CHAPTER XXXV.

THE ARMENIANS.

1865-1867.

An association of native churches and pastors, called the Harpoot

Evangelical Union, was formed at Harpoot near the close of 1865. It

was to serve the purpose of a Home and Foreign Missionary Society,

also of an Education and Church Building Society. It could form new

churches, ordain and dismiss pastors, grant licenses to preachers,

and depose the unworthy. It was to hold an annual meeting, and such

other meetings during the year as circumstances might require.

Aggrieved church-members might appeal to it under certain

limitations.

A similar association had been formed, September, 1864, by the

churches in the Broosa and Nicomedia districts, called "The Union of

the Evangelical Armenian Churches of Bithynia," embracing eight

churches, and afterwards including the churches of Constantinople.

Another was formed at Marsovan, at the close of 1868, and called

"The Central Evangelical Union," and another in Central Turkey,

called "The Cilicia Union."

The effect of these organizations has been to enlarge the views of

churches and ministers, and make them feel that the work of

evangelizing the people around them belonged naturally to

themselves. It also greatly developed a spirit of self-denying love

for their work among the pastors and preachers, and a spirit of

unity and independence among the churches. "Five years ago," writes

Mr. Wheeler in September, 1866, "the pastor of the Harpoot church,

now President of the Union, when we put upon his people an increased

amount of his salary, inquired, 'By what right do these men put this

burden on my church?' But when, in this meeting, a proposition was

made to get the pastor's salaries from other sources than their

churches' treasury, this same man, aided by the pastor at Arabkir,

so conclusively showed the folly and hurtfulness of the proposal,

that the mover of it dropped it in shame. The Arabkir pastor said:

'This is to enable the pastor to be independent of the people, and

to say, What have you given me that I should be your servant?' The

force of this pithy argument is felt here, where ecclesiastics rule

and devour the people, and where the tendency in that direction is

so strong that we need to guard against it in laying the foundations

of the churches. He then went on to show that it would be for the

good of the churches to support their pastors. They would thus love

and heed them more. 'The pastor,' he continued, 'who should get his

support from any source outside of his own people, would be beyond

their control.' In a subsequent discussion on supporting the poor of

the church, he said: 'I am fully persuaded, that every church is not

only able to support its poor, but its pastor too.'"

The truth of this last remark was strikingly illustrated by the

church in Shepik, the poorest and feeblest in the field, which for

thirteen years had paid almost nothing for preaching, and was

supposed to be a permanent pensioner on missionary bounty; but all

at once it raised enough for the support of the preacher, besides

nearly two hundred dollars in gold for the building of a house of

worship. A blind preacher from the Harpoot Seminary had been the

means of this unexpected result. He was known as John Concordance

(Hohannes Hamapapar), on account of his wonderful readiness in

quoting Scripture, chapter and verse. He was sent to Shepik, and

hearing the complaints of the people about their poor crops and

poverty, replied: "God tells you the reason in the third chapter of

Malachi; where he says, 'Ye are cursed with a curse, for ye have

robbed me.'" Then taking for a text, "Bring ye all the tithes into

the storehouse," etc., he inculcated the duty and privilege of

setting apart _at least a tenth_ of their earnings for God. The

people were convinced, and after paying half of their crops,

according to usage, to the owner of the soil for rent, and a tenth

to the government for taxes, as they must needs do, they gave

another tenth to the Lord's "storehouse,"--a room they had set apart

for receiving the tithes. And the sermon of this blind preacher, and

the example of these poor people, have wrought wonders in the

land.[1]

[1] Mr. Wheeler's _Ten Years on the Euphrates_, chap. x. For an

abstract of John Concordance's sermon on _Tithes_, preached at

Harpoot, see, _Missionary Herald_ for 1868, pp. 308-312.

During the year and a half after its formation, this union held five

general meetings. The last of these was the most interesting. Eleven

native pastors were present,--from the Harpoot district, and from

Cesarea, Tocat, Adiaman, and Cutterbul. Nearly all the helpers of

the Harpoot, Diarbekir, and Mardin fields were there, with twenty

delegates from churches and from congregations that expected soon to

have churches. There were also present the members of the

Theological school, Mr. Livingston from Sivas, and Mr. Williams from

Mardin, who had brought his students to spend the summer in the

school at Harpoot.

On the 15th of November, 1866, Mrs. Adams died at Aintab, of

consumption, much lamented.[1] Mr. Richardson, on his return from

America, joined the Broosa station. Mr. Williams was then alone amid

the multitudes using the Arabic that centered around Mardin and

Mosul; and Mr. Walker was the only missionary at Diarbekir, with at

least a thousand towns and villages in his district. Yet it was a

year of decided progress in Turkey. The missionary force received an

unwonted accession in the years 1866 and 1867. Five ordained married

missionaries arrived in the last of these years, namely, Messrs.

Henry T. Perry, Theodore Baldwin, Henry S. Barnum, Charles C. Tracy,

and Lyman Bartlett, with as many unmarried female assistant

missionaries,--Misses Roseltha A. Norcross, Mary E. Warfield,

Harriet Seymour, Sarah Ann Closson, and Mary G. Hollister. Mr. Henry

O. Dwight, son of the distinguished missionary, Dr. H. G. O. Dwight,

arrived at Constantinople as secular agent, with his wife, a

daughter of Dr. Bliss. Miss Mary D. Francis arrived in 1866, and was

afterwards married to Mr. Adams.

[1] See _Missionary Herald_ for 1867, p. 98.

Among other signs of progress was the increase of newspapers in

Constantinople, and one or two other cities of Turkey. In

Constantinople, five years before, a newspaper was rarely seen in

the hands of any one of the thousands of persons passing up or down

the Bosphorus and Golden Horn in the steamers which take the place

of the street cars of Boston or New York. Now it had become a common

sight, and newsboys thronged the thoroughfares with their papers, in

Turkish and other languages. The standard of journalism was not

high, but the thoughts of men were stirred. The influence of these

papers was generally adverse to the missionary work. Partly to

counteract this influence, the missionaries published, once a

fortnight, a small newspaper called the "Avedaper," or "Messenger."

It appeared alternately in the Armenian and Armeno-Turkish

languages, and had fifteen hundred subscribers scattered over

Turkey. Mr. E. E. Bliss, the editor, estimated the aggregate of

readers at ten thousand. One incident may illustrate its influence.

A villager living on the Taurus Mountains was so impressed with one

of the sententious speeches of President Lincoln, translated in the

paper, that he committed the whole to memory, that he might teach to

others its lessons of "malice toward none, and charity to all."[1]

[1] _Missionary Herald_, for 1867, p. 82.

The general progress towards right religious opinions, had led to a

division of the Armenians who remained in the Old Church into two

parties, called the "Enlightened" and the "Unenlightened." The

former was continually increasing, and had sharp contests with the

Unenlightened on questions of clerical control in civil affairs.

Their failure to secure even the partial reforms they sought

convinced them of the necessity of more radical changes; and an

Armenian paper announced a movement for the formation of a Reformed

Armenian Church; on the principle of restoring the purity of

doctrine and simplicity of worship, which they supposed existed in

their Church at the beginning. The same paper advocated the complete

separation of civil and ecclesiastical affairs; and announced that a

book would soon be published, setting forth the doctrines and

proposed form of worship for this new church. The new Prayer-book

made its appearance early in 1867. It contained a Creed; a Ritual

for Baptism, the Lord's Supper, Ordination, etc.; Forms for Daily

Prayer in the churches; and Hymns and Songs. Judged by the standard

of the New Testament, the book contained not a few errors of

doctrine, and sanctioned many superstitious practices; yet it was a

decided improvement upon the books in use in the Armenian Church.

The Armenians of the Old Church regarded the changes as very

radical, and the Patriarch denounced the book officially, and warned

his people against it.

"The most noteworthy part of the book is its Preface, which was

printed last, and may be regarded as the platform of the reformed

party. After giving a sketch of the history of the Armenian Church,

its original purity of doctrine and worship, and the subsequent

introduction of error and superstition, through the influence of the

Greek and Roman Churches, it declares that the Armenian Church has

come at last to be a mere 'satellite of Rome,' and that the time has

come to assert its independence, to cast off the 'ultramontane

influence,' to rescue the Church of their fathers from the 'Papal

claws.' Three particulars are then set forth in which a

'reformation' is needed. First, in reference to doctrine. 'The

Armenian Church has,' it is said, 'doctrines introduced from abroad,

which place faith in respect to salvation upon a wrong foundation,

transferring man's hope from God to things created and material.

Means are confounded with ends, and ends with means, and thus a

thick veil is interposed between the eyes of the people and the

simple doctrines of Christianity.' Secondly, 'The Church has now

rites and ceremonies (unknown in purer times), which are a

laughing-stock to the unbelieving, a grief to the truly pious, an

offense to all enlightened men, and which have converted our

churches into theatres, deprived worship of its spiritual character,

and made it like the shows of a fair.' In the third place, 'The

present relations of the clergy to the people are opposed to the

spirit and substance of Christianity. Instead of being teachers,

pastors, and fathers to the people, they claim to possess

supernatural authority, rule by the terrors of that authority, teach

the people only that which serves their own purposes, and are an

obstacle to every good work.'"[1]

[1] _Missionary Herald_, 1867, pp. 237-239.

For twenty years there had not been such a religious ferment in

Constantinople, as there was at the time of issuing this Reformed

Prayer-book. It was not a revival of religion. The question was not,

"What must I do to be saved?" but "What did our Church teach in the

days of its purity?" and "What are the doctrines of the Word of

God?" Meanwhile the advocates of reform were continually driven to

take higher ground; and such was their progress while carrying their

book through the press, that they were obliged to reprint some of

the first sheets, to make them conform to their new convictions. It

may be stated as an illustration, that baptismal regeneration was

taught in one of the original sheets, but in the reprint it was

omitted.[1] So far as is known, this book has never been used in any

church; but it is an index of the reform movement, and it has been

useful in awaking inquiry.

[1] _Missionary Herald_, 1867, p. 238.

Bible-women began to be employed in Constantinople early in 1866.

Five such women were supported by funds derived from the American

Bible Society, and were kindly received in Armenian families. They

sold many copies of the Scriptures, and met with much encouragement

in their work. At this time, wherever missionaries labored in

Turkey, large numbers of women were learning to read the Bible; and

the majority of them were usually found at the women's prayer

meeting.

The progress at Harpoot, only eleven years from the commencement of

the station, as described by Mr. Allen, is worthy of special

attention. The leaven of the gospel was permeating the mass of the

people. Many who persistently refused to be called by the unpopular

name of "Protestant," were evidently under the influence of

evangelical doctrines. The rising generation was growing up with

enlightened views. Many young men would have taken a stand at once

on the side of truth, but for the difficulty of separating from

their parents. Societies had been formed, consisting of several

hundred men not reckoned among the Protestants, for the purpose of

having good schools for their children, and plain practical

preaching in their churches. The magnates of one church had closed

its door against the native evangelical preachers, and placed two

Turkish soldiers to guard it. At another church the people were more

resolute, saying, "We built this church, and we will be martyred

upon its threshold, if necessary to defend our right to have the

Gospel preached to us." At this the chief men gave way, contenting

themselves with reporting the matter to the Patriarch at

Constantinople. As an additional motive, the party of progress

threatened to attend the services of the missionaries, if not

allowed to have a service of their own.[1]

[1] _Missionary Herald_, 1866, pp. 169-171.

Quite a number of the young men and women in the Protestant city

congregation dated their conversion from the "Week of Prayer." This

week was duly observed at Harpoot from the first, and in 1866, with

deeper religious feeling, than had ever been seen before. The

morning and evening prayer-meetings were kept up till the close of

May, when it was decided to discontinue the morning meetings, and to

sustain the others every day, one hour before sunset. Three fourths

of the congregation attended them regularly, and an earnest and

tender spirit was manifest in the remarks and prayers.

During this same week of prayer, Messrs. Burbank and Knapp, at

Bitlis, aided by the native preacher Simon, afterwards pastor of the

church, commenced a prayer-meeting at the dawn of day, which was so

crowned with spiritual blessings, that it was continued, daily, for

more than six months. The attendance increased from twenty to sixty,

and was at one time nearly a hundred. The church had then only five

members; and at the communion season in March, each of these five

men publicly confessed his sins, and formally renewed his covenant.

Many were in tears. Some in the congregation, who had thought

themselves Christians, when they saw the church thus making

confession, were amazed, and felt that they were themselves lost,

and literally cried, as did the publican, "God be merciful to me a

sinner."

This was the commencement of the first revival of religion in

Bitlis. Two meetings were held weekly for inquirers, at which

between forty-five and fifty were usually present, of whom from

fifteen to twenty-five were women. "Among the latter, was one over

seventy years of age, who, being in the previous winter too feeble

to walk through the deep snow to attend the meetings, had been

carried by her stalwart son. Now she was a weeping penitent, seeking

salvation at the foot of the cross, and that son was rejoicing in

the hope of salvation." Forty men usually attended the sunrise

prayer-meeting. Not as many of the fruits of this revival were

gathered into the church as might have been anticipated, because of

the very high standard--too high it would seem--which was required

for admission.

There had been great progress at Broosa. When Dr. Schneider left

that place in 1849, on his removal to Aintab, no church had been

formed, and his audience never exceeded fifteen natives, and

sometimes it was not more than eight. No Protestant community had

been formed, and in those days of fierce opposition very few were

ready to face the consequences of an open acknowledgment of what

they were convinced was the truth. But he found all this passed

away, on his visit there in 1866. There was then a church of fifty

members, and a Protestant community of one hundred and fifty,

chiefly young men of enterprise, and a Sabbath congregation of one

hundred and fifty. They had a beautiful house of worship, a

prosperous day-school, and an excellent native pastor. There were

many whose beards made them venerable. Dr. Schneider believed that

half the Armenians in the city were convinced of the truth.

The first evangelical church in Turkey, composed of Greeks, was

organized by the Union of Bithynia at Demirdesh, in November, 1867.

Mr. Kalopothakes was present from Athens. The church was composed

exclusively of evangelical Greeks, and six of its thirteen members

were women. Pastor Hohannes of Bilijik, on behalf of the Union,

welcomed them to the fellowship of the churches; which he said had

been lost through the departure of the Greeks and Armenians from the

gospel, but was now recovered. The preacher was a Greek, and a

native of the place.[1]

[1] The members of the church formed at Hasbeiya in 1851 (p. 376 of

vol. 1st) were seceders from the Greek Church, but were regarded by

the Syrian mission as of the Arab race.

The mission was sorely afflicted in September by the sudden death of

Mr. Walker of Diarbekir. The cholera was prevalent in that city, and

seemed to follow no laws. In the previous year, it had been almost

wholly among the Mohammedans; but this year, it prevailed most in

the Christian population. Mr. and Mrs. Walker removed to a khan

outside the walls. "His last sermons were from the texts 'The Master

has come, and calleth for thee;' and 'Except ye repent, ye shall all

likewise perish.' On Monday, September 10th, he went into the city,

spending some time over one stricken with cholera, besides customary

duties. Tuesday morning, after a somewhat restless night, he rose as

usual, and proposed a mission excursion to Cutterbul, but was

persuaded to remain at home and rest. The premonitory symptoms soon

appeared, but nothing peculiarly alarming, and as he had been held

back from over-exertion, and been very careful in diet, all were

full of hope. At the first whisper of illness the Christians

gathered to aid, and the faithful Shemmas, without Mrs. Walker's

knowledge, telegraphed to Mr. Williams, who started from Mardin at

one o'clock, P. M., on Wednesday, and riding all night reached

Diarbekir after sunrise to find that six hours before, September 13,

1866, his brother had gone 'to be with Christ.'" His age was

forty-five.

"Diarbekir was filled with mourning. Not Protestants alone, but

Moslems and Armenians, all were stricken. Such a funeral, as of one

who was a father to all, was never witnessed there before. The

native preacher conducted it appropriately and tenderly, praying not

only for the stricken there, but for those in his native land who

would so feel the loss."[1]

[1] _Missionary Herald_, 1867, pp. 33-37.

Mr. Walker was one of the best of missionaries. "His warm and

affectionate nature," says Mr. Barnum, "quickly gained the hearts of

the people wherever he went. His great desire was to see men coming

to Jesus; and this he never forgot, whether at home or abroad. I

have been with him not a little, and seldom have I seen an

opportunity for a personal appeal, though only for a moment, pass

unimproved."

The tribute to Mr. Walker's memory from his brother Williams, of

Mardin, who knew him well, and has so lately followed him into the

eternal world must not be omitted.

"His peculiar gifts were three:--1. He remembered faces, and

recalled the names which belonged to them. He knew everybody.

Ordinarily he needed to meet a man but once to recognize him ever

after. And this pleases men; it appeals to their self-appreciation;

they feel that they have made a permanent impression. Especially is

this a power among a people who look up to the missionary as

occupying a higher plane of civilization. It gives him a vast

influence over them.

"2. Partly as the result of this, but still distinct and beyond it,

he had a marvelous faculty of making every man feel that he was

especially an object of personal interest. Perhaps not that he alone

was such, but that he was one of those taken into the inner sanctum

of his affections. Love begets love, and believing that they were so

dear to him, he was soon very dear to them. And he was never lacking

in the outward expression of love. He was not afraid they would

think he loved them too much.

"3. He always had something to say. I suppose there is some good

done by public preaching, but it is the preacher who is ready, in

the face-to-face opportunity, who comes home laden with sheaves. Mr.

Walker was always ready. Meet a man when he might, where he might,

just the right word was on his tongue. And that warm grip of his

hand, into how many souls has it infused a new and spiritual life.

So he begot his children in the gospel; and by his sermons, which

were always thoughtful, he built them up into Christian characters,

as a workman who needeth not to be ashamed. Our Cutterbul deacon

says to me since his death, 'I _never_ saw such a man.' When he left

for Constantinople in 1859, perhaps one hundred men waited upon him

out of the city, and he spoke to every one, and repeated nothing,

but had a special word for each, exactly adapted to his case."

Mrs. Walker returned to the United States, with her four children,

in the following summer, and has since been recognized,--in

connection with a benevolent lady in New York city,--as sustaining

a relation of maternal guardianship to returned children of

missionaries.

At the close of the year Mr. Wheeler and others made a visit to

Choonkoosh, two days' journey from Harpoot. Many of the people came

several miles to welcome them, and crowds escorted them into the

city. "Nine years ago," says Mr. Wheeler, "I made my first visit

here in company with brother Dunmore, and we were hooted at, stoned,

and at last driven from our room, in the pouring rain and splashing

mud of a dark night." Now, every house seemed open to receive them.

"Their new place for Protestant worship testified to the remarkable

change. The men had brought all the timber, by hand, a distance of

from three to five miles, and it sometimes required thirty men to

bring one piece. Women and children brought water, earth, and

stones; and women were still busy in plastering the walls, so that a

meeting might be held there before we left!"[1]

[1] _Missionary Herald_, 1867, p. 108.

The foreign missionary spirit was being developed. The Harpoot

Evangelical Union resolved at Diarbekir, in 1866, to send a mission

into the wild region eastward of that city, where the Armenians,

living among the Koords, had lost all knowledge of both the Armenian

and Turkish languages, and were in the grossest darkness. A dozen

small churches, with a membership of hardly more than five hundred,

undertook to educate seven young men to go as their missionaries,

and the movement excited much enthusiasm. At the same time, the home

missionary spirit received strength. The brethren at Harpoot were

endeavoring to occupy fifty or more stations, within their home

field, at most of which there were a few persons somewhat

enlightened and more or less desirous of instruction.

A blessing followed. The week of prayer, in the opening of 1867, was

signalized by a revival at Harpoot.[1] There were indications of

deep feeling in the church; and on one of the last days of the week,

three of the most prominent men in the community openly identified

themselves with the Protestants. One of these, named Sarkis Agha,

became a very active and useful Christian. Feeling that he had been

a stumbling-block to others, he lost no time in going to the market,

and inviting twelve or fifteen of his most intimate friends, all men

of influence, to his place of business, and telling them of his

change of feeling. He expected only ridicule, but the majority were

affected to tears, and requested him to read the Bible and pray with

and for them.

[1] An interesting account of this revival, by Miss Maria A. West,

may be found in the _Missionary Herald_ for 1867, pp. 139-142.

It was winter, and the travelling was very bad, so that they could

not reach the more distant out-stations; but the members of the

church visited the principal ones on the plain. Among these was

Hooeli, about ten miles distant, where Mr. Barnum spent two days.

The whole congregation appeared to be interested, prayer-meetings,

morning and evening, were attended by from a hundred and twenty to

two hundred persons; and through the entire day, till nearly

midnight, the room of the missionary was thronged with inquirers. A

large number of those with whom he conversed, appeared to be truly

regenerated. Mr. Wheeler, on the following Sabbath, found the

interest more widespread. Four hundred persons crowded into the

chapel, and listened with fixed attention.

Three years before, there was not a Protestant in the place. One

year before, at the dedication of the chapel, when three hundred and

fifty persons were present, the audience was so rude that there was

the greatest difficulty in preserving quiet.[1] Both men and women

were now quiet and serious listeners. A still larger attendance was

reported on the following Sabbath, when more than a hundred failed

of getting into the house of worship. There was also a revival of

considerable power at Perchenj, another out-station, seven miles

from Harpoot.

[1] Mr. Barnum thus describes Miss Fritcher's meeting with seventy

or eighty females in this place, two years before: "The chapel was

nearly full of women, all sitting on the floor, and each one

crowding up to get as near her as possible. They were very much like

a hive of bees. The slightest thing would set them all in commotion,

and they resembled a town meeting more than a religious gathering.

When a child cried it would enlist the energies of half a dozen

women, with voice and gesture to quiet it. When some striking

thought of the speaker flashed upon the mind of some woman, she

would begin to explain it in no moderate tones to those about her,

and this would set the whole off into a bedlam of talk, which it

would require two or three minutes to quell."

Human nature is everywhere essentially the same. The people of

Hooeli being thus strengthened, they, with a little aid from abroad,

erected a larger and finer house of worship, and then began to

desire a new minister. Their humble and earnest but not eloquent

preacher, whose labors God had so blessed among them, would do, they

said, to gather the lambs, but not to feed the sheep. Contrary to

the advice of the missionaries, they called two popular men of the

graduating class, one after the other, but both declined, choosing

harder fields.

"Meanwhile their preacher was called to another place, and the

people came to the city, with their donkeys, to take him and his

family home. These were quietly sleeping at his house, expecting to

start on the morrow, when, at midnight, nine of the principal men of

Hooeli roused him from sleep, and began to beg pardon for their

rejection of him, saying, 'Come, get your goods in readiness, and go

with us.' It seems that they took their failure to secure the others

as a rebuke from God for their pride; and having met to pray, sent

these nine men to ask pardon of Garabed in person, while others

wrote letters asking his forgiveness, and begging him to come back.

Both parties then appealed to the missionaries, who declined to

interfere, advising them to pray and decide the matter among

themselves. They agreed to accept the preacher's decision as God's

will, and he after prayer and reflection, decided to return to his

old people. In the mean time, twenty of the women of Hooeli,

impatient at the delay, met also for prayer, and with difficulty

were prevented from going in a body to take their old pastor home.

But the brethren kept them back, and when at length he reached the

village, no other preacher ever had such an ovation in all that

region, within the memory of man."[1]

[1] _Ten Years on the Euphrates_, pp. 278-280.

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