The last and decisive struggle between the two armies at Petersburg

began in March, 1865. But events of great importance in many quarters

had preceded this final conflict, the result of which had been to

break down all the outer defences of the Confederacy, leaving only the

inner citadel still intact. The events in question are so familiar to

those who will peruse these pages, that a passing reference to them is

all that is necessary. Affairs in the Valley of Virginia, from autumn

to spring, had steadily proceeded from bad to worse. In September,

General Sheridan, with a force of about forty-five thousand, had

assailed General Early near Winchester, with a force of about eight

or nine thousand muskets, and succeeded in driving him up the Valley

beyond Strasburg, whence, attacked a second time, he had retreated

toward Staunton. This was followed, in October, by another battle at

Cedar Run, where Early attacked and nearly crushed General Sheridan,

but eventually was again repulsed, and forced a second time to retreat

up the Valley to Waynesboro', where, in February, his little remnant

was assailed by overwhelming numbers and dispersed. General Sheridan,

who had effected this inglorious but important success, then proceeded

to the Lowlands, joined General Grant's army, and was ready, with his

large force of horse, to take part in the coming battles.

A more important success had attended the Federal arms in the West.

General Johnston, who had been restored to command there at the

solicitation of Lee, had found his force insufficient to oppose

General Sherman's large army; the Confederates had accordingly

retreated; and General Sherman, almost unresisted, from the exhaustion

of his adversary, marched across the country to Savannah, which fell

an easy prize, and thence advanced to Goldsborough, in North Carolina,

where he directly threatened Lee's line of retreat from Virginia.

Such was the condition of affairs in the months of February and

March, 1865. In the former month, commissioners from the Confederate

Government had met President Lincoln in Hampton Roads, but no terms of

peace could be agreed upon; the issue was still left to be decided by

arms, and every advantage was upon the Federal side. General Lee, who

had just been appointed "General-in-Chief"--having thus imposed upon

him the mockery of a rank no longer of any value--saw the armies of

the enemy closing in upon him, and did not deceive himself with the

empty hope that he could longer hold his lines at Petersburg. The

country, oppressed as it was, and laboring under a sentiment akin

to despair, still retained in almost undiminished measure its

superstitious confidence in him; but he himself saw clearly the

desperate character of the situation. General Grant was in his front

with a force of about one hundred and fifty thousand men, and General

Sherman was about to enter Virginia with an army of about the same

numbers. Lee's force at Petersburg was a little over thirty thousand

men--that of Johnston was not so great, and was detained by Sherman.

Under these circumstances, it was obviously only a question of time

when the Army of Northern Virginia would be overwhelmed. In February,

1865, these facts were perfectly apparent to General Lee: but one

course was left to him--to retreat from Virginia; and he promptly

began that movement in the latter part of the month, ordering his

trains to Amelia Court-House, and directing pontoons to be got ready

at Roanoke River. His aim was simple--to unite his army with that of

General Johnston, and retreat into the Gulf States. In the mountains

of Virginia he could carry on the war, he had said, for twenty years;

in the fertile regions of the South he might expect to prolong

hostilities, or at least make favorable terms of peace--which would be

better than to remain in Virginia until he was completely surrounded,

and an unconditional submission would alone be left him.

It will probably remain a subject of regret to military students, that

Lee was not permitted to carry out this retreat into the Gulf States.

The movement was arrested after a consultation with the civil

authorities at Richmond. Upon what grounds a course so obviously

necessary was opposed, the present writer is unable to declare.

Whatever the considerations, Lee yielded his judgment; the movement

suddenly stopped; and the Army of Northern Virginia--if a skeleton can

be called such--remained to await its fate.

The condition of the army in which "companies" scarce existed,

"regiments" were counted by tens, and "divisions" by hundreds only,

need not here be elaborately dwelt upon. It was indeed the phantom of

an army, and the gaunt faces were almost ghostly. Shoeless, in rags,

with just sufficient coarse food to sustain life, but never enough

to keep at arm's-length the gnawing fiend Hunger, Lee's old veterans

remained firm, scattered like a thin skirmish-line along forty miles

of works; while opposite them lay an enemy in the highest state of

efficiency, and numbering nearly five men to their one. That the

soldiers of the army retained their nerve under circumstances so

discouraging is surely an honorable fact, and will make their names

glorious in history. They remained unshaken and fought undismayed to

the last, although their courage was subjected to trials of the most

exhausting character. Day and night, for month after month, the

incessant fire of the Federal forces had continued, and every engine

of human destruction had been put in play to wear away their strength.

They fought all through the cheerless days of winter, and, when they

lay down in the cold trenches at night, the shell of the Federal

mortars rained down upon them, bursting, and mortally wounding them.

All day long the fire of muskets and cannon--then, from sunset to

dawn, the curving fire of the roaring mortars, and the steady,

never-ceasing crack of the sharp-shooters along the front. Snow, or

blinding sleet, or freezing rains, might be falling, but the fire went

on--it seemed destined to go on to all eternity.

In March, 1865 however, the end was approaching, and General Lee

must have felt that all was lost. His last hope had been the retreat

southward in the month of February. That hope had been taken from

him; the result was at hand; and his private correspondence, if he

intrusted to paper his views of the situation, will probably show that

from that moment he gave up all anticipation of success, and prepared

to do his simple duty as a soldier, leaving the issue of affairs

to Providence. Whatever may have been his emotions, they were not

reflected in his countenance. The same august composure which had

accompanied him in his previous campaigns remained with him still, and

cheered the fainting hearts around him. To the 2d of April, and even

up to the end, this remarkable calmness continued nearly unchanged,

and we can offer no explanation of a circumstance so astonishing, save

that which we have already given in a preceding chapter.

XIII.

LEE ATTACKS THE FEDERAL CENTRE.

General Lee became aware, as the end of March drew near, that

preparations were being made in the Federal army for some important

movement. What that movement would be, there was little reason to

doubt. The Federal lines had been extended gradually toward the

Southside Railroad; and it was obvious now that General Grant had in

view a last and decisive advance in that quarter, which should place

him on his opponent's communications, and completely intercept his

retreat southward.

The catastrophe which General Lee had plainly foreseen for many months

now stared him in the face, and, unless he had recourse to some

expedient as desperate as the situation, the end of the struggle must

soon come. The sole course left to him was retreat, but this now

seemed difficult, if not impossible. General Grant had a powerful

force not far from the main roads over which Lee must move; and,

unless a diversion of some description were made, it seemed barely

possible that the Southern army could extricate itself. This diversion

General Lee now proceeded to make; and although we have no authority

to state that his object was to follow up the blow, if it were

successful, by an evacuation of his lines at Petersburg, it is

difficult to conceive what other design he could have had in risking

an operation so critical. He had resolved to throw a column against

the Federal centre east of Petersburg, with the view to break through

there and seize the commanding ground in rear of the line. He would

thus be rooted in the middle of General Grant's army, and the Federal

left would probably be recalled, leaving the way open if he designed

to retreat. If he designed, however, to fight a last pitched battle

which should decide all, he would be able to do so, in case the

Federal works were broken, to greater advantage than under any other

circumstances.

The point fixed upon was Fort Steadman, near the south bank of the

Appomattox, where the opposing works were scarcely two hundred yards

from each other. The ground in front was covered with _abatis_, and

otherwise obstructed, but it was hoped that the assaulting column

would be able to pass over the distance undiscovered. In that event a

sudden rush would probably carry the works--a large part of the army

would follow--the hill beyond would be occupied--and General Grant

would be compelled to concentrate his army at the point, for his own

protection.

On the morning of March 25th, before dawn, the column was ready. It

consisted of three or four thousand men under General Gordon, but an

additional force was held in reserve to follow up the attack if it

succeeded. Just as dawn appeared, Gordon put his column in motion.

It advanced silently over the intervening space, made a rush for the

Federal works, mounted them, drove from them in great confusion the

force occupying them, and a loud cheer proved that the column of

Gordon had done its work. But this auspicious beginning was the only

success achieved by the Confederates. For reasons unknown to the

present writer, the force directed by Lee to be held in readiness, and

to move at once to Gordon's support, did not go forward; the brave

commander and his men were left to breast the whole weight of the

Federal onslaught which ensued; and disaster followed the first great

success. The forts to the right and left of Fort Steadman suddenly

opened their thunders, and something like a repetition of the scene

succeeding the mine explosion ensued. A considerable portion of the

assaulting column was unable to get back, and fell into the enemy's

hands; their works were quickly reoccupied; and Lee saw that his last

hope had failed. Nothing was left to him now but such courageous

resistance as it was in his power to make, and he prepared, with the

worn weapon which he still held in his firm grasp, to oppose as

he best could the immense "hammer"--to use General Grant's own

illustration--which was plainly about to be raised to strike.

XIV.

THE SOUTHERN LINES BROKEN.

The hour of the final struggle now rapidly drew near. On the 29th of

March, General Lee discovered that a large portion of the Federal army

was moving steadily in the direction of his works beyond Burgen Mill,

and there could be no doubt what this movement signified. General

Grant was plainly about to make a decisive attack on the Confederate

right, on the White-Oak Road; and, if that attack succeeded, Lee was

lost.

Had not General Lee and his men become accustomed to retain their

coolness under almost any circumstances of trial, the prospect now

before them must have filled them with despair. The bulk of the

Federal army was obviously about to be thrown against the Confederate

right, and it was no secret in the little body of Southerners that

Lee would be able to send thither only a painfully inadequate force,

unless his extensive works were left in charge of a mere line of

skirmishers. This could not be thought of; the struggle on the right

must be a desperate one, and the Southern troops must depend upon hard

fighting rather than numbers if they hoped to repulse the attack of

the enemy.

Such was the situation of affairs, and neither the Confederate

commander nor his men shrunk in the hour of trial. Leaving Longstreet

to confront the enemy north of the James, and Gordon in command of

Ewell's corps--if it could be called such--in front of Petersburg, Lee

moved with nearly the whole remainder of his small force westward,

beyond Hatcher's Run, to meet the anticipated attack. The force thus

moved to the right to receive General Grant's great assault consisted

of about fifteen thousand infantry, and about two thousand cavalry

under General Fitz Lee, who, in consequence of the departure of

Hampton to North Carolina, now commanded the cavalry of the army. This

force, however, was cavalry only in name; and General Lee, speaking

afterward of General Sheridan, said that his victories were won

"when we had no horses for our cavalry, and no men to ride the few

broken-down steeds that we could muster."

With this force, amounting in all to about seventeen thousand men,

Lee proceeded to take position behind the works extending along

the White-Oak Road, in the direction of Five Forks, an important

_carrefour_ beyond his extreme right. The number of men left north

of James River and in front of Petersburg was a little under twenty

thousand. As General Grant had at his command a force about four times

as great as his adversary's, it seemed scarcely possible that Lee

would be able to offer serious resistance.

It soon became evident, however, that, in spite of this great

disproportion of force, General Lee had determined to fight to the

last. To attribute this determination to despair and recklessness,

would be doing injustice to the great soldier. It was still possible

that he might be able to repulse the assault upon his right, and, by

disabling the Federal force there, open his line of retreat. To this

hope he no doubt clung, and the fighting-blood of his race was now

thoroughly aroused. At Chancellorsville and elsewhere the odds had

been nearly as great, and a glance at his gaunt veterans showed him

that they might still be depended upon for a struggle as obstinate as

any in the past history of the war.

The event certainly vindicated the justice of this latter view, and

we shall briefly trace the occurrences of the next three or four days

which terminated the long conflict at Petersburg.

General Grant's assaulting force was not in position near the Boydton

Road, beyond Hatcher's Run, until March 31st, when, before he could

attack, Lee suddenly advanced and made a furious onslaught on the

Federal front. Before this attack, the divisions first encountered

gave way in confusion, and it seemed that the Confederate commander,

at a single blow, was about to extricate himself from his embarrassing

situation. The force opposed to him, however, was too great, and he

found himself unable to encounter it in the open field. He therefore

fell back to his works, and the fighting ceased, only to be renewed,

however, at Five Forks. This had been seized by the cavalry of General

Sheridan, and, as the point was one of importance, Lee detached a

small body of infantry to drive away the Federal horse. This was done

without difficulty, and the Confederate infantry then advanced toward

Dinwiddie Court-House; but late at night it was withdrawn, and the

day's fighting ended.

On the next day, the 1st of April, a more determined struggle ensued,

for the possession of Five Forks, where Lee had stationed the small

remnants of the divisions of Pickett and Johnson. These made a brave

resistance, but were wholly unable to stand before the force brought

against them. They maintained their ground as long as possible, but

were finally broken to pieces and scattered in confusion, the whole

right of the Confederate line and the Southside Road falling into the

hands of the enemy.

[Illustration: Lee at Petersburg]

This was virtually the end of the contest, but General Grant, it would

appear, deemed it inexpedient to venture any thing. So thinly manned

were the lines in front of Petersburg, in the absence of Longstreet

north of James River, and the troops sent beyond Hatcher's Run, that

on the 1st of April the Federal commander might have broken through

the works at almost any point. He elected to wait, however, until the

following day, thereby running the risk of awaking to find that Lee

had retreated.

At dawn on the 2d the long struggle ended. The Federal forces advanced

all along the Confederate front, made a furious attack, and, breaking

through in front of the city, carried all before them. The forts,

especially Fort Gregg, made a gallant resistance. This work was

defended by the two hundred and fifty men of Harris's Mississippi

Brigade, and these fought until their numbers were reduced to thirty,

killing or wounding five hundred of the assailants. The fort was taken

at last, and the Federal lines advanced toward the city. In this

attack fell the eminent soldier General A.P. Hill, whose record had

been so illustrious, and whose fortune it was to thus terminate his

life while the Southern flag still floated.

XV.

LEE EVACUATES PETERSBURG.

Any further resistance upon the part of General Lee seemed now

impossible, and nothing appeared to be left him but to surrender his

army. This course he does not seem, however, to have contemplated. It

was still possible that he might be able to maintain his position on

an inner line near the city until night; and, if he could do so, the

friendly hours of darkness might enable him to make good his retreat

to the north bank of the Appomattox, and shape his course toward North

Carolina, where General Johnston awaited him. If the movements of the

Federal forces, however, were so prompt as to defeat his march in that

direction, he might still be able to reach Lynchburg, beyond which

point the defiles of the Alleghanies promised him protection against

the utmost efforts of his enemy. Of his ability to reach North

Carolina, following the line of the Danville Railroad, Lee, however,

seems to have had no doubt. The Federal army would not probably

be able to concentrate in sufficient force in his path to bar his

progress if his march were rapid; if detached bodies only opposed

him on his line of retreat, there was little doubt that the Army of

Northern Virginia, reduced as it was, would be able to cut its way

through them.

This preface is necessary to an intelligent comprehension of Lee's

movements on the unfortunate 2d of April when his lines were broken.

This occurrence took place, as we have said, about sunrise, and, an

hour or two afterward, the Federal forces pressed forward all along

the line, surging toward the suburbs of Petersburg. We have mentioned

the position of General Lee's headquarters, about a mile and a half

west of the city, on the Cox Road, nearly opposite the tall Federal

observatory. Standing on the lawn, in front of his headquarters,

General Lee now saw, approaching rapidly, a heavy column of Federal

infantry, with the obvious design of charging a battery which had

opened fire upon them from a hill to the right. The spectacle was

picturesque and striking. Across the extensive fields houses set on

fire by shell were sending aloft huge clouds of smoke and tongues

of flame; at every instant was seen the quick glare of the Federal

artillery, firing from every knoll, and in front came on the charging

column, moving at a double quick, with burnished gun-barrels and

bayonets flashing in the April sunshine.

General Lee watched with attention, but with perfect composure, this

determined advance of the enemy; and, although he must have realized

that his army was on the verge of destruction, it was impossible to

discern in his features any evidences of emotion. He was in full

uniform, and had buckled on his dress-sword, which he seldom

wore--having, on this morning declared, it is said, that if he were

compelled to surrender he would do so in full harness. Of his calmness

at this trying moment the writer is able to bear his personal

testimony. Chancing to hear a question addressed to a member of his

staff, General Lee turned with great courtesy, raised his gray hat in

response to the writer's salute, and gave him the desired information

in a voice entirely measured and composed. It was impossible to regard

a calmness so striking without strong sentiments of admiration, and

Lee's appearance and bearing at this moment will always remain vividly

impressed upon the writer's memory.

The Federal column was soon in dangerous proximity to the battery on

the hill, and it was obliged to retire at a gallop to escape capture.

An attempt was made to hold the ground near the headquarters, but a

close musketry-fire from the enemy rendered this also impossible--the

artillery was withdrawn--and General Lee, mounting his iron-gray,

slowly rode back, accompanied by a number of officers, toward his

inner line. He still remained entirely composed, and only said to one

of his staff, in his habitual tone: "This is a bad business, colonel."

"Well, colonel," he said afterward to another officer, "it has

happened as I told them it would at Richmond. The line has been

stretched until it has broken."

The Federal column was now pressing forward along the Cox Road toward

Petersburg, and General Lee continued to ride slowly back in the

direction of the city. He was probably recognized by officers of the

Federal artillery, or his _cortége_ drew their fire. The group was

furiously shelled, and one of the shells burst a few feet in rear

of him, killing the horse of an officer near him, cutting the

bridle-reins of others, and tearing up the ground in his immediate

vicinity. This incident seemed to arouse in General Lee his

fighting-blood. He turned his head over his right shoulder, his

cheeks became flushed, and a sudden flash of the eye showed with what

reluctance he retired before the fire directed upon him. No other

course was left him, however, and he continued to ride slowly toward

his inner line--a low earthwork in the suburbs of the city--where a

small force was drawn up, ardent, hopeful, defiant, and saluting the

shell, now bursting above them, with cheers and laughter. It was plain

that the fighting-spirit of the ragged troops remained unbroken; and

the shout of welcome with which they received Lee indicated their

unwavering confidence in him, despite the untoward condition of

affairs.

Arrangements were speedily made to hold the inner line, if possible,

until night. To General Gordon had been intrusted the important duty

of defending the lines east of the city, and General Longstreet had

been directed to vacate the works north of James River, and march at

once to the lines of Petersburg. This officer made his appearance,

with his small force, at an early hour of the day; and, except that

the Federal army continued firing all along the front, no other active

operations took place. To those present on the Confederate side this

fact appeared strange. As the force beyond Hatcher's Run had been

completely defeated and dispersed, General Lee's numbers for the

defence of Petersburg on this day did not amount to much, if any, more

than fifteen thousand men. General Grant's force was probably one

hundred and fifty thousand, of whom about one hundred thousand might,

it would appear, have been concentrated in an hour or two directly in

front of the city. That, with this large force at his disposal, the

Federal commander did not at once attack, and so end all on that day,

surprised the Confederate troops, and still continues to surprise the

writer.

Night came at last, and General Lee began his retreat. He had sent,

early in the morning, a dispatch to the civil authorities, at

Richmond, informing them of the fact that his lines had been broken,

and that he would that night retreat from Petersburg. Orders had also

been sent to all the forces holding the lines north of James River

to move at once and join him, and, just at nightfall, the army at

Petersburg began crossing the Appomattox. This movement was effected

without interruption from the enemy; and the army, turning into what

is called the Hickory Road, leading up the north bank of the river,

moved on steadily through the half light. Its march was superintended

by Lee in person. He had stationed himself at the mouth of the Hickory

Road, and, standing with the bridle of his horse in his hand, gave his

orders. His bearing still remained entirely composed, and his voice

had lost none of its grave strength of intonation. When the rear was

well closed up, Lee mounted his horse, rode on slowly with his men;

and, in the midst of the glare and thunder of the exploding magazines

at Petersburg, the small remnant of the Army of Northern Virginia,

amounting to about fifteen thousand men, went on its way through the

darkness.

XVI.

THE RETREAT AND SURRENDER.

On the morning of the 3d of April, General Lee, after allowing his

column a brief period of rest, continued his march up the north bank

of the Appomattox.

The aspect of affairs at this time was threatening, and there seemed

little ground to hope that the small force would be able to make good

its retreat to North Carolina. General Grant had a short and direct

route to the Danville Railroad--a considerable portion of his army was

already as far west as Dinwiddie Court-House--and it was obvious that

he had only to use ordinary diligence to completely cut General Lee

off in the vicinity of Burkesville Junction. A glance at the map will

indicate the advantages possessed by the Federal commander. He could

move over the chord, while Lee was compelled to follow the arc of the

circle. Unless good fortune assisted Lee and ill fortune impeded his

opponent, the event seemed certain; and it will be seen that these

conditions were completely reversed.

Under the circumstances here stated, it appeared reasonable to

expect in Lee and his army some depression of spirits. The fact was

strikingly the reverse. The army was in excellent spirits, probably

from the highly-agreeable contrast of the budding April woods with

the squalid trenches, and the long-unfelt joy of an unfettered march

through the fields of spring. General Lee shared this hopeful feeling

in a very remarkable degree. His expression was animated and buoyant,

his seat in the saddle erect and commanding, and he seemed to look

forward to assured success in the critical movement which he had

undertaken.

"I have got my army safe out of its breastworks," he said, on the

morning of this day, "and, in order to follow me, the enemy must

abandon his lines, and can derive no further benefit from his

railroads or James River."

The design of the Confederate commander has been already stated, but

an important condition upon which he depended for success has not been

mentioned. This was a supply of food for his army. The troops, during

the whole winter, had lived, from day to day, on quarter-rations,

doled out to them with a sparing hand; and, in moving now from

Petersburg, Lee saw that he must look to supplies somewhere upon his

line of retreat. These he had directed to be brought from the south

and deposited at Amelia Court-House; and the expectation of finding at

that point full subsistence for his men, had doubtless a great effect

in buoying up his spirits. An evil chance, however, reversed all the

hopes based on this anticipation. From fault or misapprehension, the

train loaded with supplies proceeded to Richmond without depositing

the rations at Amelia Court-House; there was no time to obtain other

subsistence, and when, after unforeseen delay, in consequence of

high water in the Appomattox, Lee, at the head of his half-starved

soldiers, reached Amelia Court-House, it was only to find that there

was nothing there for the support of his army, and to realize that a

successful retreat, under the circumstances, was wellnigh hopeless.

Those who accompanied the Southern army on this arduous march will

recall the dismayed expression of the emaciated faces at this

unlooked-for calamity; and no face wore a heavier shadow than that of

General Lee. The failure of the supply of rations completely paralyzed

him. He had intended, and was confident of his ability, to cut his way

through the enemy; but an army cannot march and fight without food.

It was now necessary to halt and send out foraging parties into the

impoverished region around. Meanwhile General Grant, with his great

force, was rapidly moving to bar his adversary's further advance;

the want of a few thousand pounds of bread and meat had virtually

terminated the war.

An anxious and haggard expression came to General Lee's face when he

was informed of this great misfortune; and, at once abandoning his

design of cutting his way through to North Carolina, he turned

westward, and shaped his march toward Lynchburg. This movement began

on the night of the 5th of April, and it would seem that General Grant

had had it in his power to arrest it by an attack on Lee at Amelia

Court-House. General Sheridan was in the immediate vicinity, with a

force of about eighteen thousand well-mounted cavalry, and, although

it was not probable that this command could effect any thing against

Lee's army of about the same number of infantry, it might still have

delayed him by constructing breastworks in his way, and thus giving

the Federal infantry time to come up and attack.

[Illustration: LEE AT THE SURRENDER.]

The opportunity of crushing his adversary at Amelia Court-House was

thus allowed to pass, and General Grant now pressed forward his

infantry, to bring Lee to bay, if possible, before he reached

Lynchburg. From this moment began the struggle between the adversaries

which was to continue, day and night, without intermission, for the

next four days. The phenomenon was here presented of an army, reduced

to less than twenty thousand men, holding at arm's-length an enemy

numbering about one hundred and fifty thousand, and very nearly

defeating every effort of the larger force to arrest their march. It

would not interest the reader, probably, to follow in minute detail

the circumstances of this melancholy retreat. From the importance of

the transactions, and the natural attention directed to them, both

North and South, they are doubtless familiar to all who will read

these pages. We shall only speak of one or two incidents of the

retreat, wherein General Lee appeared prominent personally, leaving

to the imagination of the reader the remainder of the long and tragic

struggle whose result decided the fate of the Confederacy.

General Grant doubtless saw now that every thing depended upon the

celerity of his movements, and, sending in advance his large body of

cavalry, he hastened forward as rapidly as possible with his infantry,

bent on interposing, if possible, a heavy force in his adversary's

front. Lee's movements were equally rapid. He seemed speedily to have

regained his old calmness, after the trying disappointment at Amelia

Court-House; and those who shared his counsels at this time can

testify that the idea of surrender scarcely entered his mind for a

moment--or, if it did so, was speedily banished. Under the pressure of

circumstances so adverse that they seemed calculated to break down the

most stubborn resolution. General Lee did not falter; and throughout

the disheartening scenes of the retreat, from the moment when he left

Amelia Court-House to the hour when his little column was drawing near

Appomattox, still continued to believe that the situation was not

desperate, and that he would be able to force his way through to

Lynchburg.

On the evening of the 6th, when the army was near Farmville, a sudden

attack was made by the Federal cavalry on the trains of the army

moving on a parallel road; and the small force of infantry guarding

them was broken and scattered. This occurrence took place while

General Lee was confronting a body of Federal infantry near Sailor's

Creek; and, taking a small brigade, he immediately repaired to the

scene of danger. The spectacle which followed was a very striking and

imposing one, and is thus described by one who witnessed it: "The

scene was one of gloomy picturesqueness and tragic interest. On a

plateau raised above the forest from which they had emerged, were

the disorganized troops of Ewell and Anderson, gathered in groups,

un-officered, and uttering tumultuous exclamations of rage and

defiance. Rising above the weary groups which had thrown themselves

upon the ground, were the grim barrels of cannon, in battery, ready

to fire, as soon as the enemy appeared. In front of all was the still

line of battle, just placed by Lee, and waiting calmly. General Lee

had rushed his infantry over, just at sunset, leading it in person,

his face animated, and his eye brilliant with the soldier's spirit of

fight, but his bearing unflurried as before. An artist desiring to

paint his picture, ought to have seen the old cavalier at this moment,

sweeping on upon his large iron-gray, whose mane and tail floated in

the wind; carrying his field-glass half-raised in his right hand; with

head erect, gestures animated, and in the whole face and form

the expression of the hunter close upon his game. The line once

interposed, he rode in the twilight among the disordered groups

above mentioned, and the sight of him aroused a tumult. Fierce cries

resounded on all sides, and, with hands clinched violently and raised

aloft, the men called on him to lead them against the enemy. 'It's

General Lee!' 'Uncle Robert!' 'Where's the man who won't follow Uncle

Robert?' I heard on all sides--the swarthy faces full of dirt and

courage, lit up every instant by the glare of the burning wagons.

Altogether, the scene was indescribable."

On the 7th the army pressed on beyond Farmville, still harassed as it

advanced by the Federal infantry and cavalry; but, in some of these

encounters, the pursuing force met with what was probably a very

unexpected discomfiture. General Fitz Lee, bringing up the rear of the

army with his force of about fifteen hundred cavalry on broken-down

horses, succeeded not only in repulsing the attacks of the large and

excellently-mounted force under General Sheridan, but achieved over

them highly-honorable successes. One such incident took place on the

7th, when General Gregg attacked with about six thousand horse, but

was met, defeated, and captured by General Fitz Lee, to the great

satisfaction of General Lee, who said to his son, General W.H.F. Lee:

"Keep your command together and in good spirits, general--don't let

them think of surrender--I will get you out of this."

On the 8th and 9th, however, this hope seemed unwarranted by the

circumstances, and the commander-in-chief appeared to be almost the

only human being who remained sanguine of the result. The hardships

of the retreat, arising chiefly from want of food, began to seriously

impair the resolution of the troops, and the scenes through which they

advanced were not calculated to raise their spirits. "These scenes,"

declares one who witnessed them, "were of a nature which can be

apprehended only by men who are thoroughly familiar with the harrowing

details of war. Behind and on either flank, a ubiquitous and

increasingly adventurous enemy--every mud-hole and every rise in the

road choked with blazing wagons--the air filled with the deafening

reports of ammunition exploding, and shells bursting when touched

by the flames, dense columns of smoke ascending to heaven from the

burning and exploding vehicles, exhausted men, worn-out mules and

horses, lying down side by side--gaunt Famine glaring hopelessly

from sunken, lack-lustre eyes--dead mules, dead horses, dead

men everywhere--death many times welcomed as God's messenger in

disguise--who can wonder if many hearts, tried in the fiery furnace of

four unparalleled years, and never hitherto found wanting, should have

quailed in presence of starvation, fatigue, sleeplessness, misery,

unintermitted for five or six days, and culminating in hopelessness?"

It cannot, however, be said with truth, that any considerable portion

of the Southern forces were greatly demoralized, to use the military

phrase, as the fighting of the last two days, when the suffering

of the retreat culminated, will show. The men were almost entirely

without food, and were glad to find a little corn to eat; but those

who were not physically unable longer to carry their muskets--and

the number of these latter was large--still marched and fought with

soldierly cheerfulness and resolution.

General Lee's spirits do not seem at any time to have flagged, and

up to a late period of the retreat he had not seriously contemplated

surrender. The necessity for this painful course came home to his

corps commanders first, and they requested General Pendleton, the

efficient chief of artillery of the army, to inform General Lee that

in their opinion further struggle was hopeless. General Pendleton

informed General Lee of this opinion of his officers, and it seemed to

communicate something like a shock to him.

"Surrender!" he exclaimed with a flash of the eye, "I have too many

good fighting-men for that!"

Nevertheless, the necessity of seriously contemplating this result was

soon forced upon him. Since the morning of the 7th, a correspondence

had taken place between himself and General Grant; and, as these notes

are interesting, we here present those which were exchanged up to the

night of the 8th:

_April_ 7, 1865.

_General R.E. Lee, commanding C.S.A._:

GENERAL: The result of the last week must convince you of the

hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern

Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it as my

duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion

of blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the

Confederate Southern Army known as the Army of Northern Virginia.

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

U.S. GRANT,

_Lieutenant-General commanding Armies of the United States_.

_April_ 7, 1865.

GENERAL: I have received your note of this day. Though not entirely of

the opinion you express of the hopelessness of further resistance on

the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire

to avoid useless effusion of blood, and therefore, before considering

your proposition, ask the terms you will offer on condition of its

surrender.

R.E. LEE, _General_.

To LIEUTENANT-GENERAL U.S. GRANT,

_Commanding Armies of the United States_.

_April_ 8, 1865.

_To General R.E. Lee, commanding C.S.A_.:

GENERAL: Your note of last evening, in reply to mine of the same date,

asking the conditions on which I will accept the surrender of the Army

of Northern Virginia is just received.

In reply, I would say, that peace being my first desire, there is but

one condition that I insist upon, viz.:

That the men surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up arms

again against the Government of the United States until properly

exchanged.

I will meet you, or designate officers to meet any officers you may

name for the same purpose, at any point agreeable to you, for the

purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon which the surrender of

the Army of Northern Virginia will he received.

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

U.S. GRANT, _Lieutenant-General, commanding Armies of the United

States_.

_April_ 8, 1865.

GENERAL: I received, at a late hour, your note of to-day, in answer to

mine of yesterday.

I did not intend to propose the surrender of the Army of Northern

Virginia, but to ask the terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do

not think the emergency has arisen to call for the surrender.

But as the restoration of peace should be the sole object of all, I

desire to know whether your proposals would tend to that end.

I cannot, therefore, meet you with a view to surrender the Army of

Northern Virginia; but so far as your proposition may affect the

Confederate States forces under my command and tend to the restoration

of peace, I should be pleased to meet you at 10 A.M. to-morrow, on

the old stage-road to Richmond, between the picket-lines of the two

armies. Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

R.E. LEE, _General C.S.A._

To LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT,

_Commanding Armies of the United States_.

[Illustration: Last Council of War.]

No reply was received to this last communication from General Lee,

on the evening of the 8th, and that night there was held, around a

bivouac-fire in the woods, the last council of war of the Army of

Northern Virginia. The scene was a very picturesque one. The red glare

from the bivouac-fire lit up the group, and brought out the details

of each figure. None were present but General Lee and Generals

Longstreet, Gordon, and Fitz Lee, all corps commanders. Generals

Gordon and Fitz Lee half reclined upon an army-blanket near the fire;

Longstreet sat upon a log, smoking; and General Lee stood by the

fire, holding in his hand the correspondence which had passed between

himself and General Grant. The question what course it was advisable

to pursue, was then presented, in a few calm words, by General Lee

to his corps commanders, and an informal conversation ensued. It was

finally agreed that the army should advance, on the next morning,

beyond Appomattox Court-House, and, if only General Sheridan's cavalry

were found in front, brush that force from its path, and proceed on

its way to Lynchburg. If, however, the Federal infantry was discovered

in large force beyond the Court-House, the attempt to break through

was to be abandoned, and a flag dispatched to General Grant requested

an interview for the arrangement of the terms of a capitulation of the

Southern army.

With a heavy heart, General Lee acquiesced in this plan of proceeding,

and soon afterward the council of war terminated--the corps commanders

saluting the commander-in-chief, who returned their bows with grave

courtesy, and separating to return to their own bivouacs.

In spite, however, of the discouraging and almost desperate condition

of affairs, General Lee seems still to have clung to the hope that he

might be able to cut his way through the force in his front. He woke

from brief slumber beside his bivouac-fire at about three o'clock in

the morning, and calling an officer of his staff, Colonel Venable,

sent him to General Gordon, commanding the front, to ascertain his

opinion, at that moment, of the probable result of an attack upon the

enemy. General Gordon's reply was, "Tell General Lee that my old corps

is reduced to a frazzle, and, unless I am supported by Longstreet

heavily, I do not think we can do any thing more."

General Lee received this announcement with an expression of great

feeling, and after a moment's silence said: "There is nothing left but

to go to General Grant, and I would rather die a thousand deaths!"

His staff-officers had now gathered around him, and one of them said:

"What will history say of our surrendering if there is any possibility

of escape? Posterity will not understand it." To these words, General

Lee replied: "Yes, yes, they will not understand our situation; but

that is not the question. The question is, whether it is _right_; and,

if it is right, I take the responsibility."

His expression of buoyant hopefulness had now changed to one of deep

melancholy, and it was evident to those around him that the thought of

surrender was worse to him than the bitterness of death. For the first

time his courage seemed to give way, and he was nearly unmanned.

Turning to an officer standing near him, he said, his deep voice

filled with hopeless sadness: "How easily I could get rid of this, and

be at rest! I have only to ride along the line and all will be over!"

He was silent for a short time after uttering these words, and then

added, with a heavy sigh: "But it is our duty to live. What will

become of the women and children of the South, if we are not here to

protect them?"

The moment had now come when the fate of the retreat was to be

decided. To General Gordon, who had proved himself, in the last

operations of the war, a soldier of the first ability, had been

intrusted the command of the advance force; and this was now moved

forward against the enemy beyond Appomattox Court-House. Gordon

attacked with his infantry, supported by Fitz Lee's cavalry, and the

artillery battalion of Colonel Carter, and such was the impetuosity

of his advance that he drove the Federal forces nearly a mile. But

at that point he found himself in face of a body of infantry, stated

afterward, by Federal officers, to number about eighty thousand.

As his own force was less than five thousand muskets, he found it

impossible to advance farther; and the Federal lines were already

pressing forward to attack him, in overwhelming force, when the

movement suddenly ceased. Seeing the hopelessness of further

resistance. General Lee had sent a flag to General Grant, requesting

an interview looking to the arrangement, if possible, of terms of

surrender; and to this end the forward movement of the Federal forces

was ordered to be discontinued.

The two armies then remained facing each other during the interview

between the two commanders, which took place in a farm-house in

Appomattox Court-House. General Lee was accompanied only by Colonel

Marshall, of his staff, and on the Federal side only a few officers

were present. General Grant's demeanor was courteous, and that of

General Lee unmarked by emotion of any description. The hardships of

the retreat had somewhat impaired his strength, and his countenance

exhibited traces of fatigue; but no other change had taken place

in his appearance. He was erect, calm, courteous, and confined his

observations strictly to the disagreeable business before him. The

interview was brief; and, seated at a plain table, the two commanders

wrote and exchanged the accompanying papers:

APPOMATTOX COURT-HOUSE, _April_ 9, 1865.

_General R.E. Lee, commanding C.S.A._.:

In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 8th inst.,

I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia on

the following terms, to wit:

Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to

be given to an officer designated by me, the other to be retained by

such officers as you may designate.

The officers to give their individual parole not to take arms against

the Government of the United States until properly exchanged; and each

company or regimental commander to sign a like parole for the men of

their commands.

The arms, artillery, and public property, to be parked and stacked,

and turned over to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This

will not embrace the side-arms of the officers, nor their private

horses or baggage.

This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to their

homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they

observe their parole and the laws in force where they may reside.

Very respectfully,

U.S. GRANT, _Lieutenant-General_.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,

_April_ 9,1865.

_Lieut.-General U.S. Grant, commanding U.S.A_.:

GENERAL: I have received your letter of this date, containing the

terms of surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as proposed by

you. As they are substantially the same as those expressed in your

letter of the 8th inst., they are accepted. I will proceed to

designate the proper officers to carry the stipulations into effect.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R.E. LEE, _General_.

The two generals then bowed to each other, and, leaving the house,

General Lee mounted his gray, and rode back to his headquarters.

The scene as he passed through the army was affecting. The men

gathered round him, wrung his hand, and in broken words called

upon God to help him. This pathetic reception by his old soldiers

profoundly affected Lee. The tears came to his eyes, and, looking at

the men with a glance of proud feeling, he said, in suppressed tones,

which trembled slightly: "We have fought through the war together. I

have done the best I could for you. My heart is too full to say more!"

These few words seemed to be all he could utter. He rode on, and,

reaching his headquarters in the woods, disappeared in his tent,

whither we shall not follow him.

On the next day the Army of Northern Virginia, numbering about

twenty-six thousand men, of whom but seven thousand eight hundred

carried muskets, was formally surrendered, and the Confederate War was

a thing of the past.

XVII.

LEE RETURNS TO RICHMOND.

General Lee, on the day following the capitulation of his army, issued

an address to his old soldiers, which they received and read with very

deep emotion. The address was in these words:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY NORTHERN VIRGINIA,

_April_ 10, 1865.

After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and

fortitude, the Army of Northern Virginia has been compelled to yield

to overwhelming numbers and resources.

I need not tell the survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who have

remained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to this result

from no distrust of them; but, feeling that valor and devotion could

accomplish nothing that could compensate for the loss that would have

attended the continuation of the contest, I have determined to avoid

the useless sacrifice of those whose past services have endeared them

to their countrymen.

By the terms of agreement, officers and men can return to their homes

and remain there until exchanged.

You will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the

consciousness of duty faithfully performed; and I earnestly pray that

a merciful God will extend to you His blessing and protection.

With an unceasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to

your country, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous

consideration of myself, I bid you an affectionate farewell.

R.E. LEE, _General_.

The painful arrangements connected with the capitulation were on this

day concluded; and General Lee prepared to set out on his return to

Richmond--like his men, a "paroled prisoner of the Army of Northern

Virginia." The parting between him and his soldiers was pathetic. He

exchanged with all near him a close pressure of the hand, uttered

a few simple words of farewell, and, mounting his iron-gray,

"Traveller," who had passed through all the fighting of the campaign

unharmed, rode slowly in the direction of Richmond. He was escorted by

a detachment of Federal cavalry, preceded only by a guidon; and the

party, including the officers who accompanied him, consisted of about

twenty-five horsemen. The _cortége_ was followed by several wagons

carrying the private effects of himself and his companions, and by

the well-known old black open vehicle which he had occasionally

used during the campaigns of the preceding year, when indisposition

prevented him from mounting his horse. In this vehicle it had been his

custom to carry stores for the wounded--it had never been used for

articles contributing to his personal convenience.

General Lee's demeanor on his way to Richmond was entirely composed,

and his thoughts seemed much more occupied by the unfortunate

condition of the poor people, at whose houses he stopped, than by

his own situation. When he found that all along his route the

impoverished people had cooked provisions in readiness for him, and

were looking anxiously for him, with every indication of love and

admiration, he said to one of his officers: "These good people are

kind--too kind. Their hearts are as full as when we began our first

campaigns in 1861. They do too much--more than they are able to

do--for us."

His soldierly habits remained unchanged, and he seemed unwilling to

indulge in any luxuries or comforts which could not be shared by the

gentlemen accompanying him At a house which he reached just as night

came, a poor woman had prepared an excellent bed for him, but, with a

courteous shake of the head, he spread his blanket, and slept upon the

floor. Stopping on the next day at the house of his brother, Charles

Carter Lee, in Powhatan, he spent the evening in conversation; but,

when bedtime came, left the house, in spite of the fact that it had

begun to rain, and, crossing the road into the woods, took up his

quarters for the night on the hard planks of his old black vehicle. On

the route he exhibited great solicitude about a small quantity of

oats which he had brought with him, in one of the wagons, for his old

companion, "Traveller," mentioning it more than once, and appearing

anxious lest it should be lost or used by some one.

[Illustration: LEE'S ENTRY INTO RICHMOND AFTER THE SURRENDER.]

The party came in sight of Richmond at last, and, two or three miles

from the city, General Lee rode ahead of his escort, accompanied only

by a few officers, and, crossing the pontoon bridge below the ruins of

Mayo's bridge, which had been destroyed when the Confederate forces

retreated, entered the capital. The spectacle which met his eyes

at this moment must have been exceedingly painful. In the great

conflagration which had taken place on the morning of the 3d of April,

a large portion of the city had been burned; and, as General Lee rode

up Main Street, formerly so handsome and attractive, he saw on either

hand only masses of blackened ruins. As he rode slowly through the

opening between these masses of _débris_, he was recognized by the few

persons who were on the street, and instantly the intelligence of his

presence spread through the city. The inhabitants hastened from their

houses and flocked to welcome him, saluting him with cheers and the

waving of hats and handkerchiefs. He seemed desirous, however, of

avoiding this ovation, and, returning the greeting by simply raising

his hat, rode on and reached his house on Franklin Street, where,

respecting his desire for privacy under circumstances so painful, his

admirers did not intrude upon him.

We have presented this brief narrative of the incidents attending

General Lee's return to his home after the surrender, to show with

what simplicity and good sense he accepted his trying situation. A

small amount of diplomacy--sending forward one of his officers to

announce his intended arrival; stopping for a few moments as he

ascended Main Street; making an address to the citizens who first

recognized him, and thus affording time for a crowd to assemble--these

proceedings on the part of General Lee would have resulted in an

ovation such as a vanquished commander never before received at the

hands of any people. Nothing, however, was less desired by General Lee

than this tumultuous reception. The native modesty of the man not only

shrunk from such an ovation; he avoided it for another reason--the

pretext it would probably afford to the Federal authorities to proceed

to harsh measures against the unfortunate persons who took part in it.

In accordance with these sentiments, General Lee had not announced his

coming, had not stopped as he rode through the city; and now, shutting

himself up in his house, signified his desire to avoid a public

reception, and to be left in privacy.

This policy he is well known to have pursued from that time to the end

of his life. He uniformly declined, with great courtesy, but firmly,

invitations to attend public gatherings of any description, where his

presence might arouse passions or occasion discussions connected with

the great contest in which he had been the leader of the South. A

mind less firm and noble would doubtless have yielded to this great

temptation. It is sweet to the soldier, who has been overwhelmed and

has yielded up his sword, to feel that the love and admiration of a

people still follow him; and to have the consolation of receiving

public evidences of this unchanged devotion. That this love of the

Southern people for Lee deeply touched him, there can be no doubt; but

it did not blind him to his duty as the representative individual of

the South. Feeling that nothing was now left the Southern people but

an honest acceptance of the situation, and a cessation, as far as

possible, of all rancor toward the North, he refused to encourage

sentiments of hostility between the two sections, and did all in his

power to restore amicable feeling. "I am very glad to learn," he said

in a note to the present writer, "that your life of General Jackson

is of the character you describe. I think all topics or questions

calculated to excite angry discussion or hostile feelings should be

avoided." These few words convey a distinct idea of General Lee's

views and feelings. He had fought to the best of his ability for

Southern independence of the North; the South had failed in the

struggle, and it was now, in his opinion, the duty of every good

citizen to frankly acquiesce in the result, and endeavor to avoid all

that kept open the bleeding wounds of the country.

His military career had placed him, in the estimation of the first men

of his time, among the greatest soldiers of history; but the dignity

and moderation of the course pursued by him, from the end of the war

to the time of his death, will probably remain, in the opinion of both

his friends and enemies, the noblest illustration of the character of

the man.

XVIII.

GENERAL LEE AFTER THE WAR.

In the concluding pages of this volume we shall not be called upon to

narrate either military or political events. With the surrender at

Appomattox Court-House the Confederate War ended--no attempt was made

by General Johnston or other commanders to prolong it--in that great

whirlpool all hopes of further resistance disappeared.

We have, therefore, now no task before us but to follow General Lee

into private life, and present a few details of his latter years, and

his death. These notices will be brief, but will not, we hope, be

devoid of interest. The soldier who had so long led the Confederate

armies was to enter in his latter days upon a new field of labor; and,

if in this field he won no new glories, he at least displayed the

loftiest virtues, and exhibited that rare combination of greatness and

gentleness which makes up a character altogether lovely.

Adhering to the resolution, formed in 1861, never again to draw his

sword except in defence of Virginia, General Lee, after the surrender,

sought for some occupation, feeling the necessity, doubtless, of in

some manner employing his energies. He is said to have had offered to

him, but to have courteously declined, estates in England and Ireland;

and to have also declined the place of commercial agent of the South

in New York, which would have proved exceedingly lucrative. In the

summer of 1865, however, he accepted an offer more congenial to

his feelings--that of the presidency of Washington College at

Lexington--and in the autumn of that year entered upon his duties,

which he continued to perform with great energy and success to the

day of his death. Of the excellent judgment and great administrative

capacity which he displayed in this new field of labor, we have never

heard any question. It was the name and example, however, of Lee which

proved so valuable, drawing to the college more than five hundred

students from all portions of the South, and some even from the North.

Upon the subject of General Lee's life at Washington College, a more

important authority than that of the present writer will soon speak.

In the "Memorial Volume," whose publication will probably precede or

immediately follow the appearance of this work, full details will, no

doubt, be presented of this interesting period. The subject possesses

rare interest, and the facts presented will, beyond all question,

serve to bring out new beauties in a character already regarded with

extraordinary love and admiration by men of all parties and opinions.

To the volume in question we refer the reader who desires the

full-length portrait of one concerning whom too much cannot be

written.

During the period extending between the end of the war and General

Lee's death, he appeared in public but two or three times--once at

Washington, as a "witness" before a Congressional committee, styled

"The Reconstruction Committee," to inquire into the condition of

things in the South; again, as a witness on the proposed trial of

President Davis; and perhaps on one or two additional occasions not of

great interest or importance. His testimony was not taken on the trial

of the President, which was deferred and finally abandoned; but he

was subjected before the Washington committee to a long and searching

examination, in which it is difficult to decide whether his own

calmness, good sense, and outspoken frankness, or the bad taste of

some of the questions prepounded to him, were the more remarkable.

As the testimony of General Lee, upon this occasion, presents a

full exposition of his views upon many of the most important points

connected with the condition of the South, and the "reconstruction"

policy, a portion of the newspaper report of his evidence is here

given, as both calculated to interest the reader, and to illustrate

the subject.

The examination of General Lee took place in March, 1866, and the

following is the main portion of it:

General ROBERT E. LEE, sworn and examined by Mr. Howard:

Question. Where is your present residence?

Answer. Lexington, Va.

Q. How long have you resided in Lexington?

A. Since the 1st of October last--nearly five months.

THE FEELING IN VIRGINIA.

Q. Are you acquainted with the state of feeling among what we call

secessionists in Virginia, at present, toward the Government of the

United States?

A. I do not know that I am; I have been living very retired, and have

had but little communication with politicians; I know nothing more

than from my own observation, and from such facts as have come to my

knowledge.

Q. From your observation, what is your opinion as to the loyalty

toward the Government of the United States among the secession portion

of the people of that State at this time?

A. So far as has come to my knowledge, I do not know of a single

person who either feels or contemplates any resistance to the

Government of the United States, or indeed any opposition to it; no

word has reached me to either purpose.

Q. From what you have observed among them, is it your opinion that

they are friendly toward the Government of the United States, and

that they will coöperate to sustain and uphold the Government for the

future?

A. I believe that they entirely acquiesce in the Government of the

United States, and, so far as I have heard any one express an opinion,

they are for coöperating with President Johnson in his policy.

Q. In his policy in regard to what?

A. His policy in regard to the restoration of the whole country; I

have heard persons with whom I have conversed express great confidence

in the wisdom of his policy of restoration, and they seem to look

forward to it as a hope of restoration.

Q. How do they feel in regard to that portion of the people of the

United States who have been forward and zealous in the prosecution of

the war against the rebellion?

A. Well, I don't know as I have heard anybody express any opinion in

regard to it; as I said before, I have not had much communication with

politicians in the country, if there are any; every one seems to be

engaged in his own affairs, and endeavoring to restore the civil

government of the State; I have heard no expression of a sentiment

toward any particular portion of the country.

Q. How do the secessionists feel in regard to the payment of the debt

of the United States contracted in the prosecution of the war?

A. I have never heard anyone speak on the subject; I suppose they must

expect to pay the taxes levied by the Government; I have heard them

speak in reference to the payment of taxes, and of their efforts to

raise money to pay taxes, which, I suppose, are for their share of the

debt; I have never heard any one speak in opposition to the payment of

taxes, or of resistance to their payment; their whole effort has been

to try and raise the money for the payment of the taxes.

THE DEBT.

Q. From your knowledge of the state of public feeling in Virginia, is

it your opinion that the people would, if the question were left to

them, repudiate and reject that debt?

A. I never heard any one speak on that subject; but, from my knowledge

of the people, I believe that they would be in favor of the payment of

all just debts.

Q. Do they, in your opinion, regard that as a just debt?

A. I do not know what their opinion is on the subject of that

particular debt; I have never heard any opinion expressed contrary

to it; indeed, as I said in the beginning, I have had very little

discussion or intercourse with the people; I believe the people

will pay the debts they are called upon to pay; I say that from my

knowledge of the people generally.

Q. Would they pay that debt, or their portion of it, with as much

alacrity as people ordinarily pay their taxes to their Government?

A. I do not know that they would make any distinction between the two.

The taxes laid by the Government, so far as I know, they are prepared

to pay to the best of their ability. I never heard them make any

distinction.

Q. What is the feeling of that portion of the people of Virginia in

regard to the payment of the so-called Confederate debt?

A. I believe, so far as my opinion goes--I have no facts to go upon,

but merely base my opinion on the knowledge I have of the people--that

they would be willing to pay the Confederate debt, too.

Q. You think they would?

A. I think they would, if they had the power and ability to do so. I

have never heard any one in the State, with whom I have conversed,

speak of repudiating any debt.

Q. I suppose the Confederate debt is almost entirely valueless, even

in the market in Virginia?

A. Entirely so, as far as I know. I believe the people generally look

upon it as lost entirely. I never heard any question on the subject.

Q. Do you recollect the terms of the Confederate bonds--when they were

made payable?

A. I think I have a general recollection that they were made payable

six months after a declaration of peace.

Q. Six months after the ratification of a treaty of peace between the

United States and the Confederate Government?

A. I think they ran that way.

Q. So that the bonds are not due yet by their terms?

A. I suppose, unless it is considered that there is a peace now, they

are not due.

THE FREEDMEN.

Q. How do the people of Virginia, secessionists more particularly,

feel toward the freedmen?

A. Every one with whom I associate expresses the kindest feelings

toward the freedmen. They wish to see them get on in the world, and

particularly to take up some occupation for a living, and to turn

their hands to some work. I know that efforts have been made among the

farmers near where I live to induce them to engage for the year at

regular wages.

Q. Do you think there is a willingness on the part of their old

masters to give them fair living wages for their labor?

A. I believe it is so; the farmers generally prefer those servants who

have been living with them before; I have heard them express their

preferences for the men whom they knew, who had lived with them

before, and their wish to get them to return to work.

Q. Are you aware of the existence of any combination among the

"whites" to keep down the wages of the "blacks?"

A. I am not; I have heard that in several counties the land-owners

have met in order to establish a uniform rate of wages, but I never

heard, nor do I know of any combination to keep down wages or

establish any rule which they did not think fair; the means of paying

wages in Virginia are very limited now, and there is a difference of

opinion as to how much each person is able to pay.

Q. How do they feel in regard to the education of the blacks? Is there

a general willingness to have them educated?

A. Where I am, and have been, the people have exhibited a willingness

that the blacks should be educated, and they express an opinion that

it would be better for the blacks and better for the whites.

Q. General, you are very competent to judge of the capacity of black

men for acquiring knowledge--I want your opinion on that capacity as

compared with the capacity of white men?

A. I do not know that I am particularly qualified to speak on that

subject, as you seem to intimate, but I do not think that the black

man is as capable of acquiring knowledge as the white man. There are

some more apt than others. I have known some to acquire knowledge and

skill in their trade or profession. I have had servants of my own who

learned to read and write very well.

Q. Do they show a capacity to obtain knowledge of mathematics and the

exact sciences?

A. I have no knowledge on that subject; I am merely acquainted with

those who have learned the common rudiments of education.

Q. General, are you aware of the existence among the blacks of

Virginia, anywhere within the limits of the State, of combinations,

having in view the disturbance of the peace, or any improper or

unlawful acts?

A. I am not; I have seen no evidence of it, and have heard of none;

wherever I have been they have been quiet and orderly; not disposed to

work; or, rather, not disposed to any continuous engagement to work,

but just very short jobs to provide them with the immediate means of

subsistence.

Q. Has the colored race generally as great love of money and property

as the white race possesses?

A. I do not think it has; the blacks with whom I am acquainted look

more to the present time than to the future.

Q. Does that absence of a lust of money and property arise more from

the nature of the negro than from his former servile condition?

A. Well, it may be in some measure attributed to his former condition;

they are an amiable, social race; they like their ease and comfort,

and I think look more to their present than to their future condition.

IN CASE OF WAR, WOULD VIRGINIA JOIN OUR ENEMIES?

Q. In the event of a war between the United States and any foreign

power, such as England or France, if there should be held out to the

secession portion of the people of Virginia, or the other recently

rebel States, a fair prospect of gaining their independence and

shaking off the Government of the United States, is it or is it not

your opinion that they would avail themselves of that opportunity?

A. I cannot answer with any certainty on that point; I do not know how

far they might be actuated by their feelings; I have nothing whatever

to base an opinion upon; so far as I know, they contemplate nothing of

the kind now; what may happen in the future I cannot say.

Q. Do you not frequently hear, in your intercourse with secessionists

in Virginia, expressions of a hope that such a war may break out?

A. I cannot say that I have heard it; on the contrary, I have heard

persons--I do not know whether you could call them secessionists or

not, I mean those people in Virginia with whom I associate--express

the hope that the country may not be led into a war.

Q. In such an event, do you not think that that class of people whom I

call secessionists would join the common enemy?

A. It is possible; it depends upon the feeling of the individual.

Q. If it is a fair question--you may answer or not, as you

choose--what, in such an event, might be your choice?

A. I have no disposition now to do it, and I never have had.

Q. And you cannot foresee that such would be your inclination in such

an event?

A. No; I can only judge from the past; I do not know what

circumstances it may produce; I cannot pretend to foresee events; so

far as I know the feeling of the people of Virginia, they wish for

peace.

Q. During the civil war, was it not contemplated by the Government

of the Confederacy to form an alliance with some foreign nation if

possible?

A. I believe it was their wish to do so if they could; it was their

wish to have the Confederate Government recognized as an independent

government; I have no doubt that if it could have made favorable

treaties it would have done so, but I know nothing of the policy of

the government; I had no hand or part in it; I merely express my own

opinion.

Q. The question I am about to put to you, you may answer or not, as

you choose. Did you take an oath of fidelity, or allegiance, to the

Confederate Government?

A. I do not recollect having done so, but it is possible that when I

was commissioned I did; I do not recollect whether it was required; if

it was required, I took it, or if it had been required I would have

taken it; but I do not recollect whether it was or not.

Q. (By Mr. Blow.) In reference to the effect of President Johnson's

policy, if it were adopted, would there be any thing like a return

of the old feeling? I ask that because you used the expression

"acquiescing in the result."

A. I believe it would take time for the feelings of the people to be

of that cordial nature to the Government they were formerly.

Q. Do you think that their preference for that policy arises from a

desire to have peace and good feeling in the country, or from the

probability of their regaining political power?

PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S POLICY.

A. So far as I know the desire of the people of the South, it is for

restoration of their civil government, and they look upon the policy

of President Johnson as the one which would most clearly and most

surely reëstablish it.

CONDITION OF THE POORER CLASSES.

Q. Do you see any change among the poorer classes in Virginia, in

reference to industry? Are they as much, or more, interested in

developing their material interests than they were?

A. I have not observed any change; every one now has to attend to his

business for his support.

Q. The poorer classes are generally hard at work, are they?

A. So far as I know, they are; I know nothing to the contrary.

Q. Is there any difference in their relations to the colored people?

Is their prejudice increased or diminished?

A. I have noticed no change; so far as I do know the feelings of all

the people of Virginia, they are kind to the colored people; I have

never heard any blame attributed to them as to the present condition

of things, or any responsibility.

Q. There are very few colored laborers employed, I suppose?

A. Those who own farms have employed, more or less, one or two colored

laborers; some are so poor that they have to work themselves.

Q. Can capitalists and workingmen from the North go into any portion

of Virginia with which you are familiar and go to work among the

people?

A. I do not know of any thing to prevent them. Their peace and

pleasure there would depend very much on their conduct. If they

confined themselves to their own business and did not interfere to

provoke controversies with their neighbors, I do not believe they

would be molested.

Q. There is no desire to keep out capital?

A. Not that I know of. On the contrary, they are very anxious to get

capital into the State.

Q. You see nothing of a disposition to prevent such a thing?

A. I have seen nothing, and do not know of any thing, as I said

before; the manner in which they would be received would depend

entirely upon the individuals themselves; they might make themselves

obnoxious, as you can understand.

Q. (By Mr. Howard.) Is there not a general dislike of Northern men

among secessionists?

A. I suppose they would prefer not to associate with them; I do not

know that they would select them as associates.

Q. Do they avoid and ostracize them socially?

A. They might avoid them; they would not select them as associates

unless there was some reason; I do not know that they would associate

with them unless they became acquainted; I think it probable they

would not admit them into their social circles.

THE POSITION OF THE COLORED RACE.

Q. (By Mr. Blow.) What is the position of the colored men in Virginia

with reference to persons they work for? Do you think they would

prefer to work for Northern or Southern men?

A. I think it very probable they would prefer the Northern man,

although I have no facts to go upon.

Q. That having been stated very frequently in reference to the cotton

States, does it result from a bad treatment on the part of the

resident population, or from the idea that they will be more fairly

treated by the new-comers? What is your observation in that respect in

regard to Virginia?

A. I have no means of forming an opinion; I do not know any case in

Virginia; I know of numbers of the blacks engaging with their old

masters, and I know of many to prefer to go off and look for new

homes; whether it is from any dislike of their former masters, or from

any desire to change, or they feel more free and independent, I don't

know.

THE MATERIAL INTERESTS OF VIRGINIA.

Q. What is your opinion in regard to the material interests of

Virginia; do you think they will be equal to what they were before the

rebellion under the changed aspect of affairs?

A. It will take a long time for them to reach their former standard; I

think that after some years they will reach it, and I hope exceed it;

but it cannot be immediately, in my opinion.

Q. It will take a number of years?

A. It will take a number of years, I think.

Q. On the whole, the condition of things in Virginia is hopeful both

in regard to its material interests and the future peace of the

country?

A. I have heard great hopes expressed, and there is great cheerfulness

and willingness to labor.

Q. Suppose this policy of President Johnson should be all you

anticipate, and that you should also realize all that you expect in

the improvement of the material interests, do you think that the

result of that will be the gradual restoration of the old feeling?

A. That will be the natural result, I think; and I see no other way in

which that result can be brought about.

Q. There is a fear in the public mind that the friends of the policy

in the South adopt it because they see in it the means of repairing

the political position which they lost in the recent contest. Do you

think that that is the main idea with them, or that they merely look

to it, as you say, as the best means of restoring civil government and

the peace and prosperity of their respective States?

A. As to the first point you make, I do not know that I ever heard any

person speak upon it; I never heard the points separated; I have heard

them speak generally as to the effect of the policy of President

Johnson; the feeling is, so far as I know now, that there is not that

equality extended to the Southern States which is enjoyed by the

North.

Q. You do not feel down there that, while you accept the result, we

are as generous as we ought to be under the circumstances?

A. They think that the North can afford to be generous.

Q. That is the feeling down there?

A. Yes; and they think it is the best policy; those who reflect upon

the subject and are able to judge.

Q. I understand it to be your opinion that generosity and liberality

toward the entire South would be the surest means of regaining their

good opinion?

A. Yes, and the speediest.

Q. (By Mr. Howard.) I understand you to say generally that you had no

apprehension of any combination among the leading secessionists to

renew the war, or any thing of the kind?

A. I have no reason in the world to think so.

Q. Have you heard that subject talked over among any of the

politicians?

A. No, sir; I have not; I have not heard that matter even suggested.

Q. Let me put another hypothetical state of things. Suppose the

executive government of the United States should be held by a

President who, like Mr. Buchanan, rejected the right of coercion, so

called, and suppose a Congress should exist here entertaining the

same political opinions, thus presenting to the once rebel States the

opportunity to again secede from the Union, would they, or not, in

your opinion, avail themselves of that opportunity, or some of them?

A. I suppose it would depend: upon the circumstances existing at the

time; if their feelings should remain embittered, and their affections

alienated from the rest of the States, I think it very probable they

might do so, provided they thought it was to their interests.

Q. Do you not think that at the present time there is a deep-seated

feeling of dislike toward the Government of the United States on the

part of the secessionists?

A. I do not know that there is any deep-seated dislike; I think it is

probable there may be some animosity still existing among the people

of the South.

Q. Is there not a deep-seated feeling of disappointment and chagrin at

the result of the war?

A. I think that at the time they were disappointed at the result of

the war.

Q. Do you mean to be understood as saying that there is not a

condition of discontent against the Government of the United States

among the secessionists generally?

A. I know none.

Q. Are you prepared to say that they respect the Government of the

United States, and the loyal people of the United States, so much at

the present time as to perform their duties as citizens of the United

States, and of the States, faithfully and well?

A. I believe that they will perform all the duties that they are

required to perform; I think that is the general feeling so far as I

know.

Q. Do you think it would be practicable to convict a man in Virginia

of treason for having taken part in this rebellion against the

Government by a Virginian jury without packing it with direct

reference to a verdict of guilty?

A. On that point I have no knowledge, and I do not know what they

would consider treason against the United States--if you refer to past

acts.

Mr. Howard: Yes, sir.

Witness: I have no knowledge what their views on that subject in the

past are.

Q. You understand my question. Suppose a jury was impanelled in your

own neighborhood, taken by lot, would it be possible to convict, for

instance, Jefferson Davis, for having levied war upon the United

States, and thus having committed the crime of treason?

A. I think it is very probable that they would not consider he had

committed treason.

THEIR VIEWS OF TREASON.

Q. Suppose the jury should be clearly and plainly instructed by the

Court that such an act of war upon the part of Mr. Davis or any other

leading man constituted the crime of treason under the Constitution of

the United States, would the jury be likely to heed that instruction,

and, if the facts were plainly in proof before them, convict the

offender?

A. I do not know, sir, what they would do on that question.

Q. They do not generally suppose that it was treason against the

United States, do they?

A. I do not think that they so consider it.

Q. In what light would they view it? What would be their excuse or

justification? How would they escape, in their own mind? I refer to

the past--I am referring to the past and the feelings they would have?

A. So far as I know, they look upon the action of the State in

withdrawing itself from the Government of the United States as

carrying the individuals of the State along with it; that the State

was responsible for the act, not the individuals, and that the

ordinance of secession, so called, or those acts of the State which

recognized a condition of war between the State and the General

Government stood as their justification for their bearing arms against

the Government of the United States; yes, sir, I think they would

consider the act of the State as legitimate; that they were merely

using the reserved rights, which they had a right to do.

Q. State, if you please--and if you are disinclined to answer the

question you need not do so--what your own personal views on that

question are?

A. That was my view; that the act of Virginia in withdrawing herself

from the United States carried me along as a citizen of Virginia, and

that her laws and her acts were binding on me.

Q. And that you felt to be your justification in taking the course you

did?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. I have been told, general, that you have remarked to some of your

friends, in conversation, that you were rather wheedled or cheated

into that course by politicians?

A. I do not recollect ever making any such remark; I do not think I

ever made it.

Q. If there be any other matter about which you wish to speak on this

occasion, do so, freely.

A. Only in reference to that last question you put to me. I may have

said and may have believed that the positions of the two sections

which they held to each other was brought about by the politicians of

the country; that the great masses of the people, if they understood

the real question, would have avoided it; but not that I had been

individually wheedled by the politicians.

Q. That is probably the origin of the whole thing.

A. I may have said that, but I do not even recollect that; but I did

believe at the time that it was an unnecessary condition of affairs,

and might have been avoided if forbearance and wisdom had been

practised on both sides.

Q. You say that you do not recollect having sworn allegiance and

fidelity to the Confederate Government?