection, the work which might be done by the united efforts of the
same number of persons. Even if the slave trade was to continue for a
considerable length of time, the natural order of things would probably
have their course, and free labourers would be employed upon every well
regulated estate conjointly with the slaves. The lower ranks of people
would become too numerous for each family to be able to possess a
sufficient quantity of land for its own support, and this would oblige
them to hire themselves to those who could afford to pay them; the
planters would see the advantages of hiring their workmen, and thus,
without any care or attention to this most important subject by the
government of the country, would the labour of freemen be admitted. By
the separation of labour into small spots of cultivated ground, (if
cultivated it can be called) as is practised at present, great portions
of land are wasted, and only a few families can possibly exist upon
the extent of surface, (each working for itself) which would give
bread to a much greater number of persons, if they were employed
conjointly;—if the labour was paid for by one who wished to obtain a
good crop from the land, could pay for the work which was requisite,
and gave the necessary attention to its culture; this would bring
together and render useful to each other, the first class of people
who enjoy considerable wealth, and the third class who do not possess
any thing. The second class consisting of small planters, who live
comfortably, have a decent house, three or four slaves, a horse or two
and some other trifling property, would not be affected in the least
by this change in the application of the labour of the class which is
immediately below them. The secondary people, who cannot afford to
increase their number of slaves, and yet are not able to accomplish
their projects in planting with those which they possess, frequently
hire free labourers.
Under the present system, the labour of free persons is not placed to
the greatest advantage; their time is misemployed in performing alone
with great difficulty, what would be done easily if several persons
were occupied together. This is particularly apparent in a new country,
where the obstacles which are to be surmounted in preparing lands for
culture are so numerous and of such magnitude. If a man is aware that
the obtaining of his daily bread depends directly upon the exertions
of each day, it is probable that he will be careful in making use of
the present moment, and not put off until the morrow what will so
materially benefit him; and as he knows that his comforts depend upon
his regular exertions, he will be more inclined to go through his daily
occupations with punctuality. But if his gains do not correspond with
the work which he does daily, the probability is that some carelessness
will be perceived; and he will, from trifling causes, delay the
performance of a task until a future moment. The hire which a labourer
in the service of another man receives, is only rendered to him if
he has performed his allotted work, otherwise the time is lost; no
good fortune, no lucky season can reclaim it; but if his profits are
expected to be meted to him rather from the richness of the land which
he has cultivated, from a favourable season, from the excellence of the
seed, or from these causes combined, or from others which are not under
his controul, he will more willingly stay idling at home, or accept
an invitation to a merriment-making. Labour is not pleasant; men in
general work from necessity, and therefore some stimulant is requisite
to urge them to exertion; this occurs in any climate, and holds good
still more frequently in one which naturally inclines to the indulgence
of indolent propensities.[256]
If all men were free, the capital which is required in the
establishment of a plantation, or the great exertions which, under
existing circumstances, must be used to answer the payments which
are to be made for the property obtained on credit would not be so
necessary; or at any rate the experiment of entering into schemes for
planting would not be so dangerous as it is at present, if the chief
expenditure was not incurred in property which is so precarious and
at the same time so valuable as slaves. In the purchase of any other
description of live stock (to speak in creole language), the risk
lies in diseases of the body only, and in those alone to which bodies
that are inured to the climate are subject; but you transplant the
negro from his native soil, which to him is the best in the world; and
you have his wounded and desponding mind to heal. The vexations and
privations which he must undergo are to be combated; his mind as well
as his body must be kept in health, or little service will his master
receive from him. The loss which is occasioned by untimely deaths would
not, if free men were employed, thus fall directly upon the planter.
The time which is passed by the runaway-slave in the woods, or residing
in temporary freedom at some distant village, would not be so much
property unemployed. The expences attendant upon sickness, and the
loss of time proceeding from the same cause, would be incurred by the
patient, and the place of one individual would be occupied by another.
The constant anxiety of the planter which is caused by the bad habits
of his slaves, and from other reasons inseparably connected with the
system by which one man rules a body of his fellow-creatures who are at
the same time his property, would be removed. The owner of an estate
might have some rest; his attention need not be entirely given up to
the management of his affairs, which must now be the case, if he has
a wish to advance his fortune, and a due regard for the preservation
in an able state, of the beings through whose means this is to be
accomplished. Too true it is that men become callous to the constant
round of intelligence which is communicated by the manager; of slaves
sick, lamed by accident, making their escape, &c. and the accounts
of their recovery and return are received with the same unconcern.
Punishment is ordered for crimes and misdemeanors with the same
insensibility; all these are things of course, and as such are endured
quietly.
In a country which is afflicted with the dreadful disease of slavery
cruelty is frequent, and whilst the punishment of misdemeanors which
have been committed against the master are generally immediate and
proportioned to their bearing upon the interests of the superior,
it is difficult to compass the chastisement of great crimes against
the community. It is the interest of the master to conceal from the
superior authorities those actions of their slaves which might subject
them to the loss of their services. Instances have occurred in which
the law itself has swerved from its direct line of justice, that the
owner might not be injured by the execution or transportation of the
slave. It is for the benefit of the wealthy man, who ought to be the
dispenser of justice, to act contrary to what it is his duty to do; to
counteract the principles of rectitude, to screen from their deserts
the evil deeds of a great portion of the population of the country in
which he resides. He is silent concerning his neighbours’ property,
that like forbearance may be practised towards himself, if he should
require it. But the crimes which slaves commit without the knowledge
of their masters, or those which, although they may be afterwards known
to the owners, have been committed without their concurrence, are not
the only evil actions into which this class of men may be led. The
owner himself who has not courage to revenge his own quarrels, may
command that his purpose shall be accomplished by one of the wretched
individuals over whom he rules. This has absolutely happened.
The general tendency which is produced by slavery, taken in every point
of view, is to rouse all the bad qualities of him who rules and of him
who endures; by this system, a government permits the demoralization of
its people, and that the property of its subjects be laid out in a most
disadvantageous manner; a great number of individuals must be supported
whose benefit to the state is much decreased by the situation in which
they are placed, and another class in society is prevented from taking
its due share in the general advancement of the country.