[167] The Act of Banishment enforced by Charles II against all
dissenters.
[168] This opinion was held and supported by Richard Nisbit, in his
"Slavery Not Forbidden by Scripture, or a Defence of the West-India
Planters." See "Slave-Trade Tracts," Vol. 1, Tract 3. The same opinion
was given by John Millar, LL.D., of the University of Glasgow, in his
treatise on the "Ranks of Society."
[169] Whittier, "The Journal of John Woolman," 7.
[170] _Ibid._, 7.
[171] _Pa. Mag._, IV, 28.
[172] Whittier, "The Journal of John Woolman," 8-9.
[173] Woolman relates this experience in the first chapter of his
"Journal," as follows: "My employer, having a Negro woman, sold her,
and desired me to write a bill of sale, the man being waiting who
bought her. The thing was sudden; and though I felt uneasiness at the
thoughts of writing an instrument of slavery for one of my fellow
creatures, yet I remembered that I was hired by the year, that it was
my master who directed me to do it, and that it was an elderly man, a
member of our Society, who bought her; so through weakness I gave way
and wrote it; but at the executing of it I was so afflicted in mind,
that I said before my master and the Friend that I believed
slave-keeping to be a practice inconsistent with the Christian
religion. This, in some degree, abated my uneasiness; yet as often as
I reflected seriously upon it I thought I should have been clearer if
I had desired to be excused from it, as a thing against my conscience;
for such it was." "Journal of John Woolman," Edition Philadelphia,
1845, pp. 30-31.
[174] Concerning this early home training, Woolman writes: "The pious
instructions of my parents were often fresh in my mind, when I
happened to be among wicked children, and were of use to me. Having a
large family of children, they used frequently, on first-days, after
meeting, to set us one after another to read the Holy Scriptures, or
some religious books, the rest sitting by without much conversation; I
have since often thought it was a good practice. From what I had read
and heard, I believed there had been, in past ages, people who walked
in uprightness before God in a degree exceeding any that I knew or
heard of now living." "Journal of John Woolman," 20.
[175] "Journal of John Woolman," 25.
[176] That Woolman had a very lofty conception of his calling will
appear in his following reflection: "All the faithful are not called
to the public ministry; but whoever are, are called to minister of
that which they have tasted and handled spiritually. The outward modes
of worship are various; but whenever any are true ministers of Jesus
Christ, it is from the operation of his Spirit upon their hearts,
first purifying them, and thus giving them a just sense of the
conditions of others. This truth was early fixed in my mind, and I was
taught to watch the pure opening, and to take heed lest, while I was
standing to speak, my own will should get uppermost, and cause me to
utter words from worldly wisdom, and depart from the channel of the
true gospel ministry." "Journal of John Woolman," 29.
[177] According to tradition, Woolman travelled mostly on foot during
his journeys among slaveholders. Brissot points out the similarity
between the Apostles' practices and Woolman's. The comparison is
entertaining, but cannot on all points be reconciled with facts given
by Woolman himself in his "Journal." See Brissot's "New Travels in
America," published in 1788.
Woolman's impression of slavery at this time is best told in his own
words referring to this first journey. He writes: "Two things were
remarkable to me in this journey: first, in regard to my
entertainment. When I ate, drank, and lodged free-cost with people who
lived in ease on the hard labor of their slaves I felt uneasy; and as
my mind was inward to the Lord, I found this uneasiness return upon
me, at times, through the whole visit. Where the masters bore a good
share of the burden, and lived frugally, so that their servants were
well provided for, and their labor moderate, I felt more easy; but
where they lived in a costly way, and laid heavy burdens on their
slaves, my exercise was often great, and I frequently had conversation
with them in private concerning it. Secondly, this trade of importing
slaves from their native country being much encouraged amongst them,
and the white people and their children so generally living without
such labor, was frequently the subject of my serious thoughts. I saw
in these southern provinces so many vices and corruptions, increased
by this trade and this way of life, that it appeared to me as a dark
gloominess hanging over the land." "Journal of John Woolman," 93.
[178] Note that this essay was not published until eight years after
Woolman's journey. The publication in 1754 was due partly to the
suggestion of Woolman's father, who, just before his death, persuaded
his son to publish the essay. This essay may be found in "Slave-Trade
Tracts," Vol. 2.
[179] See Some Considerations, etc.
[180] In this connection, Woolman has two striking passages on page 61
of his "Journal," viz., "Receiving a gift, considered as a gift,
brings the receiver under obligations to the benefactor, and has a
natural tendency to draw the obliged into a party with the giver. To
prevent difficulties of this kind, and to preserve the minds of judges
from any bias, was the Divine prohibition: 'Thou shalt not receive any
gift; for a gift bindeth the wise, and perverteth the words of the
righteous.'" (Exod. XXIII, 8.)
Again, "Conduct is more convincing than language, and where people, by
their actions, manifest that the slave-trade is not so disagreeable to
their principles, but that it may be encouraged, there is not a sound
uniting with some Friends who visit them."
[181] Woolman answered this argument by showing that Noah and
his family were all who survived the flood, according to Scripture;
and as Noah was of Seth's race, the family of Cain was wholly
destroyed. Woolman's opponent, however, replied that after the flood
Ham went to the land of Nod and took a wife; that Nod was a land far
distant, inhabited by Cain's race, and that the flood did not reach
it; and as Ham was sentenced to be a servant of servants to his
brethren, these two families, being thus joined, were undoubtedly fit
only for slaves. Woolman answered that the flood was a judgment upon
the world for their abominations, and it was granted that Cain's stock
was the most wicked, and therefore unreasonable to suppose that they
were spared. As to Ham's going to the land of Nod for a wife, no time
being fixed, Nod might be inhabited by some of Noah's family before
Ham married a second time. Moreover, according to the text, "All flesh
died that moved upon the earth." (Gen. VII, 21.) For the full account
of the argument, see the "Journal," p. 66.
It is interesting in this connection to note how Montesquieu, in his
"Spirit of Laws," treats this color argument with ridicule. He writes
ironically:
"Were I to vindicate our right to make slaves of the Negroes, these
should be my arguments.
"The Europeans, having extirpated the Americans, were obliged to make
slaves of the Africans for clearing such vast tracts of land.
"Sugar would be too dear, if the plants which produce it were
cultivated by any other than slaves.
"These creatures are all over black, and with such a flat nose that
they can scarcely be pitied.
"It is hardly to be believed that God, who is a wise being, should
place a soul, especially a good soul, in such a black ugly body.
"The Negroes prefer a glass necklace to that gold, which polite
nations so highly value: can there be greater proof of their wanting
common sense?
"It is impossible for us to suppose these creatures to be men,
because, allowing them to be men, a suspicion would follow, that we
ourselves are not Christians."--Book XV, Chap. V.
[182] See Clarkson's "History of the Abolition of the African Slave
Trade," II, 148, and Vaux's "Memoirs of Anthony Benezet."
[183] See John Greenleaf Whittier's "Introduction to John Woolman's
Journal."
[184] This description is by the Marquis de Chastellux, author of "De
la Felicite Publique."
[185] For an exhaustive discussion of Benezet, see the "Journal of
Negro History," Vol. II, No. 1.
[186] Woolman reports his remarks in substance as follows: "In the
difficulties attending us in this life nothing is more precious than
the mind of truth inwardly manifested; and it is my earnest desire
that in this weighty matter we may be so truly humbled as to be
favored with a clear understanding of the mind of truth, and follow
it; this would be of more advantage to the Society than any medium not
in the clearness of Divine wisdom. The case is difficult to some who
have slaves, but it should set aside all self-interest, and come to be
weaned from the desire of getting estates, or even from holding them
together, when truth requires the contrary, I believe way will so open
that they will know how to steer through those difficulties."
"Journal," pp. 91-92.
[187] "Journal of John Woolman," 93.
[188] Speaking of his mission, Woolman writes: "I have found an
increasing concern on my mind to visit some active members in our
Society who have slaves, and having no opportunity of the company of
such as were named in the minutes of the Yearly Meeting, I went alone
to the houses, and, in fear of the Lord, acquainted them with the
exercise I was under; and thus, sometimes by a few words, I found
myself discharged from a heavy burden." "Journal," p. 97.
[189] "Journal of John Woolman," 96.
[190] Following are two typical passages taken from the essay:
"Through the force of long custom, it appears needful to speak in
relation to color. Suppose a white child, born of parents of the
meanest sort, who died and left him an infant, falls into the hands of
a person, who endeavors to keep him a slave, some men would account
him an unjust man in doing so, who yet appear easy while many black
people, of honest lives, and good abilities, are enslaved, in a manner
more shocking than the case here supposed. This is owing chiefly to
the idea of slavery being connected with the black color, and liberty
with the white. And where false ideas are twisted into our minds, it
is with difficulty we get fairly disentangled." "Slave-Trade Tracts,"
Vol. 2.
Again, "The color of a man avails nothing, in the matters of right and
equity. Consider color in relation to treaties; by such, disputes
betwixt nations are sometimes settled. And should the Father of us all
so dispose things, that treaties with black men should sometimes be
necessary, how then would it appear amongst the princes and
ambassadors, to insist upon the prerogative of the white color?"
"Slave-Trade Tracts," Vol. 2.
[191] "Journal of John Woolman," p. 126.
[192] _Ibid._, p. 98.
[193] William J. Allinson, editor of the Friends' Review, tells the
following story concerning Woolman's first appearance in England: The
vessel reached London on the fifth day of the week, and John Woolman,
knowing that the meeting was then in session, lost no time in reaching
it. Coming in late and unannounced, his peculiar dress and manner
excited attention and apprehension that he was an itinerant
enthusiast. He presented his certificate from Friends in America, but
the dissatisfaction still remained, and some one remarked that perhaps
the stranger Friend might feel that his dedication of himself to this
apprehended service was accepted, without further labor, and that he
might now feel free to return to his home. John Woolman sat silent for
a space, seeking the unerring counsel of Divine Wisdom. He was
profoundly affected by the unfavorable reception he met with, and his
tears flowed freely.
... He rose at last, and stated that he could not feel himself
released from his prospect of labor in England. Yet he could not
travel in the ministry without the unity of Friends; and while that
was withheld he could not feel easy to be of any cost to them. He
could not go back as had been suggested; but he was acquainted with a
mechanical trade, and while the impediment to his service continued he
hoped Friends would be kindly willing to employ him in such business
as he was capable of, and that he might not be chargeable to any.
A deep silence prevailed over the assembly, many of whom were touched
by the wise simplicity of the stranger's words and manner. After a
season of waiting, John Woolman felt that words were given him to
utter as a minister of Christ. The spirit of his Master bore witness
to them in the hearts of his hearers. When he closed, the Friend who
had advised against his further service rose up and humbly confessed
his error, and avowed his full unity with the stranger. All doubt was
removed; there was a general expression of unity and sympathy, and
John Woolman, owned by his brethren, passed on to his work. Whittier,
"Journal of John Woolman," 257-258.