A rapid sketch such as this must take for granted on the part of the

audience some general acquaintance with that succession of prehistoric

epochs which modern research has definitely established. Pre-history, as

distinguished from proto-history, may, in reference to Europe as a

whole, be made coextensive with the Stone Age. This divides into the Old

Stone Age and the New. The Old Stone Age, or Palaeolithic Period, yields

three well-marked subdivisions, termed Early, Middle, and Late. The New

Stone Age, or Neolithic Period, includes two sub-periods, the Earlier or

Transitional, and the Later or Typical. Thus our historical survey will

fall naturally into five chapters.

There are reasons, however, why it will be more convenient to move over

the whole ground twice. The material on which our judgements must be

founded is not all of one kind. Anthropology is the joint work of two

departments, which are known as Physical Anthropology and Cultural

Anthropology respectively. The former, we may say, deals with man as an

organism, the latter with him as an organizer. Here, then, are very

different standpoints. For, in a broad way of speaking, nature controls

man through his physical organization, whereas through his cultural

organization man controls nature. From each of these standpoints in

turn, then, let us inquire how far prehistoric man can be shown to have

progressed. First, did the breed improve during the long course of the

Stone Age in Europe? Secondly, did the arts of life advance, so that by

their aid man might establish himself more firmly in his kingdom?

Did the breed improve during prehistoric times? I have said that,

broadly speaking, nature controls man as regards his physical endowment.

Now in theory one must admit that it might be otherwise. If Eugenics

were to mature on its purely scientific side, there is no reason why the

legislator of the future should not try to make a practical application

of its principles; and the chances are that, of many experiments, some

would prove successful. But that conscious breeding was practised in

prehistoric times is out of the question. The men of those days were one

and all what we are ourselves--nature's mongrels, now broken up into

varieties by casual isolation, and now by no less casual intermixture

recompounded in a host of relatively unstable forms. Whatever progress,

therefore, may have occurred in this respect has been unconscious. Man

cannot take the credit for it, except in so far as it is indirectly due

to that increase and spread of the race which have been promoted by his

achievements in the way of culture.

The barest outline of the facts must suffice. For the Early Pleistocene,

apart from the Java fossil, _Pithecanthropus erectus_, a veritable

'missing link', whom we may here disregard as falling altogether outside

our world of Europe, there are only two individuals that can with

certainty be referred to this distant period. These are the Piltdown and

the Heidelberg specimens. The former consists of a fragmentary

brain-case, thick-boned and narrow-fronted, but typically human in its

general characters, and of the greater part of a lower jaw, which, as

regards both its own elongated and curiously flanged structure, and that

of the teeth it contained, including an enormous pointed canine, is

conversely more appropriate to an ape-like being than to a man. The

latter consists only of a lower jaw, of which the teeth, even the

canines, are altogether human, whereas the jaw itself is hardly less

simian than that of the Sussex skull. If we add the Java example to the

list of very primitive forms, it is remarkable to note how, though

differing widely from each other, all alike converge on the ape.

Nevertheless, even in Pithecanthropus, the brute is passing into the

man. We note the erect attitude, to be inferred from his thigh-bone, and

the considerably enlarged, though even so hardly human, brain. The

Piltdown individual, on the other hand, has crossed the Rubicon. He has

a brain-capacity entitling him to rank as a man and an Englishman. Such

a brain, too, implies a cunning hand, which doubtless helped him greatly

to procure his food, even if his massive jaw enabled him to dispose of

the food in question without recourse to the adventitious aids of knife

and fork. For the matter of that, if our knowledge made it possible to

correlate these rare finds of bones more exactly with the innumerable

flint implements ascribable to this period (and, indeed, not without

analogies among the spoil from the Piltdown gravels), it might turn out

that even the equivalent of knife and fork was not wanting to the Early

Pleistocene supper-party, or, at any rate, that the human hand was

already advanced from the status of labourer to the more dignified

position of superintendent of the tool.

The Middle Pleistocene Epoch belongs to the men of the Neanderthal type.

Some thirty specimens, a few of them more or less complete, have come

down to us, and we can form a pretty clear notion of the physical

appearance of the race. Speaking generally, we may say that it marks a

stage of progress as compared with the Piltdown type; though, if the

jaw, heavy and relatively chinless as it is, has become less simian, the

protruding brow-ridge lends a monstrous look to the face, while the

forehead is markedly receding--a feature which turns out, however, to be

not incompatible with a weight of brain closely approaching our own

average. Whether this type has disappeared altogether from the earth, or

survives in certain much modified descendants, is an open question. The

fact remains that during the last throes of the Glacial Epoch this

rough-hewn kind of man apparently had Northern Europe as his exclusive

province; and it is by no means evident what _Homo Sapiens_, the

supposed highly superior counterpart and rival of _Homo

Neanderthalensis_, was doing with himself in the meantime. Moreover, not

only in respect of space does the population of that frozen world show

remarkable homogeneity; but also in respect of time must we allow it an

undisputed sway extending over thousands of years, during which the race

bred true. The rate of progress, whether reckoned in physical terms or

otherwise, is so slow as to be almost imperceptible. A type suffices for

an age. Whereas in the life-history of an individual there is rapid

development during youth, and after maturity a steadying down, it is the

other way about in the life-history of the race. Man, so to speak, was

born old and accommodated to a jog-trot. We moderns are the juveniles,

and it is left for us to go the pace.

Yet Late Pleistocene Period introduces us to more diversity in the way

of human types. Only one race, however, that named after the

rock-shelter of Cro-Magnon in the Dordogne, is represented by a fair

number of specimens, namely, about a dozen. At this point we come

suddenly and without previous warning on as pretty a kind of man as

ever walked this earth. In his leading characters he is remarkably

uniform. Six feet high and long-legged, he likewise possessed a head

well stocked with brains and a face that, if rather broad and short,

was furnished by way of compensation with a long and narrow nose. If

the present world can show nothing quite like him, it at least cannot

produce anything more shapely in the way of the 'human form divine'.

Apart from the Cro-Magnons, the remains of an old woman and a youth

found at the lowest level of the Grotte des Enfants at Mentone are

usually held to belong to a distinct stock known as the Grimaldi. The

physical characters of the pair are regarded as negroid, verging on

the Pygmy; but if we could study an adult male of the same stock, it

might possibly turn out not to be so very divergent from the

Cro-Magnon. Again, a single specimen does duty for the so-called

Chancelade race. The skeleton is of comparatively low stature, and is

deemed to show close affinities to the type of the modern Eskimo.

Without being unduly sceptical, one may once more wonder if the

Cro-Magnon stock may not have produced this somewhat aberrant form.

Even on such a theory, however--and it is hardly orthodox--diversity

of physical structure would seem to be on the increase. On the other

hand, there are reasons of considerable cogency for referring to the

end of this period skeletons of what Huxley termed the 'River-bed

type', the peculiarity of which consists in the fact that they are

more or less indistinguishable from the later Neolithic men and indeed

from any of those slight-built, shortish, long-headed folk who form

the majority in the crowded cities of to-day. Some authorities would

ascribe a far greater antiquity to this type, but, I venture to think,

on the strength of doubtful evidence. The notorious Galley Hill

skeleton, for instance, found more or less intact in an Early

Pleistocene bed in which the truly contemporary animals are

represented by the merest battered remnants, to my mind reeks of

modernity. Be these things as they may, however, when we come to

Neolithic times a race of similar physical characters has Europe to

itself, though it would seem to display minor variations in a way that

suggests that the reign of the mongrel has at length begun. And here

we may close our enumeration of the earliest known branches of our

family tree, since the coming of the broad-heads pertains to the

history of the Bronze Age, and hence falls outside the scope of the

present survey.

Now what is the bearing of these somewhat scanty data on the question of

progress? It is not easy to extract from them more than the general

impression that, as time went on, the breed made persistent headway as

regards both the complexity of its organization and the profusion of its

forms. After all, we must not expect too much from this department of

the subject. For one thing, beyond the limits of North-western Europe

the record is almost blank; and yet we can scarcely hope to discover the

central breeding-place of man in what is, geographically, little more

than a blind alley. In the next place, Physical Anthropology, not only

in respect to human palaeontology, but in general, is as barren of

explanations as it is fertile in detailed observations. The systematic

study of heredity as it bears on the history of the human organism has

hardly begun. Hence, it would not befit one who is no expert in relation

to such matters to anticipate the verdict of a science that needs only

public encouragement in order to come into its own. Suffice it to

suggest here that nature as she presides over organic evolution, that

is, the unfolding of the germinal powers, may be conceived as a kindly

but slow-going and cautious liberator. One by one new powers, hitherto

latent, are set free as an appropriate field of exercise is afforded

them by the environment. At first divergency is rarely tolerated. A

given type is extremely uniform. On the other hand, when divergency is

permitted, it counts for a great deal. The wider variations occur

nearest the beginning, each for a long time breeding true to itself.

Later on, such uncompromising plurality gives way to a more diffused

multiplicity begotten of intermixture. Mongrelization has set in. Not

but what there may spring up many true-breeding varieties among the

mongrels; and these, given suitable conditions, will be allowed to

constitute lesser types possessed of fairly uniform characters. Such at

least is in barest outline the picture presented by the known facts

concerning the physical evolution of man, if one observe it from outside

without attempting to explore the hidden causes of the process. Some

day, when these causes are better understood, man may take a hand in the

game, and become, in regard to the infinite possibilities still sleeping

in the transmitted germ, a self-liberator. Nature is but a figurative

expression for the chances of life, and the wise man faces no more

chances than he needs must. Scientific breeding is no mere application

of the multiplication table to a system of items. We must make

resolutely for the types that seem healthy and capable, suppressing the

defectives in a no less thorough, if decidedly more considerate, way

than nature has been left to do in the past. Here, then, along physical

lines is one possible path of human progress, none the less real because

hitherto pursued, not by the aid of eyes that can look and choose, but

merely in response to painful proddings at the tail-end.

Our remaining task is to take stock of that improvement in the arts of

life whereby man has come gradually to master an environment that

formerly mastered him. For the Early Palaeolithic Period our evidence in

respect of its variety, if not of its gross quantity, is wofully

disappointing. Not to speak of man's first and rudest experiments in the

utilization of stone, which are doubtless scattered about the world in

goodly numbers if only we could recognize them clearly for what they

are, the Chellean industry by its wide distribution leads one to suppose

that mankind in those far-off days was only capable of one idea at a

time--a time, too, that lasted a whole age. Yet the succeeding Acheulean

style of workmanship in flint testifies to the occurrence of progress in

one of its typical forms, namely, in the form of what may be termed

'intensive' progress. The other typical form I might call 'intrusive'

progress, as happens when a stimulating influence is introduced from

without. Now it may be that the Acheulean culture came into being as a

result of contact between an immigrant stock and a previous population

practising the Chellean method of stone-work. We are at present far too

ill-informed to rule out such a guess. But, on the face of it, the

greater refinement of the Acheulean handiwork looks as if it had been

literally hammered out by steadfastly following up the Chellean pattern

into its further possibilities. Explain it as we will, this evolution of

the so-called _coup-de-poing_ affords almost the sole proof that the

human world of that remote epoch was moving at all. If we could see

their work in wood, we might discern a more diversified skill or we

might not. As it is, we can but conclude in the light of our very

imperfect knowledge that in mind no less than in body mankind of Early

Palaeolithic times displayed a fixity of type almost amounting to that

of one of the other animal species.

During Middle Palaeolithic times the Mousterian culture rules without a

rival. The cave-period has begun; and, thanks to the preservation of

sundry dwelling-places together with a goodly assortment of their less

perishable contents, we can frame a fairly adequate notion of the

home-life of Neanderthal man. I have already alluded to my excavations

in Jersey, and need not enter into fuller details here. But I should

like to put on record the opinion borne in upon me by such first-hand

experience as I have had that cultural advance in Mousterian days was

almost as portentously slow as ever it had been before. The human

deposits in the Jersey cave are in some places about ten feet thick, and

the fact that they fall into two strata separated by a sterile layer

that appears to consist of the dust of centuries points to a very long

process of accumulation. Yet though there is one kind of elephant

occurring amid the bone refuse at the bottom of the bed, and another

and, it would seem, later kind at the top, one and the same type of

flint instrument is found at every level alike; and the only development

one can detect is a certain gain in elegance as regards the Mousterian

'point', the reigning substitute for the former _coup-de-poing_. Once

more there is intensive progress only, so far at least as most of the

Jersey evidence goes. One _coup-de-poing_, however, and that hardly

Acheulean in conception but exactly what a hand accustomed to the

fashioning of the Mousterian 'point' would be likely to make by way of

an imitation of the once fashionable pattern, lay at lowest floor-level;

as if to remind one that during periods of transition the old is likely

to survive by the side of the new, and may even survive in it as a

modifying element. As a matter of fact, the _coup-de-poing_ is frequent

in the earliest Mousterian sites; so that we cannot but ask ourselves

how it came to be in the end superseded. Whether the Mousterians were of

a different race from the Acheuleans is not known. Certain it is, on the

other hand, that the industry that makes its first appearance in their

train represents a labour-saving device. The Mousterian had learned how

to break up his flint-nodule into flakes, which simply needed to be

trimmed on one face to yield a cutting edge. The Acheulean had been

content to attain this result more laboriously by pecking a pebble on

both faces until what remained was sharp enough for his purpose. Here,

then, we are confronted with that supreme condition of progress, the

inventor's happy thought. One of those big-brained Neanderthal men, we

may suppose, had genius; nature, the liberator, having released some

latent power in the racial constitution. Given such a culture-hero, the

common herd was capable of carrying on more or less mechanically for an

aeon or so. And so it must ever be. The world had better make the most

of its geniuses; for they amount to no more than perhaps a single one in

a million. Anyway, Neanderthal man never produced a second genius, so

far as we can tell; and that is why, perhaps, his peculiar type of

brow-ridge no longer adorns the children of men.

Before we leave the Mousterians, another side of their culture deserves

brief mention. Not only did they provide their dead with rude graves,

but they likewise furnished them with implements and food for use in a

future life. Herein surely we may perceive the dawn of what I do not

hesitate to term religion. A distinguished scholar and poet did indeed

once ask me whether the Mousterians, when they performed these rites,

did not merely show themselves unable to grasp the fact that the dead

are dead. But I presume that my friend was jesting. A sympathy stronger

than death, overriding its grisly terror, and converting it into the

vehicle of a larger hope--that is the work of soul; and to develop soul

is progress. A religious animal is no brute, but a real man with the

seed of genuine progress in him. If Neanderthal man belonged to another

species, as the experts mostly declare and I very humbly beg leave to

doubt, we must even so allow that God made him also after his own image,

brow-ridges and all.

The presence of soul in man is even more manifest when we pass on to the

Late Palaeolithic peoples. They are cave-dwellers; they live by the

chase; in a word, they are savages still. But they exhibit a taste and a

talent for the fine arts of drawing and carving that, as it were,

enlarge human existence by a new dimension. Again a fresh power has been

released, and one in which many would seem to have participated; for

good artists are as plentiful during this epoch as ever they were in

ancient Athens or mediaeval Florence. They must have married-in somewhat

closely, one would think, for this special aptitude to have blossomed

forth so luxuriantly. I cannot here dwell at length on the triumphs of

Aurignacian and Magdalenian artistry. Indeed, what I have seen with my

own eyes on the walls of certain French caves is almost too wonderful to

be described. The simplicity of the style does not in the least detract

from the fullness of the charm. On the contrary, one is tempted to doubt

whether the criterion of complexity applies here--whether, in fact,

progress has any meaning in relation to fine art--since, whether

attained by simple or by complex means, beauty is always beauty, and

cannot further be perfected. Shall we say, then, with Plato that beauty

was revealed to man from the first in its absolute nature, so that the

human soul might be encouraged to seek for the real in its complementary

forms of truth and goodness, such as are less immediately manifest? For

the rest, the soul of these transcendently endowed savages was in other

respects more imperfectly illuminated; as may be gathered from the fact

that they carved and drew partly from the love of their art, but partly

also, and, perhaps, even primarily, for luck. It seems that these

delineations of the animals on which they lived were intended to help

them towards good hunting. Such is certainly the object of a like custom

on the part of the Australian aborigines; there being this difference,

however, that the art of the latter considered as art is wholly

inferior. Now we know enough about the soul of the Australian native,

thanks largely to the penetrating interpretations of Sir Baldwin

Spencer, to greet and honour in him the potential lord of the universe,

the harbinger of the scientific control of nature. It is more than half

the battle to have willed the victory; and the picture-charm as a piece

of moral apparatus is therefore worthy of our deepest respect. The

chariot of progress, of which the will of man is the driver, is drawn by

two steeds, namely, Imagination and Reason harnessed together. Of the

pair, Reason is the more sluggish, though serviceable enough for the

heavy work. Imagination, full of fire as it is, must always set the

pace. So the soul of the Late Palaeolithic hunter, having already in

imagination controlled the useful portion of the animal world, was more

than half-way on the road to its domestication. But in so far as he

mistook the will for the accomplished deed, he was not getting the value

out of his second horse; or, to drop metaphor, the scientific reason as

yet lay dormant in his soul. But his dream was to come true presently.

The Neolithic Period marks the first appearance of the 'cibi-cultural'

peoples. The food-seekers have become food-raisers. But the change did

not come all at once. The earlier Neolithic culture is at best

transitional. There may even have been one of those set-backs in culture

which we are apt to ignore when we are narrating the proud tale of human

advance. Europe had now finally escaped from the last ravages of an

Arctic climate; but there was cruel demolition to make good, and in the

meantime there would seem, as regards man, to have been little doing.

Life among the kitchen-middens of Denmark was sordid; and the Azilians

who pushed up from Spain as far as Scotland did not exactly step into a

paradise ready-made. Somewhere, however, in the far south-east a higher

culture was brewing. By steps that have not yet been accurately traced

legions of herdsmen and farmer-folk overspread our world, either

absorbing or driving before them the roving hunters of the older

dispensation. We term this, the earliest of true civilizations,

'neolithic', as if it mattered in the least whether your stone implement

be chipped or polished to an edge. The real source of increased power

and prosperity lay in the domestication of food-animals and food-plants.

The man certainly had genius and pluck into the bargain who first

trusted himself to the back of an unbroken horse. It needed hardly less

genius to discover that it is no use singing charms over the

seed-bearing grass in order to make it grow, unless some of the seed is

saved to be sowed in due season. Society possibly brained the

inventor--such is the way of the crowd; but, as it duly pocketed the

invention, we have perhaps no special cause to complain.

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