By way of appreciating the conditions prevailing in the Later Neolithic

Age, let us consider in turn the Lake-dwellers of Switzerland and the

Dolmen-builders of our Western coast-lands. I was privileged to assist,

on the shore of the Lake of Neuchatel, in the excavation of a site where

one Neolithic village of pile-dwellings had evidently been destroyed by

fire, and at some later date, just falling within the Stone Age, had

been replaced by another. Here we had lighted on a crucial instance of

the march of cultural progress. The very piles testified to it, those of

the older settlement being ill-assorted and slight, whereas the later

structure was regularly built and heavily timbered. It was clear, too,

that the first set of inhabitants had lived narrow lives. All their

worldly goods were derived from strictly local sources. On the other

hand, their successors wore shells from the Mediterranean and amber

beads from the Baltic among their numerous decorations; while for their

flint they actually went as far afield as Grand Pressigny in

West-Central France, the mines of which provided the butter-like nodules

that represented the _ne plus ultra_ of Neolithic luxury. Commerce must

have been decidedly flourishing in those days. No longer was it a case

of the so-called 'silent trade', which the furtive savage prosecutes

with fear and trembling, placing, let us say, a lump of venison on a

rock in the stream dividing his haunts from those of his dangerous

neighbours, and stealing back later on to see if the red ochre for which

he pines has been deposited in return on the primitive counter. The

Neolithic trader, on the other side, must have pushed the science of

barter to the uttermost limits short of the invention of a circulating

medium, if indeed some crude form of currency was not already in vogue.

When we turn to the Dolmen-builders, and contemplate their hoary

sanctuaries, we are back among the problems raised by the philosophic

conception of progress as an advance in soul-power. Is any religion

better than none? Does it make for soul-power to be preoccupied with the

cult of the dead? Does the imagination, which in alliance with the

scientific reason achieves such conquests over nature, give way at times

to morbid aberration, causing the chill and foggy loom of an after-life

to obscure the honest face of the day? I can only say for myself that

the deepening of the human consciousnesses due to the effort to close

with the mystery of evil and death, and to extort therefrom a message of

hope and comfort, seems to me to have been worth the achievement at

almost any cost of crimes and follies perpetrated by the way. I do not

think that progress in religion is progress towards its ultimate

abolition. Rather, religion, if regarded in the light of its earlier

history, must be treated as the parent source of all the more spiritual

activities of man; and on these his material activities must depend.

Else the machine will surely grind the man to death; and his body will

finally stop the wheels that his soul originally set in motion.

The panorama is over. It has not been easy, at the rate of about a

millennium to a minute, to present a coherent account of the prehistoric

record, which at best is like a jig-saw puzzle that has lost most of the

pieces needed to reconstitute the design. But, even on this hasty

showing, it looks as if the progressive nature of man were beyond

question. There is manifest gain in complexity of organization, both

physical and cultural; and only less manifest, in the sense that the

inwardness of the process cannot make appeal to the eye, is the

corresponding gain in realized power of soul. In short, the men of the

Stone Age assuredly bore their full share in the work of

race-improvement; and the only point on which there may seem to be doubt

is whether we of the age of metal are as ready and able to bear our

share. But let us be optimistic about ourselves. As long as we do not

allow our material achievements to blind us to the need of an education

that keeps the spiritual well to the fore, then progress is assured so

far as it depends on culture.

Yet if we could likewise breed for spirituality, humanity's chances, I

believe, would be bettered by as much again or more. But how is this to

be done? Science must somehow find out. To leave it to nature is treason

to the mind. Man may be an ass on the whole, but nature is even more of

an ass, especially when it stands for human nature minus its saving

grace of imaginative, will-directed intelligence. So let us hope that

one day people will marry intelligently, and that the best marriages

will be the richest in offspring. I believe that the spiritual is not

born of the sickly; and at any rate should be prepared to make trial of

such a working principle in my New Republic.

So much for the practical corollaries suggested by our flying visit to

Prehistoric Europe. But, even if any detailed lessons to be drawn from

such fragmentary facts have to be received with caution, you need not

hesitate to pursue this branch of study for its own sake as part of the

general training of the mind. Accustom yourselves to a long perspective.

Cultivate the eagle's faculty of spacious vision. It is only thus that

one can get the values right--see right and wrong, truth and error,

beauty and ugliness in their broad and cumulative effects. Analytic

studies, as they are termed, involving the exploration of the meaning of

received ideas, must come first in any scheme of genuine education. We

must learn to affirm before we can go on to learn how to criticize. But

historical studies are a necessary sequel. Other people's received ideas

turn out in the light of history to have sometimes worked well, and

sometimes not so well; and we are thereupon led to revise our own

opinions accordingly. Now the history of man has hitherto stood almost

exclusively for the history of European civilization. Being so limited,

it loses most of its value as an instrument of criticism. For how can a

single phase of culture criticize itself? How can it step out of the

scales and assess its own weight? Anthropology, however, will never

acquiesce in this parochial view of the province of history. History

worthy of the name must deal with man universal. So I would have you all

become anthropologists. Let your survey of human progress be age-long

and world-wide. You come of a large family and an ancient one. Learn to

be proud of it, and then you will seek likewise to be worthy of it.

BOOKS FOR REFERENCE

W. J. Sollas, _Ancient Hunters and their Modern Representatives_, 2nd

edition, 1915.

E. A. Parkyn, _Introduction to the study of Prehistoric Art_.

R. R. Marett, _Anthropology_ (Home University Library).

J. L. Myres, _Dawn of History_ (Home University).

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Presidential Address to the International Folk-Lore Congress, 1891,

p. 9.

III

PROGRESS AND HELLENISM

F. MELIAN STAWELL

To speak the truth about national characteristics it is often necessary

to speak in paradoxes, for of all unities on earth nothing contains so

many contradictions as a nation. So it is here: it may be said quite

truly that the Greeks had at once the most profound conceptions about

Progress and no faith in it: that they were at once the most hopeful and

the most despairing of peoples. Let me try to explain. When we speak of

a faith in Progress, whatever else we mean, we must mean, I take it,

that there is a real advance in human welfare throughout time from the

Past to the Future, that 'the best is yet to be', and that the good wine

is kept to the last. But if we are to have a philosophy underlying that

faith we must be able to say something more. What, in the first place,

do we mean by 'a real advance'? Or by 'human welfare'? Progress, yes,

but progress towards what? What is the standard? And if we cannot

indicate a standard, what right have we to say that one life is any

better than another? The life of the scientific man any better than the

life of the South Sea Islander--content if only he has enough bananas to

eat? Or than the life of a triumphant conqueror, a Zenghis Khan or a

Tamberlaine--exultant if he has enough human heads before him? Or,

indeed, any of these rather than the blank of Nirvana or the life of a

vegetable?

Our first need, then, is the need of a standard for good over and above

the conflicting opinions of men, and some idea as to what that standard

implies.

And the next question is, why we should hold that any of this good is

going to be realized in human life at all? If it is, there must be some

connexion of cause and effect between goodness and human existence. What

is the nature of that connexion? Finally, why should we hope that this

goodness is realized more and more fully as time goes on?

The Greeks faced these questions, as they faced so many, with

extraordinary daring and penetration and with an intimate mixture of

sadness and hope.

They themselves, of all nations known to us in history, had made the

greatest progress in the shortest space of time. A long course of

preparation, it is true, underlay that marvellous growth. The classical

Greeks,--and when I speak of Hellenism I mean the flower of classical

Greek culture,--the classical Greeks entered into the labours of the

island peoples, who, whether kindred to them or not, had built up from

neolithic times a great civilization, the major part of which they

could, and did, assimilate. They found the soil already worked. None the

less it is to their own original genius that we owe those great

discoveries of the spirit which, to quote a recent writer, 'created a

new world of science and art, established an ideal of the sane mind in

the sane body and the perfect man in the perfect society, cut out a new

line of progress between anarchy and despotism, and made moral ends

supreme over national in the State.'[6]

But these practical achievements of theirs have been already summed up

by Professor J. A. Smith in his lecture[7] at this school last year, and

it is to that lecture that I would refer you. I will take it as a basis

and proceed for my own purposes to discuss the Greek conceptions about

progress. Those conceptions were complex, and, speaking roughly, we may

say this: if belief in real progress implies belief in three things,

namely, (1) an absolute standard apprehended, however dimly, by man, (2)

a causal connexion between existence and perfection, and (3) a

persistent advance through time, then the Greeks held to the first two

and doubted, or even denied, the third. Their two great thinkers, Plato

and Aristotle, worked out systems based on the conviction that there

really was an absolute standard of perfection, that man could really

apprehend something of this perfection, and that the effort towards it

was essential to the very existence of the world, part of the stuff, as

it were, that made the universe. These systems have had an effect not to

be exaggerated on the whole movement of thought since their day.

Moreover, many of their fundamental conceptions are being revived in

modern science and metaphysics. And the convictions that underlie them

are calculated, one would say, to lead at once to a buoyant faith in

progress. But with Plato, and Aristotle, and the Greeks generally, they

did not so lead. The Greeks could not feel sure that this effort towards

perfection, though it is part of existence, is strong enough to deliver

man in this world from the web of evil in which also he is involved, nor

even that he makes any approach on the whole towards the loosening of

the toils. The spectre of world-destruction, as Whitman says of Carlyle,

was always before them. And I wish to ask later on if we may not surmise

definite reasons in their own history for this recurring note of

discouragement. But let us first look at the positive side, and first in

Plato. Plato came to his system by several lines of thought, and to

understand it we ought to take account of all.

1. In the first place no thinker, I suppose, ever felt more keenly than

he felt the desire for an absolute standard of truth, especially in

matters of right and wrong, if only to decide between the disputes of

men. And, in Greece men disputed so boldly and so incessantly that there

was no possibility of forgetting the clash of opinion in any 'dogmatic

slumber'. Thus Plato is always asking, like Robert Browning in 'Rabbi

Ben Ezra',--

Now, who shall arbitrate?

Ten men love what I hate,

Shun what I follow, slight what I receive;

Ten who in ears and eyes

Match me: we all surmise,

They this thing, and I that; whom shall my soul believe?

In one of his very earliest dialogues, the 'Euthyphro', Plato puts the

question almost in so many words. What is it, he asks (7 A-E), that men

quarrel over most passionately when they dispute? Is it not over the

great questions of justice and injustice, of beauty, goodness, and the

like? They do not quarrel thus over a question of physical size, simply

because they can settle such a dispute by reference to an unquestioned

standard, a standard measure, let us say.

If there is no corresponding standard for right and wrong, if each man

is really the judge and the measure for himself, then there is no sense,

Plato feels, in claiming that one man is wiser than another in conduct,

or indeed any man wiser than a dog-faced baboon (_Theaet._ 161 C-E).

2. Again, Plato feels most poignantly the inadequacy of all the goodness

and beauty we have ever actually seen in this world of space and time,

compared with the ideal we have of them in their perfection. How can we

have this sense of deficiency, he asks, unless somehow we apprehend

something supreme, over and above all the approaches to it that have as

yet appeared? (_Phaedo_, 74 E).

This vision of an absolute perfection, as yet unrealized on earth, so

dominates all his thinking, and has such peculiar features of its own,

that even familiar quotations must be quoted here. You will find an

exquisite translation of a typical passage in our Poet Laureate's

Anthology, _The Spirit of Man_ (No. 37). Specially to be noted here is

the stress on the unchanging character of this eternal perfection and

the suggestion that it cannot be fully realized in the world. At the

same time, Plato is equally sure that it is only through the study of

this world that our apprehension of that perfection is awakened at

all:--

'He who has thus been instructed in the science of Love, and

has been led to see beautiful things in their due order and

rank, when he comes toward the end of his discipline, will

suddenly catch sight of a wondrous thing, beautiful with the

absolute Beauty ... he will see a Beauty eternal, not

growing or decaying, not waxing or waning, nor will it be

fair here and foul there ... as if fair to some and foul to

others ... but Beauty absolute, separate, simple, and

everlasting; which lending of its virtue to all beautiful

things that we see born to decay, itself suffers neither

increase nor diminution, nor any other change' (_Symp._

211).

All beautiful things remind man, Plato tells us in his mythological

fashion, of this perfect Beauty, because we had seen it once before in

another life, before our souls were born into this world, 'that blissful

sight and spectacle' (_Phaedrus_, 250 B) when we followed Zeus in his

winged car and all the company of the gods, and went out into the realm

beyond the sky, a realm 'of which no mortal poet has ever sung or ever

will sing worthily'.

3. But, beside this passion for the ideal, Plato was intensely

interested in our knowledge of the actual world of appearances around

us. And one of the prime questions with which he was then concerned was

the question, what we mean when we talk about the nature or character

of the things we see, a plant, say, or an animal, or a man. We must mean

something definite, otherwise we could not recognize, for example, that

a plant _is_ a plant through all its varieties and all the different

stages of its growth. Plato's answer was, that in all natural things

there is a definite principle that copies, as it were, a definite Type

or Form, and this Type he calls an Idea. Thus in some sense it is this

Type, this Idea, this Form, that brings the particular thing into being.

4. But it was not enough for Plato to say that every natural thing had

in some sense a certain type for its basis, unless he could believe that

this type was good, and that all the types were harmonious with each

other. He could only be satisfied with the world, in short, if he could

feel that it came about through a movement towards perfection. He makes

his Socrates say that in asking about 'the causes of things, what it is

that makes each thing come into being', it was not enough for him if he

could only see that the thing was there because something had put it

there: he also wanted to see that it was good for it to be there.

Socrates tells us that what he needed he thought he had found in a book

by Anaxagoras, which announced 'that Mind was the disposer and cause of

all' because, 'I said to myself, If this be so--if Mind is the orderer,

it will have all in order, and put every single thing in the place that

is best for it'.[8]

It is the same feeling as that which underlies the words of Genesis

about the Creation, 'And God saw that it was good'. And there is no

doubt that such a view of the world would be supremely satisfying if we

could count it true. There may be considerable intellectual

satisfaction, no doubt, in merely solving a puzzle as to how things come

about, but it is as nothing compared to the joy there would be in

contemplating their goodness.

5. But is it true? Can we possibly say so in view of the hideous

imperfection round us? The writers of Genesis spoke of a Fall. Plato, in

his own way, speaks of a Fall himself. He never gives up the belief in

an Absolute Perfection, a system of Perfect Types somehow--he does not

say exactly how--influencing the structure of things in this world. But

he holds that on earth this perfection is always thwarted by a medium

which prevents its full manifestation. This medium is the medium of

Space and Time, and therefore the medium of history--and therefore

history is always and inevitably a record of failure. 'While we are in

the body,' Plato writes, 'and while the soul is contaminated with its

evils, our desire will never be thoroughly satisfied.'[9] 'The body is a

tomb,' he writes elsewhere, quoting a current phrase.

This is sad enough: yet if we put against it Plato's vision of what Man

might be, we get as inspiring words as ever were written:

'We have spoken of Man', he says at the end of the _Republic_, 'as he

appears to us now, but now he looks as Glaucus looked after he had been

cast into the sea, and his original nature was scarcely to be discerned,

for his limbs were broken and crushed and defaced by the waters, and

strange things had grown round him, shells and seaweed and stones, so

that he was more like a beast than a man. That is how the soul looks to

us now encompassed by all her evils. It is elsewhere, my friend, that we

ought to look.' Where? asks Plato's friend, and Plato answers, 'We

should look to her love of wisdom and realize what she clings to, what

company she desires, for she is akin to the Divine and Immortal and

Eternal, and we should understand what she would become if she followed

after it, with all her strength, and were lifted by that effort out of

the sea where she now lies.... Then we should understand her real

nature.' (_Republic_, 611.)

Somewhere, Plato believes, this true nature of man may be realized. The

Principle of Good is something active, not a dead helpless thing, with

no effect on the rest of the universe (_Sophist_, 248, 249); it is a

living power, which desires that everything everywhere should be as

glorious as possible (_Tim._ 29 D). There is no envy, Plato says, in the

Divine, that grudging spirit has no part in the heavenly company. Only

it is not on earth that the glory can be realized. It is towards the

life after death that Plato's real hopes are directed.

None the less, and this is important, this world does not cease to be

significant for him. He does not turn aside,--as some souls, intoxicated

with the Divine, have done,--from this world altogether.

Because he holds that man can only advance by struggling to make this

world better. Man's ordinary life may be like the life in a cave, as he

says in his famous myth, but the true philosopher who has once risen out

of the cave must go back into it again and teach the prisoners there

what the universe really is (_Republic_, Book vi, _fin._; vii, _init._).

The very passage that I quoted about man's real nature comes at the end

of the _Republic_. Now the _Republic_ is a Utopia, and no one writes a

Utopia unless he believes that the effort to reach it is of prime

importance to man and helps him to advance.

Only, for Plato, the advance is not marked in the successive stages of

history, as the modern faith in progress asserts. The life on earth, for

Plato, is like a school through which men pass and in which they may

learn and grow, but the school itself does not go on growing. It is not

that he does not envisage change in history, but what he seems to hope

for at the best is nothing more hopeful than recurring cycles of better

and worse. He tells a fable, in his dialogue 'The Statesman', of how at

one time the world is set spinning in the right direction by God and

then all goes well, and again how God ceases to control it, and then it

gradually forgets the divine teaching and slips from good to bad and

from bad to worse, until at last God takes pity on it once more to save

it from utter destruction (_Polit._ 269 ff.). No doubt in this idea of

cycles Plato is influenced by the popular thought of his time: this

feeling that there had been a lost Golden Age in the past was deeply

rooted in Greek mythology. We get it long before Plato, in Hesiod, and

there are similar touches in Homer, and once men believe that they have

sunk from glory, there is always the dread that if ever they recover it

they will lose it again. And with Plato this dread is reinforced by his

sense of something incurable in the world, the thwarting influence of

spatial and temporal matter (_Theaet._ 176 A).

It is strange that, though he is always thinking of the individual soul

as learning through experience in its passage from one life to another,

Plato does not seem to have the idea of mankind learning by the lessons

of history, of knowledge being handed down from one age to another, and

growing in the process. That is one of the most inspiring ideas in

modern thought: a German writer has spoken of history as the long

Odyssey of the human spirit, the common mind of Man coming at last

through its wanderings to find out what it really wants, and where its

true home lies.

And here, significantly enough, we find we are brought back in our

modern way to something very like Plato's own conception of an eternal

unchanging Reality. There are endless problems in the whole conception

of the Eternal that I am quite unable even to attempt; but this much at

least seems clear to me, that the whole idea of mankind learning by the

experience of History, implies something of permanent value running

through that experience. The very thought of continued progress implies

that man can look back at the successive stages of the Past and say of

each: In that lay values which I, to-day and always, can recognize as

good, although I believe we have more good now. Seeley speaks in a noble

passage of how religion might conceive a progressive revelation which

was, in a sense, the same through all its stages, and yet was a growing

thing:--'each new revelation asserts its own superiority to those which

went before,' but the superiority is 'not of one thing to another

thing--but of the developed thing to the undeveloped'. 'It is thus', he

writes, 'that the ages should behave to one another.' This is the true

'understanding and concert with time'.[10] And though Plato does not

live in the thought of historic progress, yet such a conception of

progress which recognizes at different stages different expressions,

more or less adequate, of one eternal value, such a way of thinking is

entirely Platonic. When we look back at history in this mood we think

not only of grasping the right principles for the Future, but of

rejoicing in the definite achievements of the Past, and we feel this

most poignantly, I think, of the achievements won by the spirit of

Beauty. Great works of Art we are accustomed actually to call immortal,

and we mean by this not merely that we think they will always be famous,

but that there is something in them that makes it impossible for them

ever to be superseded. In themselves they are inexhaustible: if they

cease to interest us, it is our fault and not theirs. We may want more,

we do want more, where they came from, but we never want to lose them,

any more than we could bear to lose our old friends, though we may

desire to make new ones. Of all the divine Ideas, said Plato, Beauty is

the one that shows itself most plainly in the world of sense and speaks

to us most plainly of the eternal realities.

This, however, is perhaps trenching on the subject of Progress in Art,

and I should like to return to the general Greek conception of the

tendency in all nature towards the Good, the perfect realization of

perfect types.

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