THE GREAT PICTURES OF DSILYÍDJE QAÇÀL.

154. A description of the four great pictures drawn in these ceremonies

has been deferred until all might be described together. Their relations

to one another rendered this the most desirable course to pursue. The

preparation of the ground and of the colors, the application of the

sacred pollen, and some other matters have been already considered.

155. The men who do the greater part of the actual work of painting,

under the guidance of the chanter, have been initiated, but need not be

skilled medicine men or even aspirants to the craft of the shaman.

A certain ceremony of initiation has been performed on them four times,

each time during the course of a different dance, before they are

admitted into the lodge during the progress of the work or allowed to

assist in it. The medicine man receives a good present in horses for his

work; the assistants get nothing but their food. This, however, is

abundant. Three times a day the person for whose benefit the dance is

performed sends in enough mush, corn cake, soup, and roasted mutton to

satisfy to the utmost the appetites of all in the lodge. There are some

young men who live well all winter by going around the country from

dance to dance and assisting in the work of the lodge.

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. XIV

THE DARK CIRCLE OF BRANCHES AT SUNRISE.]

156. The pictures are drawn according to an exact system. The shaman is

frequently seen correcting the workmen and making them erase and revise

their work. In certain well defined instances the artist is allowed to

indulge his individual fancy. This is the case with the gaudy

embroidered pouches which the gods carry at the waist. Within reasonable

bounds the artist may give his god just as handsome a pouch as he

wishes. Some parts of the figures, on the other hand, are measured by

palms and spans, and not a line of the sacred design can be varied.

Straight and parallel lines are drawn by aid of a tightened cord. The

mode of applying the colored powder is peculiar. The artist has his bark

trays laid on the sand where they are convenient of access. He takes a

small quantity of the powder in his closed palm and allows it to pass

out between his thumb and forefinger, while the former is moved across

the latter. When he makes a mistake he does not brush away the pigment.

He obliterates it by pouring sand on it, and then draws the corrected

design on the new surface. The forms of the gods do not appear as I have

represented them in the first coat of color. The naked figures of these

mythical beings are first completely and accurately drawn and then the

clothing is put on. Even in the pictures of the "Long-bodies"

(Plate XVII), which are drawn 9 feet in length, the naked body is first

made in its appropriate color--white for the east, blue for the south,

yellow for the west, and black for the north--and then the four red

shirts are painted on from thigh to axilla, as shown in the picture.

157. The drawings are, as a rule, begun as much towards the center as

the nature of the figure will permit, due regard being paid to the order

of precedence of the points of the compass, the figure in the east being

begun first, that in the south next, that in the west third in order,

and that in the north fourth. The periphery is finished last of all. The

reason for thus working from within outwards is that the men employed on

the picture disturb the smooth surface of the sand with their feet. If

they proceed in the order described they can smooth the sand as they

advance and need not cross the finished portions of the picture.

158. I have learned of seventeen great healing dances of the Navajo in

which pictures of this character are drawn. There are said to be, with

few exceptions--only one exception that I am positively aware of--four

pictures appropriate to each dance. Some of the dances are practiced

somewhat differently by different schools or orders among the medicine

men, and in these divers forms the pictures, although agreeing in

general design, vary somewhat in detail. Thus there are, on an average,

probably more than four designs, belonging to each of the seventeen

ceremonies, whose names I have obtained. If there were but four to each,

this would give us sixty-eight such paintings known to the medicine men

of the tribe, and thus we may form some conception of the great number

of these sacred pictures which they possess. But I have reason to

believe, from many things I have heard, that besides these seventeen

great nine days' ceremonies to which I refer, there are many minor

ceremonies, with their appropriate pictures; so that the number is

probably greater than that which I give.

159. These pictures, the medicine men aver, are transmitted from teacher

to pupil in each order and for each ceremony unaltered from year to year

and from generation to generation. That such is strictly the case I

cannot believe. There are no standard pictures on hand anywhere. No

permanent design for reference is ever in existence, and there is, so

far as I can learn, no final authority in the tribe to settle any

disputes that may arise. Few of these great ceremonies can be performed

in the summer months. Most of the figures are therefore carried over

from winter to winter in the memories of fallible men. But this much I

do credit, that any innovations which may creep into their work are

unintentional and that if changes occur they are wrought very slowly.

The shamans and their faithful followers believe, or profess to believe,

that the direst vengeance of the gods would visit them if these rites

were varied in the least in picture, prayer, song, or ceremonial. The

mere fact that there are different schools among the medicine men may be

regarded as an evidence that changes have occurred.

160. FIRST PICTURE. The picture of the first day (Plate XV) is said to

represent the visit of Dsilyi` Neyáni to the home of the snakes at

Qo¢estsò. (Paragraph 53.)

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. XV

FIRST DRY-PAINTING]

161. In the center of the picture was a circular concavity, about six

inches in diameter, intended to represent water, presumably the house of

water mentioned in the myth. In all the other pictures where water was

represented a small bowl was actually sunk in the ground and filled with

water, which water was afterwards sprinkled with powdered charcoal to

give the impression of a flat, dry surface. Why the bowl of water was

omitted in this picture I do not know, but a medicine man of a different

fraternity from that of the one who drew the picture informed me that

with men of his school the bowl filled with water was used in the snake

picture as well as in the others. Closely surrounding this central

depression are four parallelograms about four inches by ten inches in

the original pictures. The half nearer the center is red; the outer half

is blue; they are bordered with narrow lines of white. The same figures

are repeated in other paintings. They appear in this drawing, and

frequently in others, as something on which the gods seem to stand. They

are the ca`bitlòl, or rafts of sunbeam, the favorite vessels on which

the divine ones navigate the upper deep. In the Navajo myths, when a god

has a particularly long and speedy journey to make, he takes two

sunbeams and, placing them side by side, is borne off in a twinkling

whither he wills. Red is the color proper to sunlight in their

symbolism, but the red and blue together represent sunbeams in the

morning and evening skies when they show an alternation of blue and red.

It will be seen later that the sunbeam shafts, the halo, and the rainbow

are represented by the same colors. In form, however, the halo is

circular, and the rainbow is distinguished by its curvature, and it is

usually anthropomorphic, while the sunbeam and the halo are not.

External to these sunbeam rafts, and represented as standing on them,

are the figures of eight serpents, two white ones in the east, two blue

ones in the south, two yellow ones in the west, and two black ones in

the north. These snakes cross one another (in pairs) so as to form four

figures like the letter +X+. In drawing these +X+'s the snake which

appears to be beneath is made first complete in every respect, and then

the other snake is drawn over it in conformity with their realistic laws

of art before referred to. The neck, in all cases, is blue, crossed with

four bands of red. The necks of the gods in all the pictures, it will be

observed, are made thus, but the bars in the manlike figures run

transversely, while those in the snake-like run diagonally. Three rows

of +V+-shaped figures, four in each row, are seen on the backs of the

snakes; these are simply to represent mottlings. Outside of these eight

snakes are four more of much greater length; they form a frame or

boundary to the picture, except in the west, where the mountain of

Dsilyà-içín lies beyond them. There is a white snake in the east, lying

from north to south and bounding the picture in the east; a blue snake,

of similar size and shape, in the south; a yellow one in the west, and a

black one in the north. They seem as if following one another around the

picture in the direction of the sun's apparent course, the head of the

east snake approximating the tail of the south snake, and so on.

162. In the northeast is seen the yay, Niltci, who accompanied the

Navajo prophet to the home of the snakes. In the extreme west is a black

circular figure representing the mountain of Dsilyà-içín. In the

original picture the mountain was in relief--which I have not attempted

to represent--a little mound of about ten or twelve inches high. The

description of the mountain given in the myth is duly symbolized in the

picture, the halo added. The green spot in the center is designed to

represent a twig of spruce which was stuck in the mound of sand to

indicate the spruce tree door. From the summit of the mountain to the

middle of the central waters is drawn a wide line in corn meal, with

four footprints, depicted at intervals, in the same material. This

represents the track of a bear. Immediately south of this track is the

figure of an animal drawn in gray pigment. This is the grizzly himself,

which here, I have reason to believe, is used as a symbol of the Navajo

prophet. The bear, in the sacred language of the shamans, is

appropriately called Dsilyi` Neyáni, since he is truly reared within the

mountains. His track, being represented by a streak of meal, has

reference to the same thing as the name akáninili and the practice of

the couriers (paragraph 102), who are dressed to represent the prophet,

throwing corn meal in front of them when they travel.

163. The SECOND PICTURE is said to be a representation of the painting,

which the prophet saw in the home of the bears in the Carrizo Mountains

(paragraph 40). In the center of this figure is the bowl of water

covered with black powder, to which I referred before. The edge of the

bowl is adorned with sunbeams, and external to it are the four

ca`bitlol, or sunbeam rafts, on which seem to stand four gods, or yays.

164. The divine forms are shaped alike but colored differently. They lie

with heads extended outward, one to each of the four cardinal points of

the compass, the faces looking forward, the arms half extended on either

side, with the hands raised to a level with the shoulders. They wear

around their loins skirts of red sunlight, adorned with sunbeams. They

have ear pendants, bracelets, and armlets, blue and red (of turquoise

and coral), the prehistoric and emblematic jewels of the Navajo. Their

forearms and legs are black, showing in each a zigzag mark to represent

lightning on the surface of the black rain clouds. In the north god

these colors are, for artistic reasons, reversed. Each bears, attached

to his right hand with a string, a rattle, a charm, and a basket. The

rattle is of the shape of those used by the medicine men in this

particular dance, made of raw hide and painted to symbolize the rain

cloud and lightning. The left hand is empty; but beside each one is a

highly conventionalized picture of a plant. The left hand remains empty,

as it were, to grasp this plant, to indicate that the plant at the left

hand belongs to the god whose corresponding hand is unoccupied and

extended towards it. The proprietorship of each god in his own

particular plant is further indicated by making the plant the same color

as the god. The body of the eastern god is white; so is the stalk of

corn at his left, in the southeast. The body of the southern god is

blue; so is the beanstalk beside him, in the southwest. The body of the

western god is yellow; so is his pumpkin vine, in the northwest. The

body of the north god is black; so is the tobacco plant, which is under

his special protection, in the northeast.

165. Each of the four sacred plants is represented as growing from five

white roots in the central waters and spreading outwards to the

periphery of the picture. The gods form one cross whose limbs are

directed to the four cardinal points; the plants form another cross

having a common center with the first named cross, but whose limbs

extend to the intermediate points of the compass.

166. On the head of each yay is an eagle plume lying horizontally and

pointing to the right. A similar arrangement of four plumes, all

pointing in one direction (contrary to the sun's apparent course), may

be observed on the baskets carried by the gods.

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. XVI

SECOND DRY PAINTING]

167. The gods are represented with beautiful embroidered pouches, each

of a different pattern. In old days the most beautiful things in art the

Navajo knew of were the porcupine quill embroideries of the northern

races. The art of garnishing with quills, and later with beads, seems

never to have been practiced to any extent by the Navajo women. They

obtained embroideries of the Ute and other northern tribes, and their

ancient legends abound in allusions to the great esteem in which they

held them. (See, for instance, paragraphs 32, 34.) Hence, to represent

the grandeur and potency of their gods, they adorn them with these

beautiful and much coveted articles.

168. Surrounding the picture on about three-fourths of its circumference

is the anthropomorphic rainbow or rainbow deity. It consists of two long

stripes, each about two inches wide in the original picture, one of

blue, one of red, bordered and separated by narrow lines of white. At

the southeastern end of the bow is a representation of the body below

the waist, such as the other gods have, consisting of pouch, skirt,

legs, and feet. At the northeastern end we have head, neck, and arms.

The head of the rainbow is rectangular, while the heads of the other

forms in this picture are round. In the pictures of the Yàybichy dance

we frequently observe the same difference in the heads. Some are

rectangular, some are round; the former are females, the latter males;

and whenever any of these gods are represented, by characters, in a

dance, those who enact the females wear square stiff masks, like our

dominoes, while those who enact the males wear roundish, baglike masks,

of soft skin, that completely envelop the head. The rainbow god in all

these pictures wears the rectangular mask. Iris, therefore, is with the

Navajo as well as with the Greeks a goddess.

169. All the other gods bear something in their hands, while the hands

of the rainbow are empty. This is not without intention. When the person

for whose benefit the rites are performed is brought in to be prayed and

sung over, the sacred potion is brewed in a bowl, which is placed on the

outstretched hands of the rainbow while the ceremony is in progress and

only taken from these hands when the draught is to be administered.

Therefore the hands are disengaged, that they may hold the gourd and its

contents when the time comes (paragraph 106).

170. In the east, where the picture is not inclosed by the rainbow, we

see the forms of two birds standing with wings outstretched, facing one

another, their beaks close together. These represent certain birds of

blue plumage called by the Navajo çòli (_Sialia arctica_). This bluebird

is of the color of the south and of the upper regions. He is the herald

of the morning. His call of "çòli çòli" is the first that is heard when

the gray dawn approaches. Therefore is he sacred, and his feathers form

a component part of nearly all the plume sticks used in the worship of

this people. Two bluebirds, it is said, stand guard at the door of the

house wherein these gods dwell; hence they are represented in the east

of the picture.

171. Here is an appropriate occasion to speak of a part of Navajo

symbolism in color to which reference has already several times been

made. In the majority of cases the east is represented by white, the

south by blue, the west by yellow, the north by black; the upper world

by blue and the lower by a mixture of white and black in spots. The

colors of the south and west seem to be permanent: the south is always

blue and the west is always yellow, as far as I can learn; but the

colors of the east and north are interchangeable. The cases are rare

where white is assigned to the north and black to the east; but such

cases occur, and perhaps in each instance merit special study. Again,

black represents the male and blue the female.

172. The THIRD PICTURE commemorates the visit of Dsilyi` Neyáni to

Çaçò`-behogan, or "Lodge of Dew" (paragraph 56). To indicate the great

height of the Bitsès-ninéz the figures are twice the length of any in

the other pictures, except the rainbows, and each is clothed in four

garments, one above the other, for no one garment, they say, can be made

long enough to cover such giant forms. Their heads all point to the

east, instead of pointing in different directions, as in the other

pictures. The Navajo relate, as already told (paragraph 56), that this

is in obedience to a divine mandate; but probably there is a more

practical reason, which is this: if they had the cruciform arrangement

there would not be room on, the floor of the lodge for the figures and

at the same time for the shaman, assistants, and spectators. Economy of

space is essential; but, although drawn nearly parallel to one another,

the proper order of the cardinal points is not lost sight of. The form

immediately north of the center of the picture is done first, in white,

and represents the east. That immediately next to it on the south comes

second in order, is painted in blue, and represents the south. The one

next below that is in yellow, and depicts the goddess who stood in the

west of the House of Dew-Drops. The figure in the extreme north is drawn

last of all, in black, and belongs to the north. As I have stated

before, these bodies are first made naked and afterwards clothed. The

exposed chests, arms, and thighs display the colors of which the entire

bodies were originally composed. The glòï (weasel, _Putorius_) is sacred

to these goddesses. Two of these creatures are shown in the east,

guarding the entrance to the lodge. The appendages at the sides of the

heads of the goddesses represent the glòï-bitcà, or headdresses of glòï

skins of different colors which these mythic personages are said to

wear. Each one bears attached to her right hand a rattle and a charm, or

plume stick, such as the gods in the second picture carry; but, instead

of the basket shown before, we see a conventionalized representation of

a branch of choke cherry in blossom; this consists of five diverging

stems in blue, five roots, and five cruciform blossoms in white. The

choke cherry is a sacred tree, a mountain plant; its wood is used in

making certain sacrificial plume sticks and certain implements of the

dance; it is often mentioned in the songs of this particular rite. Some

other adjuncts of this picture--the red robes embroidered with sunbeams,

the arms and legs clothed with clouds and lightning, the pendants from

the arms, the blue and red armlets, bracelets, and garters--have already

been described when speaking of the second picture. The object in the

left hand is a wand of spruce.

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. XVII

THIRD DRY-PAINTING]

173. The rainbow which incloses the picture on three sides is not the

anthropomorphic rainbow. It has no head, neck, arms, or lower

extremities. Five white eagle plumes adorn its southeastern extremity.

Five tail plumes of some blue bird decorate the bend in the southwest.

The plumes of the red shafted flicker (_Colaptes auratus_ var.

_mexicanus_) are near the bend in the northwest and the tail of the

magpie terminates the northeastern extremity. Throughout the myth, it

will be remembered, not only is the House of Dew-Drops spoken of as

adorned with hangings and festoons of rainbows, but many of the holy

dwellings are thus embellished.

174. The FOURTH PICTURE represents the kátso-yisçàn, or great plumed

arrows. These arrows are the especial great mystery, the potent healing

charm of this dance. The picture is supposed to be a fac simile of a

representation of these weapons, shown to the prophet when he visited

the abode of the Tsilkè-¢igini, or young men gods, where he first saw

the arrows (paragraph 47). There are eight arrows. Four are in the

center, lying parallel to one another--two pointing east and two others,

alternate, pointing west. The picture is bordered by the other four,

which have the same relative positions and directions as the bounding

serpents in the first picture. The shafts are all of the same white

tint, no attention being paid to the colors of the cardinal points; yet

in drawing and erasing the picture the cardinal points are duly honored.

Among the central arrows, the second from the top, or north margin of

the design, is that of the east; it is drawn and erased first. The next

below it is the arrow of the south; the third is that of the west. The

one on top belongs to the north; it is drawn and erased last. The heads

are painted red to represent the red stone points used; the fringed

margins show the irregularities of their edges. The plumes at the butt

are indicated, as are also the strings by which the plumes are tied on

and the notches to receive the bowstring.

175. The ground of this picture is crossed with nebulous black streaks.

These were originally present in all the pictures. I have omitted them

in all but this, lest they might obscure the details of the reduced

copies. It has been explained to me (although in the myth it is

expressly stated only in one case, paragraph 40) that all these pictures

were drawn by the gods upon the clouds and thus were shown to the Navajo

prophet. Men cannot paint on the clouds, but according to the divine

mandate they do the best they can on sand, and then sprinkle the sand

with charcoal, in the manner indicated, to represent the cloudy scrolls

whereon the primal designs of the celestial artists were painted.

The Mountain Chant, A Navajo Ceremony Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1887, pages 379-468 · 第 10 / 59 题