PART II.

_IN FRONT OF RICHMOND_.

I.

PLAN OF THE FEDERAL CAMPAIGN.

The pathetic interview which we have just described took place in the

month of March, 1862.

By the latter part of that month, General McClellan, in command of an

army of more than one hundred thousand men, landed on the Peninsula

between the James and York Rivers, and after stubbornly-contested

engagements with the forces of General Johnston, advanced up the

Peninsula--the Confederates slowly retiring. In the latter part of

May, a portion of the Federal forces had crossed the Chickahominy, and

confronted General Johnston defending Richmond.

Such was the serious condition of affairs in the spring of 1862. The

Federal sword had nearly pierced the heart of Virginia, and, as the

course of events was about to place Lee in charge of her destinies,

a brief notice is indispensable of the designs of the adversaries

against whom he was to contend on the great arena of the State.

While the South had been lulled to sleep, as it were, by the battle of

Manassas, the North, greatly enraged at the disaster, had prepared to

prosecute the war still more vigorously. The military resources of the

South had been plainly underestimated. It was now obvious that the

North had to fight with a dangerous adversary, and that the people of

the South were entirely in earnest. Many journals of the North had

ridiculed the idea of war; and one of them had spoken of the great

uprising of the Southern States from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico

as a mere "local commotion" which a force of fifty thousand men would

be able to put down without difficulty. A column of twenty-five

thousand men, it was said, would be sufficient to carry all before it

in Virginia, and capture Richmond, and the comment on this statement

had been the battle of Manassas, where a force of more than fifty

thousand had been defeated and driven back to Washington.

It was thus apparent that the war was to be a serious struggle, in

which the North would be compelled to exert all her energies. The

people responded to the call upon them with enthusiasm. All the roving

and adventurous elements of Northern society flocked to the Federal

standard, and in a short time a large force had once more assembled at

Washington. The work now was to drill, equip, and put it in efficient

condition for taking the field. This was undertaken with great energy,

the Congress coöperating with the Executive in every manner. The city

of Washington resounded with the wheels of artillery and the tramp

of cavalry; the workshops were busy night and day to supply arms and

ammunition; and the best officers devoted themselves, without rest, to

the work of drilling and disciplining the mass.

By the spring of 1862 a force of about two hundred thousand men was

ready to take the field in Virginia. General Scott was not to command

in the coming campaigns. He had retired in the latter part of the

year 1861, and his place had been filled by a young officer of

rising reputation--General George B. McClellan, who had achieved the

successes of Rich Mountain and Carrick's Ford in Western Virginia.

General McClellan was not yet forty, but had impressed the authorities

with a high opinion of his abilities. A soldier by profession, and

enjoying the distinction of having served with great credit in the

Mexican War, he had been sent as United States military commissioner

to the Crimea, and on his return had written a book of marked ability

on the military organizations of the powers of Europe. When the

struggle between the North and South approached, he was said--with

what truth we know not--to have hesitated, before determining upon his

course; but it is probable that the only question with him was whether

he should fight for the North or remain neutral. In his politics he

was a Democrat, and the war on the South is said to have shocked his

State-rights view. But, whatever his sentiments had been, he accepted

command, and fought a successful campaign in Western Virginia. From

that moment his name became famous; he was said to have achieved

"two victories in one day," and he received from the newspapers the

flattering name of "the Young Napoleon."

The result of this successful campaign, slight in importance as

it was, procured for General McClellan the high post of

commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. Operations in

every portion of the South were to be directed by him; and he was

especially intrusted with the important work of organizing the new

levies at Washington. This he performed with very great ability. Under

his vigorous hand, the raw material soon took shape. He gave his

personal attention to every department; and the result, as we have

said, in the early spring of 1862, was an army of more than two

hundred thousand men, for operations in Virginia alone.

The great point now to be determined was the best line of operations

against Richmond. President Lincoln was strongly in favor of an

advance by way of Manassas and the Orange and Alexandria Railroad,

which he thought would insure the safety of the Federal capital. This

was always, throughout the whole war, a controlling consideration with

him; and, regarded in the light of subsequent events, this solicitude

seems to have been well founded. More than once afterward, General

Lee--to use his own expression--thought of "swapping queens," that is

to say, advancing upon Washington, without regard to the capture of

Richmond; and President Lincoln, with that excellent good sense which

he generally exhibited, felt that the loss of Washington would prove

almost fatal to the Federal cause.--Such was the origin of the

President's preference for the Manassas line. General McClellan did

not share it. He assented it seems at first, but soon resolved

to adopt another plan--an advance either from Urbanna on the

Rappahannock, or from West Point on the York. Against his views and

determination, the President and authorities struggled in vain.

McClellan treated their arguments and appeals with a want of ceremony

amounting at times nearly to contempt; he adhered to his own plan

resolutely, and in the end the President gave way. In rueful protest

against the continued inactivity of General McClellan, President

Lincoln had exclaimed, "If General McClellan does not want to use the

army, I would like to borrow it;" and "if something is not soon done,

the bottom will be out of the whole affair."

At last General McClellan carried his point, and an advance against

Richmond from the Peninsula was decided upon. In order to assist this

movement, General Fremont was to march through Northwestern Virginia,

and General Banks up the Valley; and, having thus arranged their

programme, the Federal authorities began to move forward to the great

work. To transport an army of more than one hundred thousand men

by water to the Peninsula was a heavy undertaking; but the ample

resources of the Government enabled them to do so without difficulty.

General McClellan, who had now been removed from his post of

commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States, and assigned to

the command only of the army to operate against Richmond, landed his

forces on the Peninsula, and, after several actions of an obstinate

description, advanced toward the Chickahominy, General Johnston, the

Confederate commander, deliberately retiring. Johnston took up a

position behind this stream, and, toward the end of May, McClellan

crossed a portion of his forces and confronted him.

II.

JOHNSTON IS WOUNDED.

The army thus threatening the city which had become the capital of the

Confederacy was large and excellently equipped. It numbered in all,

according to General McClellan's report, one hundred and fifty-six

thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight men, of whom one hundred and

fifteen thousand one hundred and two were effective troops--that is to

say, present and ready for duty as fighting-men in the field.

Results of such magnitude' were expected from this great army, that

all the resources of the Federal Government had been taxed to bring

it to the highest possible state of efficiency. The artillery was

numerous, and of the most approved description; small-arms of the best

patterns and workmanship were profusely supplied; the ammunition was

of the finest quality, and almost inexhaustible in quantity; and

the rations for the subsistence of the troops, which were equally

excellent and abundant, were brought up in an unfailing stream from

the White House, in General McClellan's rear, over the York River

Railroad, which ran straight to his army.

Such was the admirable condition of the large force under command of

General McClellan. It would be difficult to imagine an army better

prepared for active operations; and the position which it held had

been well selected. The left of the army was protected by the wellnigh

impassable morass of the White-oak Swamp, and all the approaches from

the direction of Richmond were obstructed by the natural difficulties

of the ground, which had been rendered still more forbidding by an

abattis of felled trees and earthworks of the best description. Unless

the right of McClellan, on the northern bank of the Chickahominy, were

turned by the Confederates, his communications with his base at the

White House and the safety of his army were assured. And even the

apparently improbable contingency of such an assault on his right had

been provided for. Other bodies of Federal troops had advanced into

Virginia to coöperate with the main force on the Peninsula. General

McDowell, the able soldier who had nearly defeated the Confederates at

Manassas, was at Fredericksburg with a force of about forty thousand

men, which were to advance southward without loss of time and unite

with General McClellan's right. This would completely insure the

communications of his army from interruption; and it was no doubt

expected that Generals Fremont and Banks would coöperate in the

movement also. Fremont was to advance from Northwestern Virginia,

driving before him the small Confederate force, under Jackson, in the

Valley; and General Banks, then at Winchester, was to cross the Blue

Ridge Mountains, and, posting his forces along the Manassas Railroad,

guard the approaches to Washington when McDowell advanced from

Fredericksburg to the aid of General McClellan. Thus Richmond would be

half encircled by Federal armies. General McClellan, if permitted by

the Confederates to carry out his plan of operations, would soon be in

command of about two hundred thousand men, and with this force it was

anticipated he would certainly be able to capture Richmond.

Such was the Federal programme of the war in Virginia. It promised

great results, and ought, it would seem, to have succeeded. The

Confederate forces in Virginia did not number in all one hundred

thousand men; and it is now apparent that, without the able strategy

of Johnston, Lee, and Jackson, General McClellan would have been in

possession of Richmond before the summer.

Prompt action was thus necessary on the part of the sagacious soldier

commanding the army at Richmond, and directing operations throughout

the theatre of action in Virginia. The officer in question was General

Joseph E. Johnston, a Virginian by birth, who had first held General

Patterson in check in the Shenandoah Valley, and then hastened to the

assistance of General Beauregard at Manassas, where, in right of his

superior rank, he took command. Before the enemy's design to advance

up the Peninsula had been developed, Johnston had made a masterly

retreat from Manassas. Reappearing with his force of about forty

thousand men on the Peninsula, he had obstinately opposed McClellan,

and only retired when he was compelled by numbers to do so, with

the resolution, however, of fighting a decisive battle on the

Chickahominy. In face, figure, and character, General Johnston was

thoroughly the soldier. Above the medium height, with an erect figure,

in a close-fitting uniform buttoned to the chin; with a ruddy face,

decorated with close-cut gray side-whiskers, mustache, and tuft on the

chin; reserved in manner, brief of speech, without impulses of any

description, it seemed, General Johnston's appearance and bearing were

military to stiffness; and he was popularly compared to "a gamecock,"

ready for battle at any moment. As a soldier, his reputation

was deservedly high; to unshrinking personal courage he added a

far-reaching capacity for the conduct of great operations. Throughout

his career he enjoyed a profound public appreciation of his abilities

as a commander, and was universally respected as a gentleman and a

patriot.

General Johnston, surveying the whole field in Virginia, and

penetrating, it would seem, the designs of the enemy, had hastened to

direct General Jackson, commanding in the Valley, to begin offensive

operations, and, by threatening the Federal force there--with

Washington in perspective--relieve the heavy pressure upon the main

arena. Jackson carried out these instructions with the vigor which

marked all his operations. In March he advanced down the Valley in the

direction of Winchester, and, coming upon a considerable force of

the enemy at Kernstown, made a vigorous assault upon them; a heavy

engagement ensued, and, though Jackson was defeated and compelled to

retreat, a very large Federal force was retained in the Valley

to protect that important region. A more decisive diversion soon

followed. Jackson advanced in May upon General Banks, then at

Strasburg, drove him from that point to and across the Potomac; and

such was the apprehension felt at Washington, that President Lincoln

ordered General McDowell, then at Fredericksburg with about forty

thousand men, to send twenty thousand across the mountains to

Strasburg in order to pursue or cut off Jackson.

Thus the whole Federal programme in Virginia was thrown into

confusion. General Banks, after the fight at Kernstown, was kept in

the Valley. After Jackson's second attack upon him, when General Banks

was driven across the Potomac and Washington threatened, General

McDowell was directed to send half his army to operate against

Jackson. Thus General McClellan, waiting at Richmond for McDowell to

join him, did not move; with a portion of his army on one side of the

stream, and the remainder on the other side, he remained inactive,

hesitating and unwilling, as any good soldier would have been, to

commence the decisive assault.

His indecision was brought to an end by General Johnston. Discovering

that the force in his front, near "Seven Pines," on the southern bank

of the Chickahominy, was only a portion of the Federal army, General

Johnston determined to attack it. This resolution was not in

consequence of the freshet in the Chickahominy, as has been supposed,

prompting Johnston to attack while the Federal army was cut in two, as

it were. His resolution, he states, had already been taken, and was,

with or without reference to the rains, that of a good soldier.

General Johnston struck at General McClellan on the last day of May,

just at the moment, it appears, when the Federal commander designed

commencing his last advance upon the city. The battle which took place

was one of the most desperate and bloody of the war. Both sides fought

with obstinate courage, and neither gained a decisive advantage. On

the Confederate right, near "Seven Pines," the Federal line was

broken and forced back; but, on the left, at Fair Oaks Station, the

Confederates, in turn, were repulsed. Night fell upon a field where

neither side could claim the victory. The most that could be claimed

by the Southerners was that McClellan had received a severe check; and

they sustained a great misfortune in the wound received by General

Johnston. He was struck by a fragment of shell while superintending

the attack at Fair Oaks, and the nature of his wound rendered it

impossible for him to retain command of the army. He therefore retired

from the command, and repaired to Richmond, where he remained for a

long time an invalid, wholly unable to continue in service in the

field.

This untoward event rendered it necessary to find a new commander for

the army without loss of time. General Lee had returned some time

before from the South, and to him all eyes were turned. He had had no

opportunity to display his abilities upon a conspicuous theatre--the

sole command he had been intrusted with, that in trans-Alleghany

Virginia, could scarcely be called a real command--and he owed his

elevation now to the place vacated by General Johnston, rather to his

services performed in the old army of the United States, than to any

thing he had effected in the war of the Confederacy. The confidence

of the Virginia people in his great abilities had never wavered, and

there is no reason to suppose that the Confederate authorities were

backward in conceding his merits as a soldier. Whatever may have been

the considerations leading to his appointment, he was assigned on the

3d day of June to the command of the army, and thus the Virginians

assembled to defend the capital of their State found themselves under

the command of the most illustrious of their own countrymen.

III.

LEE ASSIGNED TO THE COMMAND--HIS FAMILY AT THE WHITE HOUSE.

Lee had up to this time effected, as we have shown, almost nothing in

the progress of the war. Intrusted with no command, and employed

only in organizing the forces, or superintending the construction of

defences, he had failed to achieve any of those successes in the field

which constitute the glory of the soldier. He might possess the great

abilities which his friends and admirers claimed for him, but he was

yet to show the world at large that he did really possess them.

The decisive moment had now arrived which was to test him. He was

placed in command of the largest and most important army in the

Confederacy, and to him was intrusted the defence of the capital not

only of Virginia, but of the South. If Richmond were to fall, the

Confederate Congress, executive, and heads of departments, would all

be fugitives. The evacuation of Virginia might or might not follow,

but, in the very commencement of the conflict, the enemy would achieve

an immense advantage. Recognition by the European powers would be

hopeless in such an event, and the wandering and fugitive government

of the Confederacy would excite only contempt.

Such were the circumstances under which General Lee assumed command of

the "Army of Northern Virginia," as it was soon afterward styled. The

date of his assignment to duty was June 3, 1862--three days after

General Johnston had retired in consequence of his wound. Thirty days

afterward the great campaign around Richmond had been decided, and to

the narrative of what followed the appointment of Lee we shall at once

proceed, after giving a few words to another subject connected with

his family.

When General Lee left "Washington to repair to Richmond," he removed

the ladies of his family from Arlington to the "White House" on the

Pamunkey, near the spot where that river unites with the Mattapony to

form the York River. This estate, like the Arlington property, had

come into possession of General Lee through his wife, and as Arlington

was exposed to the enemy, the ladies had taken refuge here, with the

hope that they would be safe from intrusion or danger. The result was

unfortunate. The White House was a favorable "base" for the Federal

army, and intelligence one day reached Mrs. Lee and her family that

the enemy were approaching. The ladies therefore hastened from the

place to a point of greater safety, and before her departure Mrs. Lee

is said to have affixed to the door a paper containing the following

words:

"Northern soldiers who profess to reverence Washington, forbear to

desecrate the home of his first married life, the property of his

wife, now owned by her descendants.

"A GRAND-DAUGHTER OF MRS. WASHINGTON."

When the Federal forces took possession of the place, a Northern

officer, it is said, wrote beneath this:

"A Northern officer has protected your property, in sight of the

enemy, and at the request of your overseer."

The resolute spirit of Mrs. Lee is indicated by an incident which

followed. She took refuge with her daughters in a friend's house near

Richmond, and, when a Federal officer was sent to search the house,

handed to him a paper addressed to "the general in command," in which

she wrote:

"Sir: I have patiently and humbly submitted to the search of my house,

by men under your command, who are satisfied that there is nothing

here which they want. All the plate and other valuables have long

since been removed to Richmond, and are now beyond the reach of any

Northern marauders who may wish for their possession.

"WIFE OF ROBERT LEE, GENERAL C.S.A."

The ladies finally repaired for safety to the city of Richmond, and

the White House was burned either before or when General McClellan

retreated. The place was not without historic interest, as the scene

of Washington's first interview with Martha Custis, who afterward

became his wife. He was married either at St. Peter's Church near by,

or in the house which originally stood on the site of the one now

destroyed by the Federal forces. Its historic associations thus failed

to protect the White House, and, like Arlington, it fell a sacrifice

to the pitiless hand of war.

From this species of digression we come back to the narrative of

public events, and the history of the great series of battles which

were to make the banks of the Chickahominy historic ground. On

taking command, Lee had assiduously addressed himself to the task of

increasing the efficiency of the army: riding incessantly to and

fro, he had inspected with his own eyes the condition of the troops;

officers of the commissary, quartermaster, and ordnance departments

were held to a strict accountability; and, in a short time, the army

was in a high state of efficiency.

"What was the amount of the Confederate force under command of Lee?"

it may be asked. The present writer is unable to state this number

with any thing like exactness. The official record, if in existence,

is not accessible, and the matter must be left to conjecture. It is

tolerably certain, however, that, even after the arrival of Jackson,

the army numbered less than seventy-five thousand. Officers of high

rank and character state the whole force to have been sixty or seventy

thousand only.

It will thus be seen that the Federal army was larger than the

Confederate; but this was comparatively an unimportant fact. The event

was decided rather by generalship than the numbers of the combatants.

IV

LEE RESOLVES TO ATTACK.

General Lee assumed command of the army on the 3d of June. A week

afterward, Jackson finished the great campaign of the Valley, by

defeating Generals Fremont and Shields at Port Republic.

Such had been the important services performed by the famous

"Stonewall Jackson," who was to become the "right arm" of Lee in the

greater campaigns of the future. Retreating, after the defeat of

General Banks, and passing through Strasburg, just as Fremont from the

west, and the twenty thousand men of General McDowell from the east,

rushed to intercept him, Jackson had sullenly fallen back up the

Valley, with all his captured stores and prisoners, and at Cross

Keys and Port Republic had achieved a complete victory over his two

adversaries. Fremont was checked by Ewell, who then hastened across to

take part in the attack on Shields. The result was a Federal defeat

and retreat down the Valley. Jackson was free to move in any

direction; and his army could unite with that at Richmond for a

decisive attack upon General McClellan.

The attack in question had speedily been resolved on by Lee. Any

further advance of the Federal army would bring it up to the very

earthworks in the suburbs of the city; and, unless the Confederate

authorities proposed to undergo a siege, it was necessary to check the

further advance of the enemy by a general attack.

How to attack to the best advantage was now the question. The position

of General McClellan's army has been briefly stated. Advancing up the

Peninsula, he had reached and passed the Chickahominy, and was in

sight of Richmond. To this stream, the natural line of defence of the

city on the north and east, numerous roads diverged from the capital,

including the York River Railroad, of which the Federal commander made

such excellent use; and General McClellan had thrown his left wing

across the stream, advancing to a point on the railroad four or five

miles from the city. Here he had erected heavy defences to protect

that wing until the right wing crossed in turn. The tangled thickets

of the White-oak Swamp, on his left flank, were a natural defence; but

he had added to these obstacles, as we have stated, by felling trees,

and guarding every approach by redoubts. In these, heavy artillery

kept watch against an approaching enemy; and any attempt to attack

from that quarter seemed certain to result in repulse. In front,

toward Seven Pines, the chance of success was equally doubtful. The

excellent works of the Federal commander bristled with artillery, and

were heavily manned. It seemed thus absolutely necessary to discover

some other point of assault; and, as the Federal right beyond the

Chickahominy was the only point left, it was determined to attack, if

possible, in that quarter.

An important question was first, however, to be decided, the character

of the defences, if any, on General McClellan's right, in the

direction of Old Church and Cold Harbor. A reconnoissance in force was

necessary to acquire this information, and General Lee accordingly

directed General Stuart, commanding the cavalry of the army, to

proceed with a portion of his command to the vicinity of Old Church,

in the Federal rear, and gain all the information possible of their

position and defences.

V.

STUART'S "RIDE AROUND McCLELLAN."

General James E.B. Stuart, who now made his first prominent appearance

upon the theatre of the war, was a Virginian by birth, and not yet

thirty years of age. Resigning his commission of lieutenant in the

United States Cavalry at the beginning of the war, he had joined

Johnston in the Valley, and impressed that officer with a high opinion

of his abilities as a cavalry officer; proceeded thence to Manassas,

where he charged and broke a company of "Zouave" infantry; protected

the rear of the army when Johnston retired to the Rappahannock, and

bore an active part in the conflict on the Peninsula. In person he was

of medium height; his frame was broad and powerful; he wore a heavy

brown beard flowing upon his breast, a huge mustache of the same

color, the ends curling upward; and the blue eyes, flashing beneath a

"piled-up" forehead, had at times the dazzling brilliancy attributed

to the eyes of the eagle. Fond of movement, adventure, bright colors,

and all the pomp and pageantry of war, Stuart had entered on the

struggle with ardor, and enjoyed it as the huntsman enjoys the chase.

Young, ardent, ambitious, as brave as steel, ready with jest or

laughter, with his banjo-player following him, going into the hottest

battles humming a song, this young Virginian was, in truth, an

original character, and impressed powerfully all who approached him.

One who knew him well wrote: "Every thing striking, brilliant, and

picturesque, seemed to centre in him. The war seemed to be to Stuart a

splendid and exciting game, in which his blood coursed joyously, and

his immensely strong physical organization found an arena for the

display of all its faculties. The affluent life of the man craved

those perils and hardships which flush the pulses and make the heart

beat fast. He swung himself into the saddle at the sound of the bugle

as the hunter springs on horseback; and at such moments his cheeks

glowed and his huge mustache curled with enjoyment. The romance and

poetry of the hard trade of arms seemed first to be inaugurated when

this joyous cavalier, with his floating plume and splendid laughter,

appeared upon the great arena of the war in Virginia." Precise people

shook their heads, and called him frivolous, undervaluing his great

ability. Those best capable of judging him were of a different

opinion. Johnston wrote to him from the west: "How can I eat or sleep

in peace without _you_ upon the outpost?" Jackson said, when he fell

at Chancellorsville: "Go back to General Stuart, and tell him to act

upon his own judgment, and do what he thinks best, I have implicit

confidence in him." Lee said, when he was killed at Yellow Tavern:

"I can scarcely think of him without weeping." And the brave General

Sedgwick, of the United States Army, said: "Stuart is the best cavalry

officer ever _foaled_ in North America!"

In the summer of 1862, when we present him to the reader, Stuart had

as yet achieved little fame in his profession, but he was burning to

distinguish himself. He responded ardently, therefore, to the order of

Lee, and was soon ready with a picked force of about fifteen hundred

cavalry, under some of his best officers. Among them were Colonels

William H.F. Lee and Fitz-Hugh Lee--the first a son of General Lee, a

graduate of West Point, and an officer of distinction afterward;

the second, a son of Smith Lee, brother of the general, and famous

subsequently in the most brilliant scenes of the war as the gay and

gallant "General Fitz Lee," of the cavalry. With his picked force,

officered by the two Lees, and other excellent lieutenants, Stuart set

out on his adventurous expedition to Old Church. He effected more

than he anticipated, and performed a daring feat of arms in addition.

Driving the outposts from Hanover Court-House, he charged and broke a

force of Federal cavalry near Old Church; pushed on to the York River

Railroad, which he crossed, burning or capturing all Federal stores

met with, including enormous wagon-camps; and then, finding the

way back barred against him, and the Federal army on the alert, he

continued his march with rapidity, passed entirely around General

McClellan's army, and, building a bridge over the Chickahominy,

safely reëntered the Confederate lines just as a large force made its

appearance in his rear. The temporary bridge was destroyed, however,

and Stuart hastened to report to his superiors. His information was

important. General McClellan's right and rear were unprotected by

works of any strength. If the Confederate general desired to attack in

that quarter, there was nothing to prevent.

The results of Stuart's famous "ride around McClellan," as the people

called it, determined General Lee to make the attack on the north bank

of the stream, if he had not already so decided. It was necessary now

to bring Jackson's forces from the Valley without delay, and almost

equally important to mask the movement from General McClellan. To this

end a very simple _ruse_ was adopted. On the 11th of June, Whiting's

division was embarked on the cars of the Danville Railroad at

Richmond, and moved across the river to a point near Belle Isle, where

at that moment a considerable number of Federal prisoners were about

to be released and sent down James River. Here the train, loaded with

Confederate troops, remained for some time, and _the secret_ was

discovered by the released prisoners. General Lee was reënforcing

Jackson, in order that the latter might march on Washington. Such was

the report carried to General McClellan, and it seems to have really

deceived him. [Footnote: "I have no doubt Jackson has been reënforced

from here."--_General McClellan to President Lincoln, June 20th_.]

Whiting's division reached Lynchburg, and was thence moved by railway

to Charlottesville--Jackson marched and countermarched with an

elaborate pretence of advancing down the Valley--at last, one morning,

the astute Confederate, who kept his own counsels, had disappeared; he

was marching rapidly to join Lee on the Chickahominy. Not even his own

soldiers knew what direction they were taking. They were forbidden

by general order to inquire even the names of the towns they passed

through; directed to reply "I don't know" to every question; and it

is said that when Jackson demanded the name and regiment of a soldier

robbing a cherry-tree, he could extract from the man no reply but "I

don't know."

Jackson advanced with rapidity, and, on the 25th of June, was near

Ashland. Here he left his forces, and rode on rapidly to Richmond.

Passing unrecognized through the streets, after night, he went on

to General Lee's headquarters, at a house on the "Nine-mile road,"

leading from the New Bridge road toward Fair Oaks Station; and here

took place the first interview, since the commencement of the war,

between Lee and Jackson.

What each thought of the other will be shown in the course of this

narrative. We shall proceed now with the history of the great series

of battles for which Jackson's appearance was the signal.

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