THE CEREMONIES OF DSILYÍDJE QAÇÀL.

81. It has been my lot to see portions of these ceremonies at various

times. The most complete view I had of them was during a visit made to a

place called Niqotlizi (Hard Earth), some twenty miles northwest from

Fort Wingate, New Mexico, and just within the southern boundary of the

Navajo Reservation. This was the only occasion when I obtained full

access to the medicine lodge on the later days of the ceremonies and had

an opportunity of observing the wonderful pictures on sand which are

illustrated in color in the accompanying plates.

82. On October 21, 1881, when I arrived at this place, the patient for

whose benefit the rites were celebrated and a few of her immediate

relations were the only people encamped here. They occupied a single

temporary shelter of brushwood, within a few paces of which I had a rude

shelter erected for my own accommodation. The patient was a middleaged

woman, who apparently suffered from no ailment whatever; she was stout,

ruddy, cheerful, and did her full share of the household work every day;

yet she was about to give away for these ceremonies sheep, horses, and

other goods to the value of perhaps two hundred dollars. No ceremonies

whatever were in progress when I came. Everything, so the Indians said,

was waiting for the qaçàli. (Paragraph 2.) Some men were engaged in

building a corral for the sheep that were to be slaughtered for the

guests, and some old women were grinding corn to feast the men who were

to work in the medicine lodge, which had been completed six days before.

83. This lodge was a simple conical structure of large, partly hewed

piñon logs, set on end and inclined at an angle of about forty-five

degrees, so as to join one another on top, where they formed the apex of

the lodge. The circle of logs was incomplete in the east, where the

openings for the door and the smoke hole were. A passage, or entry,

about five feet high and three feet wide, led from the body of the lodge

to the outer doorway, where some blankets hung as portières. The frame

of logs was covered with sods and loose earth to keep out wind and rain.

Internally, the lodge was eight feet in height under the apex of the

cone and on an average twenty-five feet in diameter at the base. The

diameter was increased at the east (to allow for the entry) and at the

north. The irregularity in the circumference in the north was at first

conjectured to be a mere accident; but in the ceremonies of the first

night its use became apparent as affording a hiding place for the man

dressed in evergreens. (Paragraph 96.)

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. X

MEDICINE LODGE, VIEWED FROM THE SOUTH.]

84. THE FIRST FOUR DAYS' ceremonies in this case had been performed

during the previous year. Such a division of the work is sometimes made,

if more convenient for the patient and his friends, but usually all is

done in nine consecutive days. These first days have less of interest

than the others. Early each morning, before eating, all who desire, men

and women, enter the medicine lodge, where, in a stifling atmosphere,

seated around a fire of dry wood of four different kinds--cedar, big

willow, little willow, and spruce--they take the hot emetic infusion of

fifteen different kinds of plants mixed together. A little sand is

placed in front of each to receive the ejected material. After the

emetic has acted the fire is removed, deposited some paces to the north

of the lodge, and allowed to die out. Each devotee's pile of sand is

then removed (beginning with that of the man who sat in the east and

going round the circle) and deposited, one after another, in a line

north of the sacred fire. Each succeeding day's deposits are placed

farther and farther north in a continuous line. Next all return to the

lodge, which has been allowed to cool; the shaman spits on each some

medicine which has been mixed with hoar-frost and is supposed to cool.

When all have left the lodge, a new fire of ordinary wood is kindled,

and the kethàwns, or sacrificial sticks, appropriate to the day are

made.

85. FIFTH DAY. The chanter did not arrive until the afternoon of October

23. His ceremonies in the medicine lodge began on the morning of the

24th. The forenoon was devoted to the preparation and sacrifice of

certain kethàwns (keçàn)--the sacrificial sticks, to the origin of which

so much of the foregoing myth is devoted--and of sacrificial cigarettes.

About eight o'clock the sick woman entered the medicine lodge, followed

by the chanter. While she sat on the ground, with her limbs extended, he

applied some powdered substance from his medicine bag to the soles of

her feet, to her knees, breasts, shoulders, cheeks, and head, in the

order named, and then threw some of it towards the heavens through the

smoke hole. Before applying it to the head he placed some of it in her

mouth to be swallowed. Then, kneeling on a sheep skin, with her face to

the east, and holding the bag of medicine in her hand, she recited a

prayer, bit by bit, after the chanter. The prayer being finished, she

arose, put some of the medicine into her mouth, some on her head, and

took her seat in the south, while the shaman went on with the

preparation of the sacrifices.

86. An assistant daubed a nice straight branch of cherry with some

moistened herbaceous powder, after which he divided the branch into four

pieces with a flint knife. Two of the pieces were each about two inches

long and two each about four inches long. In each of the shorter ones he

made one slight gash and in each of the longer ones two gashes. The

sticks were then painted, a shred of yucca leaf being used for the

brush, with rings of black, red, and white, disposed in a different

order on each stick. The two cigarettes were made by filling sections of

some hollow stem with a mixture of some pulverized plants. Such

cigarettes are intended, as the prayers indicate, to be smoked by the

gods. (Paragraph 88.)

87. While the assistants were painting the sticks and making the

cigarettes the old chanter placed on a sheep skin, spread on the floor

woolly side down, other things pertaining to the sacrifice: five bundles

of assorted feathers, five small pieces of cotton sheeting to wrap the

sacrifices in, and two round flat stones, each about four inches in

diameter. The upper surfaces of these he painted, one blue and one

black, and he bordered each with a stripe of red. When the kethàwns and

cigarettes were ready, the qaçàli distributed them along with the

bunches of plumes, on the five pieces of cotton cloth, which were then

rolled up around their contents, making five bundles of sacrifices. On

the completion of this work there was prayer, song, and rattling; the

medicinal powder was applied to the body of the patient as before

(paragraph 85); two of the little sacrificial bundles were placed in her

right hand, and while she held them she again repeated a prayer,

following again phrase by phrase, or sentence by sentence, the words of

the priest. The latter, when the prayer was ended, took the sacrifices

from her hand and pressed them to different parts of her body in the

order previously observed, beginning with the soles of the feet and

going upwards to the head, but on this occasion touching also the back,

and touching it last. Each time after pressing the sacrifices to her

body he held them up to the smoke hole and blew on them in that

direction a quick puff, as if blowing away some evil influence which the

sacrifices were supposed to draw from her body. Then the three remaining

bundles were put in her hands and the rites observed with the former

bundles were repeated in every respect, including the prayer, which was

followed by singing and rattling. When the song had ceased some of the

assistants took the bundles of sacrifices out of the lodge, no doubt to

bury them according to the method proper for those particular kethàwns.

The round painted stones were also carried out.

88. The prayers which the woman repeated varied but little. They all

sounded nearly alike. The night the shaman arrived he rehearsed some of

these prayers with the woman, at her own hogán, to make her familiar

with them before she repeated them, in the medicine lodge. The prayer

addressed to Dsilyi` Neyáni, when she held in her hand the offering

sacred to him, was as follows:

Reared Within the Mountains!

Lord of the Mountains!

Young Man!

Chieftain!

I have made your sacrifice.

I have prepared a smoke for you.

My feet restore thou for me.

My legs restore thou for me.

My body restore thou for me.

My mind restore thou for me.

My voice restore thou for me.

Restore all for me in beauty.

Make beautiful all that is before me.

Make beautiful all that is behind me.

Make beautiful my words.

It is done in beauty.

It is done in beauty.

It is done in beauty.

It is done in beauty. (Paragraphs 261-4.)

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. XI

MEDICINE LODGE, VIEWED FROM THE EAST.]

89. The next part of the ceremonies (or, shall I say, the treatment?)

was a fumigation. The medicine man took from the fire a large glowing

coal, placed it beside the woman, and scattered on it some powdered

substance which instantly gave forth a dense smoke and a strong

fragrance that filled the lodge. The woman held her face over the coal

and inhaled the fumes with deep inspirations. When the smoke no longer

rose the coal was quenched with water and carried out of the lodge by

the chief, Manuelito, probably to be disposed of in some established

manner. Then the woman left the lodge and singing and rattling were

resumed.

90. While the rites just described were in progress some assistants were

busy with other matters. One made, from the spotted skin of a fawn, two

bags in which the akáninilis or couriers were to carry their meal on the

morrow's journey. Another brought in and hung over the doorway a bundle

of dry, withered plants which he had just gathered. Glancing up at them

I recognized the _Gutierrezia_ and the _Bouteloua_. The bundle may have

contained the other plants mentioned in the myth (paragraph 44). They

were hung up there till the next day, to be then used in a manner which

will be described (paragraph 101).

91. The sheepskin on which the sacrifices had been placed was taken away

and a blanket was spread on the ground to receive some more sacred

articles from the bag of the chanter. These were five long notched

wands, some tail feathers of the wild turkey, some small downy feathers

of the eagle, and some native mineral pigments--yellow ocher,

a ferruginous black, and a native blue. With the pigments the assistants

painted the notched wands; with the plumes the chanter trimmed them.

(See Fig. 51 and Plate XI.) Then they were called çobolçà, a word of

obscure etymology, or in¢ia`, which signifies sticking up or standing

erect. They are called in this paper "plumed wands."

92. While some were making the çobolçà others busied themselves

grinding, between stones, large quantities of pigments, coarser than

those referred to above, to be used in making the sand pictures or dry

paintings of the ceremony. They made five colors: black, of charcoal;

white, of white sandstone; red, of red sandstone; yellow, of yellow

sandstone; and "blue," of the black and white, mixed in proper

proportions; of course this was a gray, but it was their only cheap

substitute for the cerulean tint, and, combined with the other colors on

the sanded floor, in the dim light of the lodge, it could not easily be

distinguished from a true blue. It may be remarked in passing that the

Navajo apply to many things which are gray the term they use for blue

(çolíj); thus the gray fox is called màï-çolíj (blue coyote) and a gray

sheep is called a blue sheep. Yet that they make a distinction between

these colors is, I think, fairly evident from the fact that in painting

small articles, such as kethàwns and masks, they use the more costly

articles of turquoise, malachite, and indigo. These coarse pigments for

the dry paintings were put for convenience on curved pieces of piñon

bark. From time to time, during this and the following days, as the

heaps of colored powder diminished under the hands of the artists, more

stones and charcoal were pulverized to replenish them.

93. About noon they cleared off that portion of the floor of the lodge

which lay west of the fire, and brought, in blankets, a quantity of dry

sand, which they spread out over the cleared portion of the floor in a

layer of the nearly constant depth of three inches. They smoothed the

surface with the broad oaken battens used in weaving. Now for a time all

operations were suspended in the lodge while the chanter went out to

plant the çobolçà, or plumed wands, in front of the medicine lodge, and

to lay beside them the collars of beaver skins and the symbols for wings

which the couriers were to wear next day. (Fig. 51.) These articles, it

was said, were placed outside as a sign to the gods that the holy

pictures were being drawn; but it is not improbable that they were

intended also as a sign to uninitiated mortals. However that may be,

they were taken in as soon as the picture was finished. The great

painting was begun about 1 o'clock p.m., was finished about 3, and was

allowed to remain until the ceremonies at night were concluded. It will

be described later. (Paragraphs 160 et seq.)

[Illustration: FIG. 51. The çobolçà, or plumed wands, as seen from

the door of the medicine lodge.]

94. When the picture was completed food was brought in, and there was a

good deal of eating and sleeping and smoking done. Being informed that

nothing more would be done until after nightfall, I went to my own

shelter, to elaborate some of my more hasty sketches while matters were

still fresh in my mind. At 7 o'clock a messenger came to tell me that

ceremonies were about to be resumed. During my absence the principal

character in the night's performance--a man arrayed in evergreens--had

been dressed.

95. I found, on returning to the lodge, a number of spectators seated

around close to the edge of the apartment. The fire burned in the

center. The sick woman, with some companions, sat in the south. The

qaçàli, with a few assistants who joined him in singing and shaking

rattles, was seated at the north, at the place where the circumference

of the lodge was enlarged. (Paragraph 83.) There was a space about two

feet wide and six feet long between them and the wall, or roof if you

choose so to call it, of the lodge. I was assigned a place in the west.

The sick woman was directed to move from the position she occupied in

the south, and sit, with her face to the east, at the junction of the

two white serpents that cross one another on the picture. (Plate XV.)

96. When she was seated the qaçàli began a song, accompanied by the

usual rattling and drumming. At a certain part of the song the chanter

was seen to make a slight signal with his drumstick, a rapid stroke to

the rear, when instantly a mass of animate evergreens--a moving tree, it

seemed--sprang out from the space behind the singers and rushed towards

the patient. A terrifying yell from the spectators greeted the

apparition, when the man in green, acting as if frightened by the noise,

retreated as quickly as he came, and in a moment nothing could be seen

in the space behind the singers but the shifting shadows cast by the

fire. He was so thoroughly covered with spruce twigs that nothing of his

form save his toes could be distinguished when he rushed out in the full

glare of the fire. This scene was repeated three times, at due

intervals.

97. Some time after the third repetition, the chanter arose, without

interrupting his song, and proceeded to erase the picture with his

rattle. He began with the mountain in the west (paragraph 162), which he

completely leveled; next in order he erased the track of the bear; next,

the hole in the center; and then, one by one, the various other figures,

ending with the serpents on the outside. In erasing the serpents, he

began with the figures in the east and followed the apparent course of

the sun, ending with the figures in the north. When the picture was

completely obliterated, the sand on which it had been drawn was

collected, put in a blanket, and carried out of doors, to be thrown

away.

98. Then the sick woman was lifted by two other women and laid on her

side where the picture had been, with her face to the east. While she

lay there, the medicine man, amid much singing, walked around her,

inscribed on the earth at her feet a straight line with his finger and

erased it with his foot, inscribed at her head a cross and rubbed it out

in the same manner, traced radiating lines in all directions from her

body and obliterated them, gave her a light massage, whistled over her

from head to foot and all around her, and whistled towards the smoke

hole, as if whistling something away. These acts were performed in the

order in which they are recorded. His last operation on her was a severe

massage, in which he kneaded every part of her body forcibly and pulled

her joints hard, whereat she groaned and made demonstrations of

suffering. This concluded, she rose. A blanket was spread on the ground

on the north of the fire, near where the man in evergreens was

concealed. At the last appearance of the man in evergreens the woman

fell back apparently paralyzed and suffering from difficulty of

breathing, all of which was probably feigned, but was supposed to be a

sign that the right remedy or ceremony for her ailment had been found

and that none other need be tried. The medicine man now proceeded to

restore her to consciousness by drawing zigzag lines from her body east

and west and straight lines north and south, like their symbols for the

chain and sheet lightnings, by stepping over her in different

directions, and by rattling. When she had apparently recovered, he

pressed the plumed wands and the symbols for wings to different parts of

her body, in the order and with the ceremonies described when referring

to previous application made to her body.

99. There were no more ceremonies that night. I remained in the medicine

lodge until it was quite late. The men occupied their time in singing,

rattling, gambling, and smoking. After a while some grew weary and lay

down to sleep. Being repeatedly assured that nothing more would happen

until the whistle sounded in the morning, I left the lodge to roll

myself in my blankets. Yet frequently during the night, fearing I might

have been deceived, I stealthily arose and visited the medicine lodge,

only to find all slumbering soundly.

100. SIXTH DAY. At five in the morning (Saturday, October 25) the

whistle sounded and I hastened to the medicine lodge. There was much to

be done; the couriers were to be dressed and sent on their way, and a

large picture was to be painted; so the work had to begin early.

[Illustration: FIG. 52. Akáninili ready for the journey.]

101. The first thing done was to burn to charcoal the bundle of plants

which had been gathered on the previous morning and hung over the door

of the lodge inside. (Paragraph 90.) The charcoal was used in painting

the limbs of the akáninilis or couriers. A basin of water containing

soap root or amolë (the root of _Yucca baccata_, and other species of

yucca) was brought in, and after the medicine man had dabbed them with a

little of the suds the akáninilis-elect washed themselves with it from

head to foot, cleaning their hair well. When the bath was done, they

were dabbed by the qaçàli with some other mixture contained in a

waterproof wicker basin and were made to inhale the fragrant fumes of

some vegetable powder scattered on a live coal, which, as usual, was

"put out," in a double sense, when the fumigation was over. Then the

young men were dressed and adorned to look like Dsilyi` Neyáni after his

toilet in the house of the butterflies. (Paragraph 44.) Their legs and

forearms were painted black, to represent the storm cloud. The outer

aspects of these members were decorated with white zigzag streaks, to

indicate the white lightning. Their faces were painted partly white and

small white spots were scattered over their bodies. Downy eagle feathers

were fastened to their hair; necklaces of shell and coral were hung

around their necks, and over these were laid collars of beaver skin,

with whistles attached, which had lain in front of the lodge the day

before, near the plumed wands. (Paragraph 93, Fig. 51.) Small objects to

represent wings were tied to their arms. Each was given one of the fawn

skin bags (paragraph 90) with corn meal in it. In the hand of the

akáninili who was to go to the south was placed one of the çobolçà, or

plumed wands, whose stem was painted black, the color of the north, as a

sign to all he might meet that he was a duly authorized messenger from a

medicine lodge in the north. In the hand of the other akáninili was

placed a blue shafted wand, to show that he came from the south. Thus

equipped they were all ready for the journey. (Fig. 52.)

102. The chanter gave them his messages, telling them where to go, what

places they were to visit, what other chanters they were to see, what

dancers they were to invite, and what gifts they were authorized to

offer to the visiting performers for their trouble. Having given these

special instructions, he closed with the general instructions, which are

always given to the akáninili, as follows:

These [pointing to the eagle feathers on the head] will make for you a

means of rising as you progress.

These [pointing to the wing symbols on the arm] will bear you onward.

This [pointing to the collar of beaver skin] will be a means of

recognition for you. For this reason it hangs around your neck.

Sprinkle meal across a little valley, across a big arroyo.

Across the roots of a tree sprinkle meal and then you may step over.

Sprinkle meal across a flat rock.

Then the plumed wand. For this purpose you carry it, that they will

recognize you as coming from a holy place.

103. The akáninili on his journey scatters meal before him as directed

in these charges. He also scatters it on the medicine men whom he

visits, and for this reason he is called akáninili, which signifies meal

sprinkler.

104. When the last word of the instructions was uttered, the couriers

departed, one to the north and one to the south. It was not later than

7 o'clock when they left. As soon as they were gone, the work of

painting the picture appropriate to the day was begun. It was much more

elaborate than the painting of the previous day. Although a dozen men

worked on it, it was not finished until two o'clock. About the time it

was done, the akáninili from the south returned. He was carefully

divested of all his ornaments. The white paint was scraped carefully

from his body and preserved in the medicine bags of those who scraped it

off. Then he was led out of the lodge.

105. When the picture was finished, the shaman, having applied pollen in

three places to each god, stuck around it in the ground, at regular

intervals, the three plumed wands which had stood before the door of the

lodge all day and the wand which the akáninili from the south had just

brought back with him. This wand he placed at the south of the picture,

and laid beside it the collar, wings, and plumes which the akáninili had

worn. The fifth, or north, wand was still absent with the courier who

went to the north.

106. All was ready now for the treatment of the sick woman. She was sent

for, and a crier went to the door of the lodge to announce that song and

ceremony were to begin. Accompanied by another woman, she entered,

carrying a basket with corn meal in it. This she sprinkled lightly over

the picture and then handed it to some of the assistants, who finished

the work she had begun by strewing the meal plentifully on the figures.

She sat on the form of the god in the east, facing the door, with her

feet extended, and her companion sat on the figure of the cornstalk in

the southeast. (Plate XVI.) In the mean time the medicine man had made a

cold infusion in an earthen bowl and placed it on the hands of the

rainbow figure (paragraph 169), laying over it a brush or sprinkler made

of feathers, with a handle of colored yarn. When the women were seated,

the chanter dipped his brush in the solution; sprinkled the picture

plentifully; touched each divine figure with the moistened brush in

three places-brow, mouth, and chest; administered the infusion to the

women, in two alternate draughts to each; drained the bowl himself; and

handed it to the bystanders, that they might finish the dregs and let

none of the precious stuff go to waste. Next came the fumigation. The

woman whom we have designated as the companion rose from her seat on the

picture and sat on the ground beside the door. The principal patient

retained her seat on the eastern god. Near each a live coal was laid on

the ground. On the coal a strong scented but rather fragrant mixture was

thrown, and as the fumes arose the women waved them towards their faces

and breathed them in as before. The coal was extinguished and carefully

removed, as on previous occasions. The application of the sacred dust to

the body of the patient followed. The shaman moistened his hands with

saliva and pressed them to the feet of all the gods. Some of the powder,

of course, stuck to his palms. This he applied to the feet of the

patient. Thus he took dust from the knees, abdomens, chests, shoulders,

and heads of the figures and applied it to corresponding parts of the

patient's form, making a strong massage with each application.

107. When the patient had departed many of the spectators advanced to

the picture and gathered the corn pollen (paragraphs 105 and 112), now

rendered doubly sacred, and put it in their medicine bags. Some took

portions of the remaining dust from the figures, after the manner of the

shaman, and applied it to ailing portions of their persons. If the

devotee had disease in his legs, he took dust from the legs of the

figures; if in his head, the dust was taken from the heads of the

figures, and so on.

108. By the time they were all done the picture was badly marred; yet

its general form and some of the details were quite distinguishable.

Then it became the province of the chanter to completely obliterate it.

He began with the white god in the east and took in turn the figures in

the southeast (corn), south, southwest, west, center, northwest, north,

and northeast. Next, the figure of the rainbow was erased from foot to

head, and, on his way, the chanter knocked down, with rather vicious

blows, the plumed wands which stood up around the picture. When he came

to the round figure in the center he dug up a cup which had been buried

there. He erased the picture with a long slender wand and sang in the

meantime, to the accompaniment of the rattling of his assistants,

a plaintive chant in a minor key, which was perhaps the most melodious

Indian song I ever heard. All was over at half past 2 in the afternoon.

109. Later in the day it was announced that the other akáninili was

approaching from the north. He could then be observed about a mile away

in an open plain. As he advanced the sound of his whistle was heard. At

exactly half past 4 he entered the medicine lodge, where the chanter

motioned him to a seat in the south. Singing and rattling were at once

begun and the akáninili was divested of his trappings in the following

order: head plumes, beaver collar, necklace, right wing, left wing,

belt, sash, moccasins. The white paint was removed and preserved as on

the former occasion. He was led out of the lodge, where he was well

washed from head to foot in a hot decoction of the detergent amolë and

dried with corn meal. Two large blood blisters were to be seen on the

inner aspects of his thighs, brought on by the friction of his

breechcloth in running. He said that he had run constantly when not in

sight from our camp, had traveled a long way since morning, and was very

tired. It seems to be the custom with the akáninilis to walk slowly when

near camp and to run when out of sight, probably to follow the mythic

examples of Tlà¢esçìni and Indsiskàï. (Paragraph 63.)

110. With the toilet of the akáninili the ceremonies of the day ended.

He returned to the lodge to relate his adventures and get some food.

During the day visitors arrived occasionally from distant camps. In the

afternoon there were several young men present, who busied themselves in

grubbing and clearing the ground where the corral was to be built and

the great dance of the last night was to be held. I remained in the

lodge until it was quite late, and I frequently rose during the night to

see if anything was going on; but the night passed without event, like

the previous one.

111. SEVENTH DAY. The painting of the picture and the treatment of the

sick woman were the only works performed on this day (Sunday,

October 26). The whistle sounded from the lodge at 6 a.m., but already

the plumed wands and the beaver collars had been placed before the door

of the medicine lodge and the sand for the groundwork of the picture had

been brought in. As the picture (Plate XVII) was to be larger than those

which preceded it, the fire was moved quite near to the door; the heated

earth which lay under the fire in its former position was dug up and

replaced with cold earth, probably for the comfort of the artists.

112. The work of the painters was begun soon after 6 a.m. and was not

completed until about 2 p.m. About a dozen men were engaged on it, and

it occupied them, as we have seen, about eight hours. As usual, the

qaçàli did very little of the manual labor; but he constantly watched

the work and frequently criticised and corrected it. When the painting

was done, it became his duty to apply the sacred corn pollen to the

brow, mouth, and chest of each of the gods and to set up the bounding

çobolçà or plumed wands. After this he placed a bowl of water on the

left hand of the white god--the form second from the north--threw into

it some powdered substance to make a cold decoction, and laid the

sprinkler on top of it. (Paragraph 106.)

113. The whistle was blown. The herald announced that all was ready. The

sick woman and her companion entered, and one after the other cast meal

upon the floor. The former took off her moccasins and sat on the ground

near the door while a song was sung. Then she sat on the form of the

white god, her companion sat on the form of the blue god, and the

singing and rattling were resumed. Without interrupting his song the

chanter sprinkled the picture with the infusion, applied the moistened

sprinkler to the breast, head, and brow of each of the gods in the

following order: white, blue, yellow, black, and sat down to finish his

chant. He administered the decoctions to his patient in two draughts, to

her companion in two draughts, to himself (honest physician!) in the

same manner, and gave as before (paragraph 106) the dregs to the

bystanders. He applied the dust from different parts of the divine

figures to the sick woman, in much the same manner as on the previous

day, and while doing this he obliterated the pictures of the little

animals over the head of the white god. The fumigation of both women was

repeated with exactly the same rites as on the second day, and the fumes

had precisely the same odor on this occasion as on that. When the coals

were extinguished and taken out, the chanter said to the women, "kaç"

(now), whereat they arose and left the lodge.

114. As soon as they were gone the work of obliteration began. The

figures of the gods were rubbed out in the usual order (white, blue,

yellow, black, rainbow), the erasure in each case proceeding from foot

to head. The plumed wands fell as before, simultaneously with the

destruction of the rainbow. The sand was carried out at half past

2 o'clock and no further rites were performed during the day.

115. EIGHTH DAY. The picture painted on Monday (October 27) was of a

simple character, and hence did not occupy much time. The work was begun

at 7 a.m. and was finished at 10 a.m. Of the four shorter or interior

arrows (Plate XVIII), that which stands second from the north was

regarded as the arrow of the east and was begun first. On this arrow the

sick woman was placed, sitting with her face to the east, when she came

to be treated and fumigated. The bowl of infusion was laid on the point

of the arrow immediately to her left, regarded as the arrow of the

north. The medicine man put the pollen on the base, on the red cross

lines near the center, and on the white tips. All the ceremonies which

took place between the completion and the obliteration of the picture

(the planting of the five plumed wands, the sprinkling of the picture

with meal, the sprinkling and administration of the infusion, the

application of the colored dust to the person of the patient, the

fumigation of the two women, the whistling, the singing, and rattling)

were essentially the same as those observed on the previous day. In

taking the dust from the picture, however, the shaman applied his hands

only to the bases of the arrows. The ceremony of obliteration was also a

repetition of the rites of the previous day.

[Illustration: FIG. 53. The great wood pile.]

116. The building of the great stack of wood (Fig. 53) which was to

furnish the fire in the center of the corral on the last night went on

simultaneously with the painting of the picture. Both tasks were begun

and ended about the same time. The wood in the big pile was dead, long

seasoned juniper and cedar, fuel of the most inflammable character. The

pile was about twelve feet high and sixty paces in circumference. Large

quantities of this dry wood were also brought and placed outside the

space allotted to the corral, to replenish the fires when needed.

117. In the afternoon there were no ceremonies in the medicine lodge.

The qaçàli and his assistants took a half holiday, and not without

deserving it, for they had wrought well for three days and they had a

long day's work and a long night's work still before them. A large

number of people had by this time assembled, and from time to time more

arrived. Throughout the sparse grove which surrounded us, little

temporary corrals and huts of boughs were going up in every direction.

In more secret spots in the rugged walls of a cañon, about half a mile

from the medicine lodge, other shelters were erected, where visiting

performers were to prepare themselves on the last night. Many young men

were busy in the afternoon cutting down the trees and lopping off the

branches which were to form the great corral (the ilnásjin, the dark

circle of branches) on the next day. Some of the visiting women were

busy grinding meal and attending to different household duties; others

played cards or engaged in the more aboriginal pastime of áz¢ilçil,

a game played with three sticks and forty stones, the latter for

counters.

118. The friends of the sick woman prepared the alkàn, a great corn cake

baked in the earth, the manufacture of which gave evidence of the

antiquity of the process. The batter was mixed in one large hole in the

ground lined with fresh sheepskin. It was baked in another hole in which

a fire had been burning for many hours, until the surrounding earth was

well heated. The fire was removed; the hole lined with corn husks; the

batter ladled in and covered with more cornhusks; hot earth and hot

coals were spread overall. The cake was not dug up until the following

day, and was designed chiefly for the special entertainment of those who

were at work in the medicine lodge.

119. NINTH DAY (UNTIL SUNSET). On Tuesday (October 28) the work in the

lodge consisted in preparing certain properties to be used in the

ceremonies of the night. These were the wands to be used in the first

dance, the kátso-yisçàn or great plumed arrows, and the trees which the

dancers pretended to swallow.

120. The wand of the nahikàï was made by paring down a straight slender

stick of aromatic sumac, about three feet long, to the general thickness

of less than half an inch, but leaving a head or button at one end.

A ring was fashioned from a transverse slice of some hollow or pithy

plant, so that it would slide freely up and down the slender wand, but

would nob pass over the head. Eagle down was secured to the wooden head

and also to the ring. In the dance (paragraph 129) the eagle down on the

stick is burned off in the fire while the ring is held in the palm of

the hand. When the time comes for the wand to grow white again, as the

name nahikàï expresses it, the ring is allowed to leave the palm and

slide to the other end of the stick.

121. The great plumed arrows were deceptions somewhat similar in

character to the wands. One-half of the arrow was made of a slender hard

twig of cliff rose; the other half was formed of some pithy suffruticose

herb which I could not determine satisfactorily, as I saw only the cut

sections and was not permitted to handle these. The pith was removed so

as to allow the wooden part to move into the herby part with a

telescopic mechanism. The herbaceous portion was so covered with

feathers that nothing could be seen of its surface. A large stone

arrowhead was attached to the wooden shaft. When the actor pretended to

swallow this he merely held the stone point firmly between his teeth and

forced the upper or plumed shaft down on the lower or wooden shaft. It

was an excellent deception, and presented to the ordinary observer all

the appearance of genuine arrow swallowing.

122. The piñon saplings, which the dancers also pretended to swallow,

had no deceptive arrangement. They were slender little trees trimmed at

the butt into a broad, thin, wedge shaped point, which was carefully

smoothed by rubbing it with sandstone, so that no offensive splinters

should present themselves to the lips of the dancers. The smooth end was

painted red, probably to make the spectators, at night, by the uncertain

firelight, suppose that the dissemblers had torn their throats in their

great efforts. Sometimes the saplings have all their branches removed,

and are then trimmed with cross pieces and circles of evergreen sprays.

In most cases, however, I have seen the sapling used in its natural

condition.

123. As each set of implements was completed there was a ceremony with

singing and rattling, the men who were to use them at night partook of

powdered medicines on their extended tongues, from the hands of the

chanter, and then practiced themselves in the use of the implements.

Although they well knew the deceptive nature of these articles and fully

understood the frauds they were preparing to perpetrate on the public,

these young men seemed to view the whole work with high reverence and

treat it with the greatest seriousness. For instance, when, in the

secrecy of the lodge, they went through the motions of swallowing the

trees they showed indubitable signs of fear: all looked anxious, some

trembled quite perceptibly, and one looked as pale as a live Indian can

look. They probably dreaded the displeasure of the gods if all were not

done well.

124. LAST NIGHT. Just after sunset the old chanter posted himself some

paces to the east of the great woodpile, on the spot where the gate of

the corral was to be, and began a song. Simultaneous with the beginning

of the song was the commencement of the building of the dark circle. All

the young and middleaged men in camp assisted. They dragged the branches

from where they had been cut down in the neighboring woods and put them

in position in the circle with great celerity. The work was all done in

less than an hour, during which time the chanter ceased not for an

instant his song and rattle. When the fence was finished to his

satisfaction he stopped his song and the labors of the workmen ceased

with the sound. When finished the corral averaged about forty paces in

diameter, and the fence was about eight feet high, with an opening left

in the east about ten feet wide.

125. The moment the dark circle of branches was finished it inclosed

sacred ground. Any dog who dared to enter was chased out with shouts and

missiles. The man or woman who came must, on the first occasion, pass

around to the left, i.e., to the south of the great woodpile. No one

was allowed to peep through the fence or look over the edge of if to

witness the ceremonies. That part of the auditorium was reserved for the

spirits of the bears and other ancestral animal gods. No horse might be

led into the inclosure until after sunrise next morning, when the fence

was razed and all became common soil once more.

126. When the night began to fall many of the visitors moved all their

goods into the corral and lighted there a number of small fires close to

the fence, temporarily abandoning their huts and shelters outside. Those

who did not move in left watchers to protect their property; for there

are thieves among the Navajo. The woods around the corral were lighted

up in various directions by the fires of those who had not taken their

property into the great inclosure and of parties who were practicing

dances and shows of an exoteric character.

127. The nocturnal performances of _this_ evening (Tuesday, October 28,

1884) were as meager as any I have seen within the dark circle of

branches. The best show I ever witnessed in the circle was one which

took place at Keam's Cañon, Arizona, on the 5th of November, 1882. For

this reason I will make the notes taken on the latter occasion the basis

of my description of the "corral dance," adding as I proceed such

comments as may be justified by subsequent observation and information.

128. At 8 o'clock a band of musicians which I will call the orchestra

entered, sat down beside one of the small fires in the west, and began

to make various vocal and instrumental noises of a musical character,

which continued with scarcely any interruption until the close of the

dance in the morning. At the moment the music began the great central

fire was lighted, and the conflagration spread so rapidly through the

entire pile that in a few moments it was enveloped in great flames.

A storm of sparks flew upward to the height of a hundred feet or more,

and the descending ashes fell in the corral like a light shower of snow.

The heat was soon so intense that in the remotest parts of the inclosure

it was necessary for one to screen his face when he looked towards the

fire. And now all was ready to test the endurance of the dancers who

must expose, or seem to expose (paragraph 149), their naked breasts to

the torrid glow.

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. XII

DANCE OF NAHIKÀÏ.]

129. _First dance_ (Plate XII). When the fire gave out its most intense

heat, a warning whistle was heard in the outer darkness, and a dozen

forms, lithe and lean, dressed only in the narrow white breechcloth and

moccasins, and daubed with white earth until they seemed a group of

living marbles, came bounding through the entrance, yelping like wolves

and slowly moving around the fire. As they advanced in single file they

threw their bodies into divers attitudes--some graceful, some strained

and difficult, some menacing. Now they faced the east, now the south,

the west, the north, bearing aloft their slender wands tipped with eagle

down, holding and waving them with surprising effects. Their course

around the fire was to the left, i.e., from the east to the west, by

way of the south, and back again to the east by way of the north,

a course taken by all the dancers of the night, the order never being

reversed. When they had encircled the fire twice they began to thrust

their wands toward it, and it soon became evident that their object was

to burn off the tips of eagle down; but owing to the intensity of the

heat it was difficult to accomplish this, or at least they acted well

the part of striving against such difficulty. One would dash wildly

towards the fire and retreat; another would lie as close to the ground

as a frightened lizard and endeavor to wriggle himself up to the fire;

others sought to catch on their wands the sparks flying in the air. One

approached the flaming mass, suddenly threw himself on his back with his

head to the fire, and swiftly thrust his wand into the flames. Many were

the unsuccessful attempts; but, at length, one by one, they all

succeeded in burning the downy balls from the ends of their wands. As

each accomplished this feat it became his next duty to restore the ball

of down. The mechanism of this trick has been described (paragraph 120),

but the dancer feigned to produce the wonderful result by merely waving

his wand up and down as he continued to run around the fire. When he

succeeded he held his wand up in triumph, yelped, and rushed out of the

corral. The last man pretended to have great difficulty in restoring the

down. When at last he gave his triumphant yell and departed it was ten

minutes to 9. The dance had lasted twenty minutes.

130. In other repetitions of this ceremony the writer has witnessed more

of burlesque than on this occasion. Sometimes the performers have worn

immense false mustaches, exaggerated imitations of spectacles and of

other belongings of their white neighbors. Sometimes the dance has

assumed a character which will not be described in this place

(paragraph 146). It is called nahikàï-alil. The former word signifies

"it becomes white again" and refers to the reappearance of the eagle

down. The show is said to have been introduced among the Navajo at the

great corral dance mentioned in the myth (paragraphs 69-72) by a tribe

from the south named ¢ildjèhe. It is no essential part of the rites of

the dark circle, yet I have never known it to be omitted, probably

because it is a most suitable dance for the time when the fire is the

hottest.

[Illustration: FIG. 54. Dancer holding up the great plumed arrow.]

[Illustration: FIG. 55. Dancer "swallowing" the great plumed arrow.]

131. _Second dance._ After an interval of three-quarters of an hour, the

dance of the kátso-yisçàn, the great plumed arrow, the potent healing

ceremony of the night, began. There were but two performers. They were

dressed and arrayed much like the akáninili, but they bore no meal bags,

wore no beaver collars, and the parts of their bodies that were not

painted black--legs and forearms--were daubed with white earth. Instead

of the wand of the akáninili, each bore in his hand one of the great

plumed arrows. While they were making the usual circuits around the

fire, the patient (a man on this occasion) was placed sitting on a

buffalo robe in front of the orchestra. They halted before the patient;

each dancer seized his arrow between his thumb and forefinger about

eight inches from the tip, held the arrow up to view, giving a

coyote-like yelp, as if to say, "So far will I swallow it" (Fig. 54),

and then appeared to thrust the arrow, slowly and painfully, down his

throat (Fig. 55) as far as indicated. While the arrows seemed still to

be stuck in their throats, they danced a chassé, right and left, with

short, shuffling steps. Then they withdrew the arrows, and held them up

to view as before, with triumphant yelps, as if to say, "So far have I

swallowed it." Sympathizers in the audience yelped in response. The next

thing to be done was to apply the arrows. One of the dancers advanced to

the patient, and to the soles of the feet of the latter he pressed the

magic weapon with its point to the right, and again with its point to

the left. In a similar manner he treated the knees, hands, abdomen,

back, shoulders, crown, and mouth in the order named, giving three

coyote-like yelps after each application. When the first dancer had

completed the work, the other took his place and went through exactly

the same performance. This finished, the sick man and the buffalo robe

were removed. The bearers of the arrows danced once more around the fire

and departed.

132. The plumed arrow is frequently referred to in the songs of this

rite. It seems to be the most revered implement and the act in which it

appears the most revered alili of the night. All the other shows may be

omitted at will, but the dance of the kátso-yisçàn, it is said, must

never be neglected. I have witnessed other performances where the arrow

swallowers reappeared with their numbers increased to six or eight. The

additional dancers all pretended to swallow arrows, but they did not

apply them to the patient. The origin of this alili is well accounted

for in the myth (paragraphs 47, 55, and 69), and the peculiar

significance of the injunction not to break the arrow is easily

understood when we know how the arrow is made.

133. _Third dance._ At 10 o'clock the sound of the whistle again called

the spectators to attention and a line of twenty-three dancers came in

sight. The one who led the procession bore in his hand a whizzer

(Fig. 56) such as schoolboys use, a stick tied to the end of a string;

this he constantly whirled, producing a sound like that of a rain storm.

After him came one who represented a character, the Yébaka (anglicized,

Yaybaka), from the great nine days' ceremony of the klédji-qaçàl, or

night chant, and lie wore a blue buckskin mask that belongs to the

character referred to. From time to time he gave the peculiar hoot or

call of the Yàybichy, "hu`hu`hu`hu" (paragraph 32). After him followed

eight wand bearers. They were dressed like the bearers of the great

plumed arrows; but instead of an arrow each bore a wand made of grass,

cactus, and eagle plumes. The rest of the band were choristers in

ordinary dress. As they were all proceeding round the fire for the

fourth time they halted in the west, the choristers safe and the

standing wand bearers formed a double row of four. Then the Yaybaka

began to hoot, the orchestra to play, the choristers to sing, the

whizzer to make his mimic storm, and the wand bearers to dance. The

latter, keeping perfect time with the orchestra, went through a series

of figures not unlike those of a modern quadrille. In our terpsichorean

nomenclature the "calls" might have thus been given: "Forward and back.

Chassez twice. Face partners. Forward and back. Forward and bow. Forward

and embrace. Forward and wave wands at partners," &c. When several of

these evolutions had been performed in a graceful and orderly manner,

the choristers rose, and all went singing out at the east.

134. Three times more the same band returned. In the third and fourth

acts the wands were exchanged for great piñon poles (eight to ten feet

long), portions of which they pretended to swallow, as their

predecessors had done with the arrows. (Paragraph 48.) That the simple

and devoted Pueblo Indian does actually, in dances of this character,

thrust a stick far down his gullet, to the great danger of health and

even of life, there is little reason to doubt; but the wily Navajo

attempts no such prodigies of deglutition. A careful observation of

their movements on the first occasion convinced me that the stick never

passed below the fauces, and subsequent experience in the medicine lodge

only strengthened the conviction (paragraph 121).

[Illustration: FIG. 56. The whizzer.]

135. The instrument designated above as the whizzer is a thin, flat,

pointed piece of wood, painted black and sparkling with the specular

iron ore which is sprinkled on the surface; three small pieces of

turquoise are inlaid in the wood to represent eyes and mouth. One

whizzer which I examined was nine inches long, one and three-fourths

inches broad, and about a quarter of an inch thick in the thickest part.

(Fig. 56.) To it was attached a string about two feet long, by means of

which the centrifugal motion was imparted to it. It is called by the

Navajo tsín-¢e`ní`, or groaning stick. It is used among many tribes of

the southwest in their ceremonies. The Navajo chanters say that the

sacred groaning stick may only be made of the wood of a pine tree which

has been struck by lightning.

136. In the _Fourth dance_ there were about thirty choristers, in

ordinary dress, bearing piñon wands; there was a man who shook a rattle,

another who whirled the groaning stick, and there were three principal

dancers, wearing fancy masks and representing characters from the rites

of the klèdji qaçàl or dance of the "Yàybichy." These three danced a

lively and graceful jig, in perfect time to the music, with many bows,

waving of wands, simultaneous evolutions, and other pretty motions which

might have graced the spectacular drama of a metropolitan theater. Three

times they left the corral for a moment, and returning varied the dance,

and always varied to improve. The wands they bore were large light

frames of reeds adorned with large eagle plumes.

137. After this there was an interval of nearly an hour, which passed

slowly with those in the corral. Some smoked and gossiped; some listened

to the never ceasing din of the orchestra or joined in the chant; some

brought in wood and replenished the waning fires; some, wrapped in their

serapea, stretched themselves on the ground to catch short naps.

138. _Fifth dance._ It was after midnight when the blowing of a hoarse

buffalo horn announced the approach of those who were to perform the

fifth dance, the tcòhanoai alili or sun show. There were twenty-four

choristers and a rattler. There were two character dancers, who were

arrayed, like so many others, in little clothing and much paint. Their

heads and arms were adorned with plumes of the war eagle, their necks

with rich necklaces of genuine coral, their waists with valuable silver

studded belts, and their loins with bright sashes of crimson silk. One

bore on his back a round disk, nine inches in diameter, decorated with

radiating eagle plumes to represent the sun. The other carried a disk,

six and a half inches in diameter, similarly ornamented, to symbolize

the moon. Each bore a skeleton wand of reeds that reminded one of the

frame of a great kite; it was ornamented with pendant eagle plumes that

swayed with every motion of the dancer. While the whole party was

passing round the fire in the usual manner wands were waved and heads

bowed towards the flames. When it stopped in the west the choristers sat

and sang and the rattler stood and rattled, while the bearers of the sun

and the moon danced at a lively rate for just three minutes. Then the

choristers rose and all sang and danced themselves out of sight.

A second performance of this dance came between the first and second

repetitions of the next show.

139. I have recorded one story (but have heard of another) accounting

for the origin of this dance; it is as follows: When Dsilyi` Neyáni

visited the mountain of Bistcàgi, the home of Estsàn ¢igìni, these

divine beings had for ornaments on their walls the sun and the moon.

When the great mythic dance was given they were among the guests. They

brought their wall decorations, and when the time for their alili came,

they wore the sun and the moon on their backs when they danced.

140. The _Sixth dance_, that of the standing arcs, was both picturesque

and ingenious. The principal performers were eight in number, as usual

with scanty clothing. Their hair fell loose and long over back and

shoulders and each bore in front of him, held by both hands, a wooden

arc, ornamented with eagle plumes. The ends of the arc (which was a full

semicircle) showed tufts of piñon twigs, and they were evidently joined

together by a slender string, which was invisible to the audience.

Besides the eight principal actors, there was a rattler, a bearer of the

groaning stick, and a chorus. While all were making the fourth circuit

of the fire, frequent shouts of "Çòhe! Çòhe!" (Englished,

Thòhay--"Stand! stand!" or "Stay! stay!") were heard, the significance

of which soon became apparent. When they stopped in the west, the eight

character dancers first went through various quadrille-like figures,

such as were witnessed in the third dance, and then knelt in two rows

that faced one another. At a word from the rattler the man who was

nearest to him (whom I will call No. 1) arose, advanced to the man who

knelt opposite to him (No. 2) with rapid, shuffling steps, and amid a

chorus of "Thòhay! Thòhay!" placed his arc with caution upon the head of

the latter. Although it was held in position by the friction of the

piñon tufts at each ear and by the pressure of the ends of the arc, now

drawn closer by the subtending string, it had the appearance of standing

on the head without material support, and it is probable that many of

the uninitiated believed that only the magic influence of the

oft-repeated word "Thòhay" kept it in position. When the arc was secured

in its place, No. 1 retreated with shuffling steps to his former

position and fell on his knees again. Immediately No. 2 advanced and

placed the arc which he held in his hand on the head of No. 1. Thus each

in turn placed his arc on the head of the one who knelt opposite to him

until all wore their beautiful halo-like headdresses. Then, holding

their heads rigidly erect, lest their arcs should fall, the eight

kneeling figures began a splendid, well timed chant, which was

accentuated by the clapping of hands and joined in by the chorus. When

the chant was done the rattler addressed the arc bearers, warning them

to be careful; so they cautiously arose from their knees and shuffled

with stiffened spines out of the corral, preceded by the choristers.

This dance was repeated after the second performance of the fifth dance.

141. _Seventh dance._ The arc bearers had scarcely disappeared when

another troupe entered the circle, the buffalo horn announcing their

coming. A man with a whizzer led the procession. The choristers, in

ordinary dress, were thirteen in number. The principal dancers were but

two; they wore the usual sash and belt; the uncovered skin was painted

white; they had on long blue woolen stockings of Navajo make and

moccasins. Each bore a slender wand of two triangles of reeds adorned at

the corners with pendant plumes. They saluted the fire as they danced

around it. They halted in the west, where the choristers sat down, and

the two wand bearers danced for three minutes in a lively and graceful

manner, to the music of the whizzer, the rattle, the choristers, and the

drum of the orchestra. These returned twice more, making some variation

in their performance each time. In the second act the rattler brought in

under his arm a basket containing yucca leaves, and a prayer was said to

the sun. It is possible that this dance was but a preliminary part of

the eighth dance, but it must be described as a separate alili.

142. _Eighth dance._ In this there were sixteen performers, in ordinary

Navajo dress. One of these bore the whizzer and led the procession;

another, who came in the center of the line, carried a hewn plank, or

puncheon, about 12 feet long and 4 inches broad, painted with spots and

decorated with tufts of piñon branchlets and with eagle plumes;

immediately behind the bearer of the plank walked a man who had in a

basket an effigy of the sun, formed of a small round mirror and a number

of radiating scarlet plumes. Having walked around the fire as usual, the

whole party gathered in the west in a close circle, which completely

excluded from the sight of the audience the operations of the actors.

Singing, rattling, and cries of "Thòhay!" were heard. In a few minutes

the circle opened and the hewn plank, standing upright on a small Navajo

blanket, without any apparent prop or support, was disclosed to view. At

the base of the plank was the basket holding the figure of the sun.

Singing was continued and so were the uproarious cries of

"Thòhay"--cries anxious, cries appealing, cries commanding--while the

bearer of the rattle stood facing the pole and rattling vigorously at

it. At length, seemingly in obedience to all this clamor, the solar

image left the basket and slowly, falteringly, totteringly, ascended the

plank to within a few inches of the top. Here it stopped a moment and

then descended in the same manner in which it rose. Once more was it

made to rise and set, when the circle of dancers again closed, the

plank, sun, and basket were taken in custody, and the dancers departed.

Taking into consideration the limited knowledge and rude implements of

the originators (for this alili is not of modern origin), this was a

well performed trick. The means used for supporting the pole and pulling

up the sun could not be detected. The dancers formed a semicircle nearly

ten feet distant from the pole and the light of the central fire shone

brightly upon all.

143. _Ninth dance._ It was after 1 o'clock in the morning when the dance

of the hoshkàwn (_Yucca baccata_) began. (Fig. 57. See paragraph 3.)

The ceremony was conducted in the first part by twenty-two persons in

ordinary dress. One bore, exposed to view, a natural root of yucca,

crowned with its cluster of root leaves, which remain green all winter.

The rest bore in their hands wands of piñon. What other properties they

may have had concealed under their blankets the reader will soon be able

to conjecture. On their third journey around the fire they halted in the

west and formed a close circle for the purpose of concealing their

operations, such as was made in the eighth dance. After a minute spent

in singing and many repetitions of "Thòhay," the circle opened,

disclosing to our view the yucca root planted in the sand. Again the

circle closed; again the song, the rattle, and the chorus of "Thòhay"

were heard, and when the circle was opened the second time an excellent

counterfeit of the small budding flower stalk was seen amid the fascicle

of leaves. A third time the dancers formed their ring of occultation;

after the song and din had continued for a few seconds the circle parted

for the third time, when, all out of season, the great panicle of creamy

yucca flowers gleamed in the firelight. The previous transformations of

the yucca had been greeted with approving shouts and laughter; the

blossoms were hailed with storms of applause. For the fourth and last

time the circle closed, and when again it opened the blossoms had

disappeared and the great, dark green fruit hung in abundance from the

pedicels. When the last transformation was completed the dancers went

once more around the fire and departed, leaving the fruitful yucca

behind them.

[Illustration: FIG. 57. Yucca baccata.]

144. In a moment after they had disappeared the form of one personating

an aged, stupid, short sighted, decrepit man was seen to emerge slowly

from among the crowd of spectators in the east. He was dressed in an old

and woefully ragged suit and wore a high, pointed hat. His face was

whitened and he bore a short, crooked, wooden bow and a few crooked, ill

made arrows. His mere appearance provoked the "stoic" audience to

screams of laughter, and his subsequent "low comedy business," which

excelled much that I have seen on the civilized stage, failed not to

meet with uproarious demonstrations of approval. Slowly advancing as he

enacted his part, he in time reached the place where the yucca stood,

and, in his imbecile totterings, he at length stumbled on the plant and

pretended to have his flesh lacerated by the sharp leaves. He gave a

tremulous cry of pain, rubbed saliva on the part supposed to be wounded,

and muttered his complaints in a weak and shaking voice. He pretended

then to seek for the plant, and was three times wounded in his efforts

to find it. At length, kneeling on the ground, with his face buried in

the leaves, he feigned to discover it, and rejoiced with querulous

extravagance over his success. When he had marked the spot and the way

back to it with an exaggerated burlesque of the Indian methods of doing

these things, he went off to find his "old woman" and bring her to pick

the fruit. Soon he returned with a tall, stalwart man, dressed to

represent a hideous, absurd-looking old granny. The latter acted his

part throughout the rest of the drama with a skill fully equal to that

of his comrade.

145. There were scenes in this drama which may not be told in this

connection. It will suffice to say here that when the yucca fruit was

picked and put in the basket the old man helped the "woman" to shoulder

her load and the pair left the corral. The hackàn-inçá` does not

invariably appear in the corral dance. I have attended one ceremony

where it was omitted. I have heard two descriptions of the dance which

differed very much from the one given above.

146. Many facts concerning not only the hackàn inçá`, but other parts of

the mountain chant, have not been allowed to appear in this essay.

Recognized scientists may learn of them by addressing the author through

the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.

147. _Tenth dance._ At twenty minutes past three an uninteresting

performance called the "bear dance" began. A man entered on all fours;

his face was painted white; he wore around his loins and over his

shoulders pieces of some dark pelt which may have been bear skin, but

looked more like the skin of a black sheep. The fire had now burned low

and the light was dim. He was accompanied by two attendants, one of whom

carried a rattle. He went twice around the ring, imitating the lumbering

gait of the bear. He occasionally made a clumsy lunge sidewise at some

of the spectators, as though he would attack them; but on these

occasions the man with the rattle headed him off and rattling in his

face directed him back to the usual course around the fire. This show

lasted five minutes.

148. The _Eleventh dance_, was the fire dance, or fire play, which was

the most picturesque and startling of all. Some time before the actors

entered, we heard, mingled with the blowing of the buffalo horn, strange

sounds, much like the call of the sand-hill crane; they will, for

convenience, be called trumpeting. These sounds continued to grow louder

and come nearer until they were heard at the opening in the east, and in

a second after, ten men, having no more clothing on than the performers

in the first dance, entered. Every man except the leader bore a long

thick bundle of shredded cedar bark in each hand and one had two extra

bundles on his shoulders for the later use of the leader. The latter

carried four small fagots of the same material in his hands. Four times

they all danced around the fire, waving their bundles of bark towards

it. They halted in the east; the leader advanced towards the central

fire, lighted one of his fagots, and trumpeting loudly threw it to the

east over the fence of the corral. He performed a similar act at the

south, at the west, and at the north; but before the northern brand was

thrown he lighted with it the bark bundles of his comrades. As each

brand disappeared over the fence some of the spectators blew into their

hands and made a motion as if tossing some substance after the departing

flame. When the fascicles were all lighted the whole band began a wild

race around the fire. At first they kept close together and spat upon

one another some substance of supposed medicinal virtue. Soon they

scattered and ran apparently without concert, the rapid racing causing

the brands to throw out long brilliant streamers of flame over the hands

and arms of the dancers. Then they proceeded to apply the brands to

their own nude bodies and to the bodies of their comrades in front of

them, no man ever once turning round; at times the dancer struck his

victim vigorous blows with his flaming wand; again he seized the flame

as if it were a sponge and, keeping close to the one pursued, rubbed the

back of the latter for several moments, as if he were bathing him. In

the mean time the sufferer would perhaps catch up with some one in front

of him and in turn bathe him in flame. At times when a dancer found no

one in front of him he proceeded to sponge his own back, and might keep

this up while making two or three circuits around the fire or until he

caught up with some one else. At each application of the blaze the loud

trumpeting was heard, and it often seemed as if a great flock of cranes

was winging its way overhead southward through the darkness. If a brand

became extinguished it was lighted again in the central fire; but when

it was so far consumed as to be no longer held conveniently in the hand,

the dancer dropped it and rushed, trumpeting, out of the corral. Thus,

one by one, they all departed. When they were gone many of the

spectators came forward, picked up some of the fallen fragments of cedar

bark, lighted them, and bathed their hands in the flames as a charm

against the evil effects of fire.

[Illustration:

Bureau of Ethnology

Fifth Annual Report Pl. XIII

FIRE DANCE.]

149. Did these dancers, next day, hide sore and blistered backs under

their serapes? I think not, for I have seen and conversed with some of

the performers immediately after the fire show, and they seemed happy

and had nothing to complain of. Did the medicine they spat on one

another save them? Certainly not, although the Indians claim it is a

true prophylactic against burns and call it azè-sakázi or cold medicine.

But it is probable that the cedar bark ignites at a low temperature, and

more than probable that the coating of white earth with which their

bodies were covered is an excellent non-conductor. However, the thought

that their bodies might have been thus ingeniously protected lessened

little, if any, the effect produced on the spectator. I have seen many

fire scenes on the stage, many acts of fire eating and fire handling by

civilized jugglers, and many fire dances by other Indian tribes, but

nothing quite comparable to this in all its scenic effects.

150. The closing ceremonies I did not witness on this occasion, but I

saw them at subsequent dances. Shortly before sunrise an assistant

passed around the fire four times and sprinkled a little water on the

mass of smoldering embers, while the medicine man chanted the

appropriate song. Later, three gaps were torn in the circle of

branches--one in the south, one in the west, and one in the

north--making, with the original gate in the east, four entrances to the

corral. (See Plate XIV.) Just after sunrise the entire circle of

branches was razed, but the branches were not carried away. The traveler

through the Navajo country often encounters withered remains of these

circles. In the ceremony of October, 1884, the chanter, having another

engagement which was pressing, packed up his sacred utensils and left

soon after sunrise. The patient, it was said, was not permitted to sleep

until after sunset.

151. _Other dances._ In subsequent dances I saw exhibitions which did

not occur in the ceremony of November 5, 1882, just described, and I

have learned of other shows produced on the last night, which I have

never had an opportunity to witness. All the alilis may be modified.

I have rarely seen two performances of the same dance which were just

alike.

152. On two occasions I have witnessed a very pretty dance, in which an

eagle plume was stuck upright in a basket and by means of some well

hidden mechanism caused to dance in good time to the song, the beat of

the drum, and the motions of the single Indian who danced at the same

time; not only this, but the feather followed the motions of the Indian:

if he danced toward the north, the feather leaned to the north while

making its rhythmical motions; if he moved to the south, it bent its

white head in the same direction, and so on. On one occasion it was a

little boy, five years old, son of the chief Manuelito, who danced with

the eagle plume. He was dressed and painted much like the akáninili, or

the arrow swallowers (Figs. 54, 55), on a diminutive scale. The sash of

scarlet velvet around his hips was beautifully trimmed with feathers.

They said he had been several weeks in training for the dance, and he

certainly went through his varied motions with great skill. I have

rarely seen a terpsichorean spectacle that struck my fancy more than

that of the little Indian child and his partner, the eagle plume.

153. It might be thought that the word "thòhay," so often used to make

inanimate objects pay attention, was one of very sacred import. So it

is, no doubt; yet I have seen it broadly burlesqued. It was on the

occasion of the last "chant" which I attended. A number of boys, from

twelve to fifteen years of age they seemed, led by a pleasant looking

old man with a skeptical twinkle in his eye, came into the dark circle.

One of the party carried a deep Indian basket, from the top of which a

number of spruce twigs protruded. They formed what has been designated

as the ring of occultation, and while doing so they shouted and screamed

and puffed the talismanic "thòhay" in a way that left no doubt of their

intention to ridicule. Their extravagant motions added to the

significance of their intonation. When the ring opened the boys sat on

the ground and began to sing and beat a drum. The old man sat at a

distance of about three paces west of the basket. Presently the nose of

a little weasel (the image being probably a stuffed skin) appeared among

the spruce boughs. All the timid, inquiring motions of the little animal

were well mimicked: the nose was thrust forward and pulled back, the

whole head would emerge and retreat, and at rare times the shoulders

would be seen for a moment, to be quickly drawn in among the screening

spruce twigs. All these motions were made in perfect time to the singing

and drumming. The old man who pulled the actuating strings made no

secret of his manipulations. The play was intended for a farce, and as

such the spectators enjoyed it.

The Mountain Chant, A Navajo Ceremony Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1887, pages 379-468 · 第 9 / 59 题