[64] Gierke, _Political Theories of the Middle Age_, pp. 8 and 10.

[65] _The Commonwealth of Nations_, Part I, p. 73.

[66] _Memoirs and letters of Sir Robert Morier_, ii. 276.

VIII

PROGRESS IN INDUSTRY

A. E. ZIMMERN

In our study of Government we traced the upward course of the common

life of mankind in the world. We saw it in the increasing control of Man

over his physical environment, and we saw it also in his clearer

realization of the ultimate ideal of government--the ordering of the

world's affairs on the basis of liberty. We have now to turn aside from

this main stream of social development to watch one particular branch of

it--to survey man's record in the special department of economics. We

shall no longer be studying human history, or the history of human

society, as a whole, but what is known as economic or industrial

history.

It is important to be clear at the outset that economic or industrial

history _is_ a tributary stream and not the main stream: for there are a

number of people who are of the contrary opinion. There has been an

increasing tendency of recent years to write human history in terms of

economic or industrial progress. 'Tell me what men ate or wore or

manufactured,' say historians of this school, 'and we will tell you what

stage of civilization he had reached. We will place him in his proper

pigeonhole in our arrangement of the record of human progress.' Did he

use flint implements or fight with nothing but a bow and arrow? Did he

use a canoe with a primitive pole which he had not even the sense to

flatten so as to make it into a serviceable paddle? Then our

sociologist will put him very low down on his list of the stages of

human progress. For the modern sociologist is a confirmed plutocrat. He

measures the character of men and races by their wealth. Just as

old-fashioned people still think of the society of our own country as a

hierarchy, in which the various classes are graded according to their

social prestige and the extent of their possessions: so students of

primitive civilization classify races according to their material

equipment, and can hardly help yielding to the temptation of reckoning

their stage of progress as a whole by the only available test. Thus it

is common, especially in Germany and the United States, to find

histories of what purports to be the progress of mankind which show man

first as a hunter and a fisherman, then as a shepherd, then as a tiller

of the soil, and then work upwards to the complicated industrial system

of to-day. We are asked to accept the life of Abraham or David among the

sheepfolds as the bottom of the ladder, and the life of a modern

wage-earner under the smoky sky of a manufacturing area as the top; and

when we complain and say, as men like William Morris and Stephen Graham

are always saying, that we would far prefer to live in David's world, in

spite of all its discomforts, we are told that we have no right to

quarrel with the sacred principle of Evolution.

To interpret human history in this way is, of course, to deny its

spiritual meaning, to deny that it is a record of the progress of the

human _spirit_ at all. It is to read it as a tale of the improvement, or

rather the increasing complication, of _things_, rather than of the

advance of man. It is to view the world as a Domain of Matter, not as

the Kingdom of Man--still less, as the Kingdom of God. It is to tie us

helplessly to the chariot wheels of an industrial Juggernaut which knows

nothing of moral values. Let the progress of industry make life noisy

and ugly and anxious and unhappy: let it engross the great mass of

mankind in tedious and uncongenial tasks and the remainder in the

foolish and unsatisfying activities of luxurious living; let it defile

the green earth with pits and factories and slag-heaps and the mean

streets of those who toil at them, and dim the daylight with exhalations

of monstrous vapour. It is not for us to complain or to resist: for we

are in the grip of a Power which is greater than ourselves, a Power to

which mankind in all five continents has learnt to yield--that Economic

Process which is, in truth, the God, or the Devil, of the modern world.

No thinking man dare acquiesce in such a conclusion or consent to bow

the head before such fancied necessities. The function of industry, he

will reply, is to serve human life not to master it: to beautify human

life not to degrade it: to set life free not to enslave it. Economics is

not the whole of life: and when it transgresses its bounds and exceeds

its functions it must be controlled and thrust back into its place by

the combined activities of men. The soul is higher than the body, and

life is more than housekeeping. Liberty is higher than Riches, and the

welfare of the community more important than its economic and material

progress. These great processes, which the increase of man's knowledge

has set in motion, are not impersonal inhuman forces: Men originated

them: men administer them: and men must control them. Against economic

necessity let us set political necessity: and let the watchword of that

political necessity, here as always, be the freedom and the well-being

of mankind.

With this caution in mind, then, let us approach our subject.

What is Economics? Economics is simply the Greek for 'house-keeping'. If

writers and thinkers on the subject had only kept this simple fact in

mind, or used the English word instead of the Greek, the world would

have been saved much misery and confusion. Political economy is not,

what Mill and other writers define it to be, 'the Science of Wealth'. It

is the art of community-housekeeping, and community-housekeeping, as

every woman knows, is a very important if subsidiary branch of the art

of community-management or government.

Housekeeping, of course, is not a selfish but a social function.

Housewives do not lay in bread and cheese simply to gratify their own

desire to be possessors of a large store, but for the sake of their

household. The true housekeeper or economic man is the man who is

consciously ministering to the real needs of the community. Like the

ruler or minister in the political sphere, he is a man who is performing

a public service.

This is equally true whether the housekeeper has a monopoly of the

purchase of bread and cheese for the household, or whether he or she has

to compete with others as to which is to be allowed to serve the public

in that particular transaction. Just as, under the party system, which

seems to be inseparable from the working of democratic institutions, men

stand for Parliament and compete for the honour of representing their

neighbours, so in most systems of industry men compete for the honour of

supplying the public. Competition in industry is practically as old as

industry. In the earliest picture that has come down to us of Greek

village life we read of the competition between potter and potter and

between minstrel and minstrel--a competition as keen and as fierce, we

may be sure, as that between rival shopkeepers to-day. For the opposite

of competition, as has been truly said, is not co-operation but monopoly

or bureaucracy: and there is no short and easy means of deciding between

the rival systems. Sometimes the community is better served by

entrusting one department wholly to one purveyor or one system of

management--as in the Postal Service, or the Army and Navy. Sometimes it

is clearly better to leave the matter open to competition. Nobody, for

instance, would propose to do with only one minstrel, and seal the lips

of all poets but the Poet Laureate. Sometimes, as in the case of the

organized professions and the liquor trade, a strictly regulated system

of competition has been considered best. No doubt the tendency at the

present time is setting strongly against competition and towards more

unified and more closely organized systems of doing business. But it is

important to make quite clear that there is nothing immoral or

anti-social about the fact of competition itself, and nothing

inconsistent with the idea of service and co-operation which should

underlie all social and economic activity. It is not competition itself,

as people often wrongly think, which is the evil, but the shallow and

selfish motives and the ruthless trampling down of the weak that are too

often associated with it. When we condemn the maxim 'the Devil take the

hindmost', it is not because we think we ought to treat the hindmost as

though he were the foremost--to buy cracked jars or patronize incapable

minstrels. It is because we feel that there is a wrong standard of

reward among those who have pushed to the front, and that the community

as a whole cannot ignore its responsibility towards its less fortunate

and capable members.

It is, indeed, quite impossible to abolish competition for the patronage

of the household without subjecting its members to tyranny or tying them

down to an intolerable uniformity--forcing them to suppress their own

temporary likes or dislikes and to go on taking in the same stuff in the

same quantities world without end. For the most serious and permanent

competition is not that between rival purveyors of the same goods,

between potter and potter and minstrel and minstrel, but between one

set of goods and another: between the potter and the blacksmith, the

minstrel and the painter. If we abolished competition permanently

between the British railways we could not make sure that the public

would always use them as it does now. People would still be at liberty

to walk or to drive or to bicycle or to fly, or, at the very worst, to

stay at home. Competition, as every business man knows, sometimes arises

from the most unexpected quarters. The picture-house and the bicycle

have damaged the brewer and the publican. Similarly the motor-car and

the golf links have spoilt the trade in the fine china ornaments such as

used to be common in expensively furnished drawing-rooms. People sit

less in their rooms, so spend less on decorating them. The members of

the household always retain ultimate control over their economic life,

if they care to exercise it. 'Whoso has sixpence,' as Carlyle said, 'is

sovereign (to the length of sixpence), over all men; commands Cooks to

feed him, Philosophers to teach him, Kings to mount guard over him,'--to

the length of sixpence. Passive resistance and the boycott are always

open to the public in the last resort against any of their servants who

has abused the powers of his position. A good instance of this occurred

in the events which led to the so-called Tobacco riots in Milan in 1848.

The Austrians thought they could force the Italians in their Lombard

provinces to pay for a government they hated by putting a heavy tax on

tobacco. But the Italians, with more self-control than we have shown in

the present war, with one accord gave up smoking. Here was a plain

competition between a monopoly and the consumer, between tobacco and

patriotism: between a united household and an unpopular servant: and the

household won, as it always can unless its members are incapable of

combined action or have been deprived by governmental tyranny of all

power to associate and to organize.

We are faced then with a community or household which has certain wants

that need to be supplied. The individual members of the community are

justified, within the limits of general well-being,[67] in deciding what

are their own wants and how to satisfy them. They claim the right to

_demand_, as the economists put it, the goods and services they require,

bread and cheese, poetry, tobacco, motor-bicycles, china ornaments. In

order to meet those demands, which are stable in essentials but subject

to constant modification in detail, there is ceaseless activity,

rivalry, competition, on the part of the purveyors--on the side of what

economists call _supply_. The business of housekeeping, or what is

called the economic process, is that of bringing this demand and this

supply into relation with one another. If the members of the household

said they wanted to eat the moon instead of sugar, their demand would

not be an economic demand: for no housekeeper could satisfy it.

Similarly on the supply side: if the baker insisted on bringing round

bad epics instead of bread and the grocer bad sonatas instead of sugar,

the supply, however good it might seem to the baker and the grocer, and

however much satisfaction they might personally have derived from their

work, would not be an economic supply: for the housekeeper, acting on

behalf of the household, would not take it in. But if the demand was for

something not yet available, but less impossibly remote than the moon,

the housekeeper might persuade the purveyors to cudgel their brains till

they had met the need. For, as we know, Necessity, which is another word

for Demand, is the mother of invention. Similarly, if a purveyor

supplied something undreamed of by the household, but otherwise good of

its kind, he might succeed in persuading the household to like it--in

other words, in creating a demand. The late Sir Alfred Jones, by putting

bananas cheap on the market, persuaded us that we liked them. Similarly

Mr. Marvin, who deals in something better than bananas, has persuaded us

all to come here, though most of us would never have thought of it

unless he had created the demand in us.

Economic Progress, then, is progress both on the side of demand and on

the side of supply. It is a progress in wants as well as in their means

of satisfaction: a progress in the aspirations of the household as well

as in the contrivances of its purveyors: a progress in the sense of what

life might be, as well as in the skill and genius and organizing powers

of those to whom the community looks for help in the realization of its

hopes. It is important that this double aspect of our subject should be

realized, for in what follows we shall have no opportunity to dwell

further upon it. Space compels us to leave the household and its wants

and aspirations out of account and to direct our attention solely to the

side of supply; although it must always be remembered that no real and

permanent progress in the organization of production is possible without

improvements in the quality and reduction in the number of the

requirements of what is called civilization.[68] What we have to watch,

in our study of progress in industry, is the history of man as a

purveyor of the household: in other words, as a producer of goods and

services: from the days of the primitive savage with his bark canoe to

the gigantic industrial enterprises of our own time.

We can best do so by dividing our subject into two on somewhat similar

lines to the division in our study of government. Let us consider

industry, first as an activity involving a relationship between man and

Nature; secondly, as involving what may be called a problem of

industrial government, a problem arising out of the co-operation between

man and man in industrial work. In the first of these aspects we shall

see man as a maker, an inventor, an artist; in the second as a subject

or a citizen, a slave or a free man, in the Industrial Commonwealth.

Man as a maker or producer carries us back to the dawn of history. Man

is a tool-using animal and the early stages of human history are a

record of the elaboration of tools. The flint axes in our museums are

the earliest monuments of the activity of the human spirit. We do not

know what the cave men of the Old Stone Age said or thought, or indeed

whether they did anything that we should call speaking or thinking at

all; but we know what they made. Centuries and millenniums elapsed

between them and the first peoples of whom we have any more intimate

record--centuries during which the foundations of our existing

industrial knowledge and practice were being steadily laid. 'One may say

in general,' says Mr. Marvin,[69]

that most of the fruitful practical devices of mankind had

their origin in prehistoric times, many of them existing

then with little essential difference. Any one of them

affords a lesson in the gradual elaboration of the simple. A

step minute in itself leads on and on, and so all the

practical arts are built up, a readier and more observant

mind imitating and adapting the work of predecessors, as we

imagined the first man making his first flint axe. The

history of the plough goes back to the elongation of a bent

stick. The wheel would arise from cutting out the middle of

a trunk used as a roller. House architecture is the

imitation with logs and mud of the natural shelters of the

rocks, and begins its great development when men have learnt

to make square corners instead of a rough circle. And so on

with all the arts of life or pleasure, including clothing,

cooking, tilling, sailing, and fighting.

How did this gradual progress come about? Mr. Marvin himself supplies

the answer. Through the action of the 'readier and more observant

minds'--in other words, through specialization and the division of

labour. As far back as we can go in history we find a recognition that

men are not all alike, that some have one gift and some another, and

that it is to the advantage of society to let each use his own gift in

the public service. Among primitive peoples there has indeed often been

a belief that men are compensated for physical weakness and disability

by peculiar excellence in some sphere of their own. Hephaestos among the

Greek gods was lame: so he becomes a blacksmith and uses his arms. Homer

is blind: so instead of fighting he sings of war. They would not go so

far as to maintain that all lame men must be good blacksmiths or all

blind men good poets: but at least they recognized that there was room

in the community for special types and that the blacksmith and the poet

were as useful as the ordinary run of cultivators and fighting men. The

Greek word for craftsman--[Greek: demiourgos]--'worker for the people,'

shows how the Greeks felt on this point. To them poetry and

craftsmanship were as much honourable occupations or, as we should say,

professional activities as fighting and tilling. Whether Homer took to

poetry because he could not fight or because he had an overwhelming

poetic gift, he had justified his place in the community.

Specialization is the foundation of all craftsmanship and therefore the

source of all industrial progress. We recognize this, of course, in

common speech. 'Practice makes perfect,' 'Genius is an infinite capacity

for taking pains,' are only different ways of saying that it is not

enough to be 'ready' and 'observant', but that continued activity and

concentration are necessary. A perfect industrial community would not be

a community where everybody was doing the same thing: nor would it be a

community where every one was doing just what he liked at the moment: it

would be a community where every one was putting all his strength into

the work which he was by nature best qualified to do--where, in the

words of Kipling:

No one shall work for money, and no one shall work for fame,

But each for the joy of the working, and each, in his separate star,

Shall draw the thing as he sees it for the God of Things as They Are.

Progress in industry, then, on this side, consists in increasing

specialization and in the perfection of the relationship between the

workman and his work. Man in this world is destined to labour, and

labour is often described as the curse of Adam. But in reality, as every

one knows who has tried it, or observed the habits of those who have,

idleness is far more of a curse than labour. Few men--at any rate in the

temperate zone--can be consistently idle and remain happy. The born

idler is almost as rare as the born poet. Most men, and, it must be

added, most women, are happier working. If holidays were the rule and

work the exception the world would be a much less cheerful place than it

is even to-day. Purposeful activity is as natural to man as playing is

to a kitten. From a purely natural point of view, no one has ever given

a better definition of happiness than Aristotle when he defined it as

_an activity of the soul in the direction of excellence in an unhampered

life_. By excellence, of course, in this famous definition, Aristotle

does not mean simply virtue: he means excellence in work. It is

impossible, as we all know, to be good in the abstract. We must be good

in some particular directions, _at_ some particular thing. And the

particular thing that we are good at is _our_ work, our craft, our

art--or, to use our less aesthetic English word, for which there is no

equivalent in Greek, our duty. If happiness is to be found in doing

one's duty, it does not result from doing that duty badly, but from

doing it well--turning out, as we say, a thoroughly good piece of work,

whether a day's work or a life work. There is a lingering idea, still

held in some quarters, that the more unpleasant an activity is the more

virtuous it is. This is a mere barbarous survival from the days of what

Nietzsche called slave-morality. We are each of us born with special

individual gifts and capacities. There is, if we only knew it, some

particular kind or piece of work which we are pre-eminently fitted to

do--some particular activity or profession, be it held in high or in low

repute in the world of to-day, in which we can win the steady happiness

of purposeful labour. Shall we then say that it ministers to human

progress and to the glory of God deliberately to bury our talent out of

sight and to seek rather work which, because it is irksome and

unpleasant to us, we can never succeed in doing either easily or really

well? No one who knows anything of education or of the training of the

young, no one, indeed, who has any love for children, would dare to say

that we should. Our State educational system, miserably defective though

it is in this regard, is based upon the idea of ministering to the

special gifts of its pupils--of trying by scholarships, by Care

Committees, by the institution of schools with a special 'bias', to meet

the needs of different kinds of young people and to set them in the path

on which they are best fitted to travel.

In doing this the modern State is only trying to carry out the

principle laid down in the greatest book ever written on

education--Plato's _Republic_. Plato's object was to train every citizen

to fill the one position where he could lead the best life for the good

of the State. His aim was not to make his citizens happy but to promote

goodness; but he had enough faith in human nature--and who can be an

educational thinker without having faith in human nature?--to be

convinced that to enable men to 'do their bit', as we say to-day, was to

assure them of the truest happiness. We of this generation know how

abundantly that faith has been confirmed. And indeed we can appeal in

this matter not only to the common sense of Education Authorities or to

the philosophy of the ancients, but to the principles of the Christian

religion. The late Professor Smart, who was not only a good economist

but a good man; has some very pertinent words on this subject. 'If for

some reason that we know not of,' he remarks,[70]

this present is merely the first stage in being; if we are

all at school, and not merely pitched into the world by

chance to pick up our living as best we can ... it seems to

me that we have reason enough to complain of the existing

economic system.... I imagine that many of our churchgoing

people, if they ever get to the heaven they sing about, will

find themselves most uncomfortable, if it be a place for

which they have made no preparation but in the 'business' in

which they have earned their living.... A man's daily work

is a far greater thing towards the development of the God

that is in him than his wealth. And, however revolutionary

the idea is, I must say that all our accumulations of wealth

are little to the purpose of life if they do not tend

towards the giving to all men the opportunity of such work

as will have its reward _in the doing_.

And of his own particular life-work, teaching, he remarks, in words that

testify to his own inner peace and happiness, that 'some of us have got

into occupations which almost seem to guarantee immortality'.

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