CHAPTER II

CONDITIONS IN SWITZERLAND ON THE OUTBREAK OF WAR

—THE SWISS ARMY

On my arrival in Berne, I found an unusual state of affairs. The

Minister and members of his Staff were being besieged by thousands of

British visitors in Switzerland clamouring to return to England, every

one of whom had to be provided with a special permit or passport. The

same thing was happening in a minor degree at the American Legation,

where the American Minister and his Staff, like ourselves, had to face

the question of difficulty of transport through France and across the

Channel.

There were some eight thousand British subjects derelict in Switzerland,

many of whom, besides, had momentarily exhausted their financial

resources. Mobilization was taking place both in France and Switzerland,

and the amount of rolling-stock available for through transit was

extremely limited, so that it was clear that many of these visitors

would have to remain in Switzerland for a certain length of time.

At this juncture, the Swiss hotel proprietors behaved in a very

public-spirited manner. The Swiss banks, owing to the financial crisis

temporarily supervening, were unable to cash cheques on England, with

the result that visitors, willing as they might be, could not, in many

cases, settle their hotel accounts before departure. Realizing the

situation, the hotel proprietors not only declared their readiness to

accept deferred payment, but further offered their British clientèle the

use of their hotels for as long as necessary. This attitude on the part

of the proprietors at a moment of extreme difficulty not only reflects

credit on themselves, but is one on which our national pride may dwell

with pleasure, since it makes clear the confidence inspired by the

British visitor abroad.

The financial situation was further complicated by the fact that ready

money was practically unobtainable, H.M.'s Minister himself being only

allowed by his own bank to draw frs. 50 per week. A solution, however,

was soon happily found in a provision in the regulations of the Swiss

National Bank to the effect "that if gold be deposited at an authorized

centre, the Bank might issue notes against such gold." At the request of

the Minister, H.M.'s Government deposited £25,000 at the Swiss

Bankverein in London, upon which the Swiss National Bank opened an

equivalent credit in notes in favour of the Minister at Berne. Mr. Grant

Duff was thus enabled to issue cash in exchange for cheques, and so

facilitate the return of stranded British visitors.

Mr. G. P. Skipworth, the representative in Berne of the Westinghouse

Brake Company, volunteered to undertake the detailed work in connection

with this transportation, which, as a matter of fact, lasted over two

months. It suffices to say that it was no light matter to assemble

parties of three to four hundred visitors scattered all over

Switzerland, and to see them safely off to their satisfaction, if not

comfort, whenever through conveyance could be placed at their disposal

by the Swiss and French authorities.

Mr. Skipworth was, later on, appointed Assistant Commercial Attaché to

the British Legation in Switzerland, a post he still happily occupies.

On taking up my duties in Berne, I made the acquaintance of the heads of

the Military and Political Departments, of my Allied colleagues, and

also of the Commander-in-Chief of the Swiss Army—General Ulrich

Wille—and his Staff.

Based on the territorial system, the Swiss Army, in times of peace,

possesses no officer of the rank of General; but on occasions of

emergency, the appointment of a General as Commander-in-Chief is at once

proceeded with. His choice finally rests with the Federal Assembly. The

powers vested in him are of a very comprehensive nature; so

comprehensive indeed during this war as to cause no little alarm among

some sections of the community. In the emergency created by the

declarations of war in August, 1914, the choice of a General

Commander-in-Chief lay between Colonel Ulrich Wille, a citizen of the

Canton of Zürich, married to a member of the Bismarck family, and

Colonel Sprecher v. Bernegg, a citizen of the Canton of the Grisons,

married to a member of the family of Von Bülow; and it was some time

before the Government finally declared itself in favour of the former,

appointing Colonel Sprecher v. Bernegg as his Chief of Staff.

With my Allied colleagues, Colonels Pageot, Gourko, and Golovane, the

French and Russian Military Attachés, I maintained the most pleasant

relations, and our mutual frank co-operation under sympathetic

conditions will ever remain one of my most cherished memories. Colonel

Gourko is the son of the Field Marshal Gourko (later Governor-General of

Poland), of Shipka Pass fame. He had seen much active service, and is

said to have received more wounds than any other officer in the Russian

Army. Ever anxious to find himself in the trenches, he succeeded in

returning to Russia in 1915, where he fought on several fronts until

disabled by wounds, from which I am glad to know he again made a good

recovery. Since the Revolution in Russia, he, like so many others, has

given no sign of himself, and I have heard nothing further of him.

Colonel Pageot returned to the Western Front in 1916, in command of a

regiment, and greatly distinguished himself, receiving the "Croix de

Guerre avec Palmes," a distinction which gave much pleasure to his

former colleagues in Berne.

Prior to my departure from Thoune, I had been witness to the

mobilization of the Swiss Army, and was much impressed by the smoothness

with which that operation was conducted. There is nothing which touches

more profoundly the life of each individual citizen than the exigencies

of the defence of his country. Obligatory service has always been at the

basis of the life of the Swiss people from the early dawn of their

national history. The primitive cantons, even before 1290, were

persuaded of the importance of a preparation for war, a persuasion which

succeeding centuries have done much to develop and strengthen. The very

first cantonal pacts laid stress on the dispositions regarding military

organization, and as early as 1476, the Confederates placed contingents

in the field numbering 50,000 fighting men.

The principle of universal service as adapted to present day

requirements finds a willing acceptance amongst a people whose

instincts, though ultra-democratic, make them realize that their

independence rests on the attitude of the Confederation vis-à-vis of her

powerful, and sometimes aggressive, neighbours. I have never in my

experience of Switzerland heard a word of complaint of the burden borne

by the State owing to the obligation entailed by universal service,

though anger is deeply felt for the sacrifices imposed upon the country

due to the ambitions of those responsible for the Great War.

On the outbreak of war the Confederation manifested their determination

to maintain neutrality as against all comers, and, by the mobilization

of some 300,000 men, made clear to the belligerents their strength of

purpose.

The following table[1] gives a résumé of the gradual evolution of the

military organization from the point of view of numbers legislated for

at different periods:—

------+---------+----------+-----------+-------------------+------------

Year. | Elite. | Reserve. | Landwehr. | Landsturm | Total

| | | | and Complementary | Effectives.

| | | | Services. |

------+---------+----------+-----------+-------------------+------------

1640 | -- | -- | -- | -- | 36,000

1782 | -- | -- | -- | -- | 63,697

1817 | 33,758 | 33,748 | -- | -- | 67,506

1850 | 69,569 | 34,785 | -- | -- | 104,354

1874 | 105,368 | -- | 97,012 | -- | 202,380

1899 | 148,435 | -- | 87,290 | 275,596 | 511,321

1911 | 142,054 | -- | 69,513 | 275,284 | 486,851

------+---------+----------+-----------+-------------------+------------

The Army is now composed of the whole of the fit male population between

the ages of 20 to 48; the Elite being drawn from men of the ages of 20

to 32 years, the Landwehr from 33 to 40 years, the Landsturm from 41 to

48 years. The effectives increase from year to year with the increase of

population. As regard instruction, the training of the infantry recruit

lasts 65 days, of the cavalry 90 days, of the artillery 75 days, per

annum. Repetition courses for the trained soldier take place annually,

and vary, according to the branch of the service, from eleven to

fourteen days. The Landwehr has a "repetition course" once every four

years. The Landsturm is only occasionally called up for a few days at a

time at long intervals.

According to Colonel Egli, the expenditure for military purposes for the

year 1911 amounted in all to frs. 44,777,894, being 25·9 per cent. of

the revenue of the country. The fact that Switzerland is able to

maintain a force of nearly half a million men at an expenditure of less

than £2,000,000 sterling speaks for itself. The war has, of course,

added greatly to the annual Budget. The additional expenditure from 1914

to 1918, owing to mobilization, extra material, higher rates of pay and

living, etc., form no small part of the accumulated deficit of the

country, which cannot be far short of £40,000,000 sterling, and is

steadily increasing.

The Military Regulations are so framed as to interfere in the least

possible degree with the civil life of the soldier, and yet, despite the

shortness of training, a very fair state of efficiency is reached and

maintained.

The Corps of Officers is highly educated, and embraces in its ranks all

the best brains of the country. It receives its military instruction at

special military schools.

A valuable adjunct to the training of the rank and file is supplied by

the Shooting Clubs, of which thousands exist, and as shooting is the one

national sport, this important branch of instruction receives special

attention.

The disorganization which immediately resulted in the economic and

industrial life of Switzerland on the outbreak of war, became a matter

of great concern to the Government, who, under their first impression of

the World War, feared that economic ruin might become inevitable. It

looked as though the business of the hotels, in which enormous capital

has been invested, would cease to exist, whilst the future of hundreds

of thousands of skilled artisans and mechanics would be imperilled.

Foreign markets would certainly find their purchasing power greatly

reduced, and there was every likelihood of a shortage in the

half-finished products received from Germany and Austria, which finally

reached foreign markets after receiving at the hands of the Swiss

workmen that finish which gave them so great a part of their value. The

future was painted in the blackest of colours, but the outcome has

differed greatly from the first crude picture.

Never in the history of the peasant have such large profits been made as

during the last four years. The hotel industry has no doubt been

crippled, but it has been kept alive by the not inconsiderable influx of

wealthy refugees from Central Europe and neutral countries, and the

hospitalization of some 30,000 French, British, Belgian, and German

Interned prisoners of war. The watch and clock, automobile, electric,

and other mechanical industries, have made good by devoting their

attention to the manufacture of munitions or other war requisites, in

which the exceptional skill of the Swiss artisan has proved of

inestimable worth. The dye industry has been developed to such an

extent, that Switzerland may confidently expect to retain a portion of

this trade in competition with Germany in the future.

The war will, I would fain believe and hope, have given to Swiss

economics an elasticity and adaptability of which they stood in need,

and from many points of view will not have proved that unmixed evil

foreseen by her pessimists under the influence of their first fears.

German industrial circles have watched this development with misgivings,

and are busily taking precautionary measures to turn it to their

advantage by the loan of capital, by the infiltration of expert

management into all those concerns in which they foresee rivalry, and

often by the purchase outright of commercial undertakings likely to be

useful in supplementing the work of the Fatherland in the economic

struggle it will have to face after the war.

It is a matter of common knowledge that sympathies in Switzerland were

divided at the outbreak of hostilities, the French and Italian speaking

cantons having a decided bias in favour of the Allies, and the German

cantons one in favour of the other side. After the early successes of

the Germans, the opinion was generally held that Germany would press the

war to a conclusion so rapidly, that England would not be able to make

her weight felt in time to avert a calamity. Swiss military circles,

however, did not wholly share this view, as the following account of a

conversation, which in August, 1914, I had with a well-known Swiss

officer of standing shows. This conversation appeared to me at the time

all the more interesting as my informant was a Professor of Military

History, and, judging by his name, might have been expected to have his

views coloured by German sympathies. He spoke in the following

sense:— "Now that England has thrown in her lot with France and Russia,

the combination will probably be too great for Germany and her Allies,

but the struggle will be a bitter one. Remember the Seven Years' War,

and what Prussia was capable of in opposition to a host of enemies. You

will have many surprises; Switzerland, however, will welcome the

weakening of Germany, provided she is not completely crushed. A

weakening of Germany would be useful to us Swiss, for we see a great

danger to ourselves in the economic dominance she is obtaining in our

country. Any relaxation in that respect will be to our advantage."

The events of the last four years have done much to change feeling in

the German-speaking cantons, inasmuch as the invasion of Belgium, the

employment of poison gas, the sinking of the _Lusitania_, the brutality

of the submarine campaign, the destruction of Serbia, the harshness

shown to Roumania, have made an unfavourable impression on all classes

of the population. German propaganda has also thoroughly awakened the

country to the danger it was incurring from the stranglehold which

German financiers and industrials were establishing upon her economic

life.

The revolutionary fiasco in Russia also, in no small degree, affected

public opinion. As a republican nation possessed with the ideal of the

rights of smaller nations to dispose of themselves, they feared and

abhorred the Russian form of government as represented by Czarism; and

this, no doubt, had a good deal to do with the way in which they

regarded Germany as a protector and a bulwark against the submergence of

Europe by a Slav wave. That danger now removed, they probably feel

Germany's support may be more easily dispensed with; and with a weakened

Germany they foresee the possibility of re-organizing their economic

life free from the trammels of an overbearing neighbour. The crushing of

Germany, however, would, they think, mean economic ruin to them; and at

this they draw the line.

[1] From _L'Armée Suisse_, by Colonel C. H. Egli, Colonel

d'Etat-Major Général, 1913.

The British Interned in Switzerland · 第 2 / 14 章