I sing my plain country Joan,
These twelve years my wife, still the joy of my life,
Blest day that I made her my own."
Franklin's first public improvement carries us back to the early
leathern-apron days of the Junto. Books were a rare commodity among the
frugal members of that club, and for a while they increased their
resources by keeping all their volumes together in the club room for
common use. But this plan proving hardly feasible, Franklin in the year
1731 drew up proposals for a city library. His method of arousing
public interest in the scheme was one to which he always had recourse
on such occasions, and is a credit to his modesty as well as to his
shrewdness. "I put myself," he says, "as much as I could out of sight,
and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had requested me
to go about and propose it to such as they thought lovers of reading."
He succeeded, as he always did in his projects, and the library, still
an honored institution of Philadelphia, is the parent of all the
subscription libraries of the country.
Through the aid of the Junto, also, Franklin set in motion another
project. As a boy he had seen the first fire company started in Boston,
and now that his Quaker home had grown to be a thriving city, he
undertook to introduce the same system there. No doubt many of our
readers have seen the curious relics of these colonial fire
companies,--old leathern buckets stamped with various devices and with
the owner's name, which were used to pass water rapidly from hand to
hand. The companies had a social as well as a useful aim, so that
families were proud to preserve such memorials of the old days.
Owing to the wretched system in vogue, the night watch of the city had
fallen into a deplorable state, the watchmen consisting of a set of
ragamuffins who passed their nights in tippling and left the town to
take care of itself. To remedy this evil Franklin made use of the Junto
and of his paper, "The Gazette," and once more his efforts were
successful.
It seemed, indeed, as if there were no limits to his activity. At
different times he bent his energies to getting the streets paved, to
improving the lighting of the city, to introducing various novelties in
agriculture, and to assisting other projects, such as the establishment
of the Pennsylvania hospital. More important, perhaps, than these was
the founding of the academy which has since developed into the
University of Pennsylvania. As early as 1743 we find Franklin
regretting that there was no convenient college where he might send his
son to be educated; and in 1749 he took up the matter seriously,
publishing a pamphlet which he called, "Proposals relating to the
Education of Youth in Pennsylvania." Nor did his zeal end here. He
continued to urge on the project, and in a short time the money was
raised and the school actually opened. Franklin was for more than forty
years a trustee of the institution, and took just pride in the good
which it accomplished for the community. His purpose in one respect,
however, was foiled; he was an ardent advocate of English and the
sciences in education, and would have been glad to have the study of
Latin and Greek utterly banished from the schools. Fortunately in this
matter public opinion was too strong for him, and he was obliged to
succumb to the regular curriculum. For some reason, whether because of
early lack of training in these studies or because his mind was of such
a sort as to be completely absorbed in the present, he was all his life
violently prejudiced against the classics, and on his very death-bed
one of his last acts was to compose a mocking diatribe against the use
of those languages. It is one of the few cases where his judgment was
marred, not by the limitations of his intelligence, but a lack of the
deeper imagination,--where he applied his footrule of utility to
measure quantities beyond its reach.
With Franklin's increasing prosperity and popularity his influence in
matters political grew more and more dominant. His first recognition in
this field was in 1736, when he was chosen clerk of the General
Assembly,--a position which he continued to hold until he was elected a
member of the Assembly itself. He found this office very tedious, but
amused himself during the long debates by constructing magic squares of
figures and by other diversions of the sort. Constant to his practice
he lets us know that he retained the position chiefly because it
enabled him to get control of the public printing, and once when
threatened by the advent of a new member with loss of this lucrative
employment he saved himself by his usual recourse to honorable
stratagem. Having heard that this gentleman had in his library a
certain very scarce and curious book, Franklin wrote him a note
expressing a desire to read the volume and asking to borrow it for a
few days. The book came immediately, and the two students were at once
bound together in friendship. "This is another instance," Franklin
adds, "of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which says: 'He that
has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another than
he whom you yourself have obliged.'"
Other positions came to Franklin in due time. The very next year he was
made postmaster of Philadelphia, and filled the office so well that
some years later he was put at the head of the postal system for the
colonies. This gave him an opportunity to become familiar with the
political affairs of the whole country and enhanced his usefulness very
much.
What first brought him into real prominence was his activity during the
troublesome times that now followed with the Indians. England was at
war with France, and as usual the combatants stirred up the savages to
commit all kinds of atrocities. Franklin was much incensed that the
peace-loving Quakers of his colony should refuse to make any provision
for defense against the Indians on the western frontier or against
possible attacks of the French from the river. His indignation was
increased by a visit to Boston in 1746, where he found the people in a
state of warlike fervor after the conquest of Louisburg; and on
returning home he wrote an eloquent pamphlet, called "Plain Truth," to
rouse the colony to a sense of its peril. Despite the half-hearted
opposition of the Quakers in the Assembly companies were raised,
cannon, by the shrewd policy of Franklin, were got from New York, and
the promoter of the movement was even asked to act as colonel of the
troops,--an honor which he declined. One of Franklin's friends now
warned him that the Quakers in the Assembly would dismiss him from his
position as clerk and advised him to resign at once to avoid the
disgrace. Franklin's reply, which he was fond of quoting in after life,
shows the sturdy nature of the man: "I shall never _ask_, never
_refuse_, nor ever RESIGN an office." As it happened, however, he was
again chosen unanimously at the next election, and we may suppose that
he was keen enough to know with whom he had to deal. The good Quakers
would not fight, but they were not always averse to have some one do
their fighting for them.
We are approaching the tumultuous times of the Seven Years' War, when
the sound of cannon was indeed heard round the world, and when the
prowess of England's arms added India and Canada to her empire. In 1752
Franklin, who was now a member of the legislature, was sent, together
with the speaker of the Assembly, to confer with the Indians of Ohio;
and if no important results came from the conference it at least helped
to give Franklin an insight into Indian character such as few men
possessed. Two years later, when actual war became imminent, he was
chosen one of the commissioners from Pennsylvania to meet those of the
other colonies at Albany and consult on measures of common defense. Any
one might see that the colonies would be stronger united than
separated, and several of the commissioners came prepared with
proposals of union. Franklin had already published in his "Gazette" an
article on the subject, to which he had added a wood-cut showing a
snake cut in thirteen pieces with the device JOIN OR DIE. On the way to
Albany he had drawn up a plan of union which pleased the Congress, and
which resembled very much the form of union afterwards adopted during
the Revolution; but as Franklin observes, "Its fate was singular; the
Assemblies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much
prerogative in it; and in England it was judged to have too much of the
democratic." Instead of this scheme the London Board of Trade devised a
plan of their own which, besides other objectionable features, involved
the deplorable principle of taxing the colonies without their consent.
It is interesting to find Franklin the next winter in Boston discussing
the improprieties of this plan with Governor Shirley, and it has been
truly observed that his arguments include almost all that was later
brought out when the question of taxation without representation became
a burning question.
In 1755 we find Franklin connected with an event which first brought
Washington into prominence. That was the year of Braddock's unfortunate
campaign, and the Assembly of Pennsylvania, which had refused to grant
money for the war and now feared that Braddock would take revenge by
ravaging the colony, sent Franklin into Maryland to consult with the
general and pacify him if possible. It is needless to say that Franklin
succeeded. By cunning advertisements and appeals to the farmers in
Pennsylvania he got wagons and teams for the army; but to do this he
had to pledge himself for a considerable sum of money, his own credit
being higher than that of the government, and after the general rout in
which many of the wagons and horses were lost he was compelled to pay
out large sums of money for which he was never entirely reimbursed. He
also persuaded the Assembly of Pennsylvania to provide the younger
officers of the regiment with horses and stores for the campaign,
although to Washington, as we know, all this accumulation of provisions
for such an expedition seemed no better than a nuisance. Franklin, too,
had his fears, and even went so far as to caution Braddock against the
ambuscades of the Indians. Braddock smiled at his ignorance, and
replied: "These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw
American militia, but upon the king's regular and disciplined troops,
sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." Franklin tells
us he was conscious of the impropriety of disputing with a military man
in matters of his profession, and said no more. The story of Braddock's
defeat is only too well known; but to Franklin at least the campaign
brought some profit. When later he went to England he found that the
general's account of his intelligence and generosity had added
considerably to his reputation.
The failure of the expedition had left the western frontier open to the
savage raids of the Indians, and Pennsylvania, owing to her unprotected
condition, suffered more than the other colonies. Franklin came to the
rescue with a bill to raise volunteers which was carried through the
Assembly; troops were quickly organized, and the philosopher was
himself appointed general. He was two months in the field and conducted
himself with admirable prudence, although he did not undergo the test
of actual fighting. After that time he was recalled by the governor to
Philadelphia, for the Assembly was about to meet and his services were
needed at home.
The old trouble between the proprietary governor and the Assembly had
now reached an acute stage. The two sons of William Penn, into whose
hands the colony had descended, pursued a narrow and selfish policy,
forcing the governor to veto every bill for raising money unless the
estates owned by the proprietors were exempted from taxation. From the
beginning Franklin had stood with the popular party in opposing these
regulations, yet curiously enough had always been a favorite with the
governors. These magistrates were bound to follow the proprietors' will
under penalty of being recalled; but on the other hand their salary was
dependent on the pleasure of the Assembly, and they may well have clung
to a wise and tolerant intermediary like Franklin. Nothing, however,
could now allay the hostile feelings. The Assembly voted money for
immediate defense under the conditions imposed, but at the same time
declared that the measure was not to be held as a precedent for the
future; and Franklin was sent to England to treat with the
proprietaries in person, and if necessary with the Crown.
V
FIRST AND SECOND MISSIONS TO ENGLAND
Franklin reached London July 27, 1757, when he was fifty-one years old.
He remained in England five years, and during that period his life was
one of manifold interests and vexations. His business with the Penns
first engaged his attention; but from those stubborn gentlemen he got
nothing but insolence and delays. After much manoeuvring the dispute
was brought before a committee of the Privy Council, where the
Pennsylvania Assembly through its representative virtually won its
case. The proprietary estates were made subject to taxation, and this
bone of contention was for a time removed. It was indeed a great
victory for the Philadelphia printer; but perhaps its chief value was
the training it gave him for the more important diplomatic negotiations
that were to come later. There was that in Franklin's nature which made
him an ideal diplomatist. Under the utmost candor and simplicity he
concealed a penetration into character and a skill in using legitimate
chicanery that rarely missed their mark. Then, too, he was persistent:
what he undertook to do he never left until it was done. Though far
from being an orator, he wielded a pen that for clearness and logical
pointedness has scarcely been surpassed, and his powers of irony and
sarcasm were worthy of Swift himself.
Among other subjects which engaged Franklin's pen at this time was a
question of vital interest, as he thought, to the empire. Under the
masterly guidance of the great Pitt, England had come out victorious in
the struggle with France, and the government was now debating whether
Canada should be retained or given back to the French. The chief
argument for surrendering the province was ominous of the future. "A
neighbor that keeps us in some awe is not always the worst of
neighbors.... If we acquire all Canada, we shall soon find North
America itself too powerful and too populous to be governed by us at a
distance." To this timid reasoning, which was attributed to William
Burke, Franklin replied in a pamphlet, discussing the whole question
with the utmost acumen, displaying the future greatness of the empire
in America, and denying that the colonies would ever revolt. Touching
this last apprehension he says: "There are so many causes that must
operate to prevent it that I will venture to say a union amongst them
for such a purpose is not merely improbable, it is impossible.... When
I say such a union is impossible, I mean without the most grievous
tyranny and oppression.... _The waves do not rise but when the wind
blows._... What such an administration as the Duke of Alva's in the
Netherlands might produce, I know not; but this, I think, I have a
right to deem impossible." Strange words to come from Franklin in those
days; but it is thought they were of considerable influence in the
final decision of the question. Franklin indeed was always fond of
prophesying the future greatness of America, and again in the
diplomatic debates after the revolutionary war he long insisted that
Canada should be severed from England and joined to the thirteen
States.
But our philosopher had much to occupy him besides politics. He had
taken lodgings at No. 7 Craven Street with a Mrs. Stevenson, in whom
and in whose daughter he found warm and congenial friends. His
correspondence with "Dear Polly," the daughter, contains some of his
most entertaining letters; and he even planned, but unsuccessfully, to
make her the wife of his son William. His fame as a scientist had
preceded him, and introduced him into the society of many distinguished
men in England and Scotland, among whom his genial nature freely
expanded. And nothing could stop the activity of his mind, not even
sickness. For eight weeks he struggled with a fever, but the letter to
his wife conveying the story of his illness reads as if he were almost
willing to undergo such an experience for the opportunity of studying
pathology which it offered.
At last he was ready to return home. The University of St. Andrews had
conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Laws, and afterwards Oxford
had done the same. He had succeeded in his mission, his son had been
appointed governor of New Jersey, and he looked forward to a life of
honorable ease in his adopted city. Just before sailing he wrote to
Lord Kames: "I am now waiting here only for a wind to waft me to
America, but cannot leave this happy island and my friends in it
without extreme regret, though I am going to a country and a people
that I love. I am going from the old world to the new, and I fancy I
feel like those who are leaving this world for the next. Grief at the
parting, fear of the passage, hope of the future,--these different
passions all affect their minds at once, and these have _tendered_ me
down exceedingly."
Peace had come to Europe in 1763, but not to America. The Indians, who
had been aroused by European intrigue, were not so easily pacified, and
western Pennsylvania especially continued to suffer from their ravages.
The men of the frontier banded together for retaliation, and
unfortunately their revenge equaled the brutality of the red savages.
Religious odium added bitterness to the passions. The Scotch-Irish
Presbyterians of the west, enraged at the supineness of the eastern
Quakers, made the extermination of the Indians a point of religion. The
horror reached its climax when the good people of Paxton in cold blood
massacred twenty helpless and innocent Indians, and then with a large
following marched towards Philadelphia with the avowed purpose of
murdering in the name of an angry God one hundred and forty peaceful
Moravian Indians. The governor, a nephew of the proprietaries, came, as
all men did, to Franklin in his perplexity; he even lodged in
Franklin's house, and concerted with him hourly on the means of
repelling the invaders. The "Paxton boys" had reached Germantown. The
city was in a panic, and there was no time to lose. Franklin first got
together a regiment of militia, and then, with three other gentlemen,
went out to Germantown to remonstrate with the fanatics. His mission
was successful, and the insurrection was quelled; but Franklin himself
had gained many enemies by his action. The people were largely in favor
of the Paxton rioters; and the governor, now relieved of his immediate
fears, made an infamous proclamation setting a price upon Indian
scalps. A strong coalition was formed against Franklin; to the enmity
of the proprietary party was now added the distrust of the people.
Just at this time the old trouble between the governor and the Assembly
broke out more virulently. Despite the decision of the London Council,
the governor vetoed an important bill because the proprietary estates
were not exempted from taxation. An angry debate arose in the Assembly
as to whether they should petition the king to withdraw Pennsylvania
from the proprietaries and make it a crown colony. Franklin took an
active part in this contest, and threw all the weight of his authority
in favor of the petition; but in the election which followed in 1764
the combination of the aristocrats, who sided with the proprietaries,
and of the fanatics, who favored the Paxton uprising, was too strong
for him, and he was not returned. After a stormy debate, however, the
Assembly adopted the petition; and Franklin, despite the bitter
personal attacks of John Dickinson, was chosen as agent to carry the
request to England.
The petition was not allowed, and Pennsylvania remained in the hands of
the proprietaries until it became an independent state. But other
questions, far more important than the local difficulties of any one
colony, were to occupy Franklin's and the other commissioners' time.
Franklin was in England from December, 1764, until March of 1775, and
during these ten years was busily engaged in supporting the colonies in
their unequal struggle against the British Parliament. He was the
accredited representative of Pennsylvania, Georgia, New Jersey, and
Massachusetts, and before the government and the people of England
stood as the champion of the whole province. Every one knows the nature
of the acts which finally created a new empire in the West,--the Stamp
Act, the duty on tea, the Boston Port bill. Their very names still stir
the patriotic blood of America. The principle at issue was clearly
announced in the battle cry, "No taxation without representation."
Franklin was a stanch advocate of the American claims, and threw all
the weight of his personal influence and of his eloquent pen into the
work. But in one respect he seems to have been deceived: during the
first years of his mission he held Parliament responsible for all the
tyrannical measures against the colonies, and looked upon the king as
their natural protector. It was a feeling common among Americans who
wished to preserve their allegiance to the empire while protesting
against the authority of the laws. Even as late as 1771 he could write
these words about George III: "I can scarcely conceive a king of better
dispositions, of more exemplary virtues, or more truly desirous of
promoting the welfare of his subjects." When at last the bigoted
character of that sovereign was fully revealed to him, he despaired
utterly of reconciliation with the mother country.
Franklin's labors may well be portrayed in two dramatic incidents: his
examination before Parliament in 1766, and the so-called Privy Council
outrage in 1774.
After the passage of the Stamp Act, Franklin wrote to a friend: "Depend
upon it, my good neighbor, I took every step in my power to prevent the
passing of the Stamp Act. Nobody could be more concerned and interested
than myself to oppose it sincerely and heartily.... We might as well
have hindered the sun's setting. That we could not do. But since it is
down, my friend, and it may be long before it rises again, let us make
as good a night of it as we can. We can still light candles. Frugality
and industry will go a great way towards indemnifying us. Idleness and
pride tax with a heavier hand than kings and parliaments. If we can get
rid of the former, we may easily bear the latter." But Franklin's
philosophical habit of accepting the inevitable,--a habit which for a
time brought him the hostility of such strenuous patriots as the
Adamses,--did not prevent him from doing all in his power to further
the repeal of that act when the matter was again taken up by
Parliament. Nor did America lack friends in Parliament itself, and
these gentlemen now arranged that Franklin should give testimony before
the bar of the House.
In the examination which followed, Franklin showed the fullness of his
knowledge and the keenness of his wit better perhaps than in any other
act of his life. It is impossible to give at length the replies with
which he aided the friends of repeal and baffled its foes; but a few of
his answers may indicate the nature of all.
_Q._ "What was the temper of America towards Great Britain before the
year 1763?"
_A._ "The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the government
of the Crown, and paid in their courts obedience to acts of Parliament....
They had not only a respect, but an affection for Great Britain; for
its laws, its customs, and manners; and even a fondness for its
fashions, that greatly increased the commerce. Natives of Britain were
always treated with particular regard; to be an _Old England man_ was,
of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among
us."
_Q._ "What is their temper now?"
_A._ "Oh, very much altered."
_Q._ "How would the Americans receive a future tax, imposed on the same
principle as the Stamp Act?"