only to speak of some of the problems involved in them, it will suffice
to mention two of the leading corporations. Passing by the great eastern
lines, and those like the Illinois Central, and the Chicago, Alton, and
St. Louis, and the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé, which are operating
mainly to the south and south-west, and the Chicago, Milwaukee, and St.
Paul, one of the greatest corporations, with a mileage which had reached
4921, December 1, 1885, and has increased since, we may name the Chicago
and North-western, and the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy. Each of
these great systems, which has grown by accretion and extension and
consolidations of small roads, operates over four thousand miles of
road, leaving out from the North-western’s mileage that of the Omaha
system, which it controls. Looked at on the map, each of these systems
completely occupies a vast territory, the one mainly to the north of the
other, but they interlace to some extent and parallel each other in very
important competitions.
The North-western system, which includes, besides the lines that-have
its name, the St. Paul, Minneapolis, and Omaha, the Fremont; Elkhorn,
and Missouri Valley, and several minor roads, occupies northern Illinois
and southern Wisconsin, sends a line along Lake Michigan to Lake
Superior, with branches, a line to St. Paul, with branches tapping Lake
Superior again at Bayfield and Duluth, sends another trunk line, with
branches, into the far fields of Dakota, drops down a tangle of lines
through Iowa and into Nebraska, sends another great line through
northern Nebraska into Wyoming, with a divergence into the Black Hills,
and runs all these feeders into Chicago by another trunk line from
Omaha. By the report of 1887 the gross earnings of this system (in round
numbers) were over twenty-six millions, expenses over twenty millions,
leaving a net income of over six million dollars. In these items the
receipts for freight were over nineteen millions, and from passengers
less than six millions. Not to enter into confusing details, the
magnitude of the system is shown in the general balance-sheet for May,
1887, when the cost of road (4101 miles), the sinking funds, the general
assets, and the operating assets foot up $176,048,000. Over 3500 miles
of this road are laid with steel rails; the equipment required 735
engines and over 23,000 cars of all sorts. It is worthy of note that a
table makes the net earnings of 4000 miles of road, 1887, only a little
more than those of 3000 miles of road in 1882—a greater gain evidently
to the public than to the railroad.
In speaking of this system territorially, I have included the Chicago,
St. Paul, Minneapolis, and Omaha, but not in the above figures. The
two systems have the same president, but different general managers and
other officials, and the reports are separate. To the over 4000 miles of
the other North-western lines, therefore, are to be added the 1360
miles of the Omaha system (report of December, 1886, since considerably
increased). The balance-sheet of the Omaha system (December, 1886)
shows a cost of over fifty-seven millions. Its total net earnings over
operating expenses and taxes were about $2,304,000. It then required an
equipment of 194 locomotives and about 6000 cars. These figures are not,
of course, given for specific railroad information, but merely to give a
general idea of the magnitude of operations. This may be illustrated
by another item. During the year for which the above figures have been
given the entire North-western system ran on the average 415 passenger
and 732 freight trains each day through the year. It may also be an
interesting comparison to say that all the railways in Connecticut,
including those that run into other States, have 416 locomotives, 668
passenger cars, and 11,502 other cars, and that their total mileage in
the State is 1405 miles.
The Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy (report of December, 1886) was
operating 4036 miles of road. Its only eccentric development was the
recent Burlington and Northern, up the Mississippi River to St. Paul.
Its main stem from Chicago branches out over northern and western
Illinois, runs down to St. Louis, from thence to Kansas City by way of
Hannibal, has a trunk line to Omaha, criss-crosses northern Missouri
and southern Iowa, skirts and pierces Kansas, and fairly occupies
three-quarters of Nebraska with a network of tracks, sending out lines
north of the Platte, and one to Cheyenne and one to Denver. The whole
amount of stock and bonds, December, 1886, was reported at $155,920,000.
The gross earnings for 1886 were over twenty-six millions (over nineteen
of which was for freight and over five for passengers), operating
expenses over fourteen millions, leaving over twelve millions net
earnings. The system that year paid eight per cent, dividends (as it
had done for a long series of years), leaving over fixed charges
and dividends about a million and a half to be carried to surplus or
construction outlays. The equipment for the year required 619 engines
and over 24,000 cars. These figures do not give the exact present
condition of the road, but only indicate the magnitude of its affairs.
Both these great systems have been well managed, and both have been,
and continue to be, great agents in developing the West. Both have been
profitable to investors. The comparatively small cost of building roads
in the West and the profit hitherto have invited capital, and stimulated
the construction of roads not absolutely needed. There are too many
miles of road for capitalists. Are there too many for the accommodation
of the public? What locality would be willing to surrender its road?
It is difficult to understand the attitude of the Western Granger and
the Western Legislatures towards the railways, or it would be if we
didn’t understand pretty well the nature of demagogues the world over.
The people are everywhere crazy for roads, for more and more roads.
The whole West we are considering is made by railways. Without them
the larger part of it would be uninhabitable, the lands of small value,
produce useless for want of a market. No railways, no civilization. Year
by year settlements have increased in all regions touched by railways,
land has risen in price, and freight charges have diminished. And yet no
sooner do the people get the railways near them than they become hostile
to the companies; hostility to railway corporations seems to be the
dominant sentiment in the Western mind, and the one most naturally
invoked by any political demagogue who wants to climb up higher in
elective office. The roads are denounced as “monopolies”—a word getting
to be applied to any private persons who are successful in business—and
their consolidation is regarded as a standing menace to society.
Of course it goes without saying that great corporations with
exceptional privileges are apt to be arrogant, unjust, and grasping,
and especially when, as in the case of railways, they unite private
interests and public functions, they need the restraint of law and
careful limitations of powers. But the Western situation is nevertheless
a very curious one. Naturally when capital takes great risks it
is entitled to proportionate profits; but profits always encourage
competition, and the great Western lines are already in a war for
existence that does not need much unfriendly legislation to make fatal.
In fact, the lowering of rates in railway wars has gone on so rapidly of
late years that the most active Granger Legislature cannot frame hostile
bills fast enough to keep pace with it. Consolidation is objected to.
Yet this consideration must not be lost sight of: the West is cut up
by local roads that could not be maintained; they would not pay running
expenses if they had not been made parts of a great system. Whatever
may be the danger of the consolidation system, the country has doubtless
benefited by it.
The present tendency of legislation, pushed to its logical conclusion,
is towards a practical confiscation of railway property; that is, its
tendency is to so interfere with management, so restrict freedom of
arrangement, so reduce rates, that the companies will with difficulty
continue operations. The first effect of this will be, necessarily,
poorer service and deteriorated equipments and tracks. Roads that do not
prosper cannot keep up safe lines. Experienced travellers usually shun
those that are in the hands of a receiver. The Western roads of which
I speak have been noted for their excellent service and the liberality
towards the public in accommodations, especially in fine cars and
matters pertaining to the comfort of passengers. Some dining cars on the
Omaha system were maintained last year at a cost to the company of ten
thousand dollars over receipts. The Western Legislatures assume
that because a railway which is thickly strung with cities can carry
passengers for two cents a mile, a railway running over an almost
unsettled plain can carry for the same price. They assume also that
because railway companies in a foolish fight for business cut rates,
the lowest rate they touch is a living one for them. The same logic
that induces Legislatures to fix rates of transportation, directly or by
means of a commission, would lead it to set a price on meat, wheat, and
groceries. Legislative restriction is one thing; legislative destruction
is another. There is a craze of prohibition and interference. Iowa has
an attack of it. In Nebraska, not only the Legislature but the courts
have been so hostile to railway enterprise that one hundred and fifty
miles of new road graded last year, which was to receive its rails this
spring, will not be railed, because it is not safe for the company to
make further investments in that State. Between the Grangers on the
one side and the labor unions on the other, the railways are in a tight
place. Whatever restrictions great corporations may need, the sort of
attack now made on them in the West is altogether irrational. Is it
always made from public motives? The legislators of one Western State
had been accustomed to receive from the various lines that centred at
the capital trip passes, in addition to their personal annual passes.
Trip passes are passes that the members can send to their relations,
friends, and political allies who want to visit the capital. One year
the several roads agreed that they would not issue trip passes. When
the members asked the agent for them they were told that they were
not ready. As days passed and no trip passes were ready, hostile and
annoying bills began to be introduced into the Legislature. In six weeks
there was a shower of them. The roads yielded, and began to give out the
passes. After that, nothing more was heard of the bills.
What the public have a right to complain of is the manipulation of
railways in Wall Street gambling. But this does not account for the
hostility to the corporations which are developing the West by an
extraordinary outlay of money, and cutting their own throats by a war of
rates. The vast interests at stake, and the ignorance of the relation
of legislation to the laws of business, make the railway problem to a
spectator in Chicago one of absorbing interest.
In a thorough discussion of all interests it must be admitted that the
railways have brought many of their troubles upon themselves by their
greedy wars with each other, and perhaps in some cases by teaching
Legislatures that have bettered their instructions, and that tyrannies
in management and unjust discriminations (such as the Inter-State
Commerce Law was meant to stop) have much to do in provoking hostility
that survives many of its causes.
I cannot leave Chicago without a word concerning the town of Pullman,
although it has already been fully studied in the pages of Harper’s
Monthly. It is one of the most interesting experiments in the world. As
it is only a little over seven years old, it would be idle to prophesy
about it, and I can only say that thus far many of the predictions as
to the effect of “paternalism” have not come true. If it shall turn
out that its only valuable result is an “object lesson” in decent and
orderly living, the experiment will not have been in vain. It is to be
remembered that it is not a philanthropic scheme, but a purely business
operation, conducted on the idea that comfort, cleanliness, and
agreeable surroundings conduce more to the prosperity of labor and of
capital than the opposites.
Pullman is the only city in existence built from the foundation on
scientific and sanitary principles, and not more or less the result of
accident and variety of purpose and incapacity. Before anything else was
done on the flat prairie, perfect drainage, sewerage, and water supply
were provided. The shops, the houses, the public buildings, the parks,
the streets, the recreation grounds, then followed in intelligent
creation. Its public buildings are fine, and the grouping of them about
the open flower-planted spaces is very effective. It is a handsome city,
with the single drawback of monotony in the well-built houses. Pullman
is within the limits of the village of Hyde Park, but it is not included
in the annexation of the latter to Chicago.
It is certainly a pleasing industrial city. The workshops are spacious,
light, and well ventilated, perfectly systematized; for instance, timber
goes into one end of the long car-shop and, without turning back, comes
out a freight car at the other, the capacity of the shop being one
freight car every fifteen minutes of the working hours. There are a
variety of industries, which employ about 4500 workmen. Of these about
500 live outside the city, and there are about 1000 workmen who live
in the city and work elsewhere. The company keeps in order the streets,
parks, lawns, and shade trees, but nothing else except the schools
is free. The schools are excellent, and there are over 1300 children
enrolled in them. The company has a well-selected library of over 6000
volumes, containing many scientific and art books, which is open to all
residents on payment of an annual subscription of three dollars. Its use
increases yearly, and study classes are formed in connection with it.
The company rents shops to dealers, but it carries on none of its own.
Wages are paid to employés without deduction, except as to rent, and
the women appreciate a provision that secures them a home beyond
peradventure.
The competition among dealers brings prices to the Chicago rates, or
lower, and then the great city is easily accessible for shopping. House
rent is a little higher for ordinary workmen than in Chicago, but not
higher in proportion to accommodations, and living is reckoned a little
cheaper. The reports show that the earnings of operatives exceed those
of other working communities, averaging per capita (exclusive of the
higher pay of the general management) $590 a year. I noticed that
piece-wages were generally paid, and always when possible. The town is a
hive of busy workers; employment is furnished to all classes except the
school-children, and the fine moral and physical appearance of the
young women in the upholstery and other work rooms would please a
philanthropist.
Both the health and the morale of the town are exceptional; and the
moral tone of the workmen has constantly improved under the agreeable
surroundings. Those who prefer the kind of independence that gives
them filthy homes and demoralizing associations seem to like to live
elsewhere. Pullman has a population of 10,000. I do not know another
city of 10,000 that has not a place where liquor is sold, nor a house
nor a professional woman of ill repute. With the restrictions as to
decent living, the community is free in its political action, its
church and other societies, and in all healthful social activity. It has
several ministers; it seems to require the services of only one or two
policemen; it supports four doctors and one lawyer.
I know that any control, any interference with individual
responsibility, is un-American. Our theory is that every person knows
what is best for himself. It is not true, but it may be safer,
in working out all the social problems, than any lessening of
responsibility either in the home or in civil affairs. When I contrast
the dirty tenements, with contiguous seductions to vice and idleness,
in some parts of Chicago, with the homes of Pullman, I am glad that this
experiment has been made. It may be worth some sacrifice to teach people
that it is better for them, morally and pecuniarily, to live cleanly and
under educational influences that increase their self-respect. No doubt
it is best that people should own their homes, and that they should
assume all the responsibilities of citizenship. But let us wait the full
evolution of the Pullman idea. The town could not have been built as
an object lesson in any other way than it was built. The hope is that
laboring people will voluntarily do hereafter what they have here
been induced to accept. The model city stands there as a lesson,
the wonderful creation of less than eight years. The company is now
preparing to sell lots on the west side of the railway-tracks, and we
shall see what influence this nucleus of order, cleanliness, and system
will have upon the larger community rapidly gathering about it. Of
course people should be free to go up or go down. Will they be injured
by the opportunity of seeing how much pleasanter it is to go up than to
go down?
XI.—THREE CAPITALS—SPRINGFIELD, INDIANAPOLIS, COLUMBUS.
To one travelling over this vast country, especially the northern and
western portions, the superficial impression made is that of uniformity,
and even monotony: towns are alike, cities have a general resemblance,
State lines are not recognized, and the idea of conformity and
centralization is easily entertained. Similar institutions, facility
of communication, a disposition to stronger nationality, we say, are
rapidly fusing us into one federal mass.
But when we study a State at its centre, its political action, its
organization, its spirit, the management of its institutions of
learning and of charity, the tendencies, restrictive or liberal, of its
legislation, even the tone of social life and the code of manners, we
discover distinctions, individualities, almost as many differences as
resemblances. And we see—the saving truth in our national life—that each
State is a well-nigh indestructible entity, an empire in itself, proud
and conscious of its peculiarities, and jealous of its rights. We see
that State boundaries are not imaginary lines, made by the geographers,
which could be easily altered by the central power. Nothing, indeed, in
our whole national development, considering the common influences that
have made us, is so remarkable as the difference of the several States.
Even on the lines of a common settlement, say from New England and New
York, note the differences between northern Ohio, northern Indiana,
northern Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Or take another line, and
see the differences between southern Ohio, southern Indiana, southern
Illinois, and northern Missouri. But each State, with its diverse
population, has a certain homogeneity and character of its own. We can
understand this where there are great differences of climate, or when
one is mountainous and the other flat. But why should Indiana be
so totally unlike the two States that flank it, in so many of the
developments of civilized life or in retarded action; and why should
Iowa, in its entire temper and spirit, be so unlike Illinois? One State
copies the institutions of another, but there is always something in
its life that it does not copy from any other. And the perpetuity of the
Union rests upon the separateness and integrity of this State life. I
confess that I am not so much impressed by the magnitude of our country
as I am by the wonderful system of our complex government in unity,
which permits the freest development of human nature, and the most
perfect adaptability to local conditions. I can conceive of no
greater enemy to the Union than he who would by any attempt at further
centralization weaken the self-dependence, pride, and dignity of a
single State. It seems to me that one travels in vain over the United
States if he does not learn that lesson.
The State of Illinois is geographically much favored both for
agriculture and commerce. With access to the Gulf by two great rivers
that bound it on two sides, and communicating with the Atlantic by Lake
Michigan, enterprise has aided these commercial advantages by covering
it with railways. Stretching from Galena to Cairo, it has a great
variety of climate; it is well watered by many noble streams, and
contains in its great area scarcely any waste land. It has its contrasts
of civilization. In the northern half are the thriving cities; the
extreme southern portion, owing in part to a more debilitating, less
wholesome climate, and in part to a less virile, ambitious population,
still keeps its “Egyptian” reputation. But the railways have already
made a great change in southern Illinois, and education is transforming
it. The establishment of a normal school at Carbondale in 1874-75
has changed the aspect of a great region. I am told by the State
Superintendent of Education that the contrast in dress, manners,
cultivation, of the country crowd which came to witness the dedication
of the first building, and those who came to see the inauguration of the
new school, twelve years later, was something astonishing.
Passing through the central portion of the State to Springfield, after
an interval of many years, let us say a generation, I was impressed with
the transformation the country had undergone by tree-planting and
the growth of considerable patches of forest. The State is generally
prosperous. The farmers have money, some surplus to spend in luxuries,
in the education of their children, in musical instruments, in the
adornment of their homes. This is the universal report of the commercial
travellers, those modern couriers of business and information, who
run in swarms to and fro over the whole land. To them it is
significant—their opinion can go for what it is worth—that Illinois has
not tried the restrictive and prohibitory legislation of its western
neighbor, Iowa, which, with its rolling prairies and park-like timber,
loved in the season of birds and flowers, is one of the most fertile and
lovely States in the West.
Springfield, which spreads its 30,000 people extensively over a plain on
the Sangamon River, is prosperous, and in the season when any place can
be agreeable, a beautiful city. The elm grows well in the rich soil,
and its many broad, well-shaded streets, with pretty detached houses and
lawns, make it very attractive, a delightful rural capital. The large
Illinois towns are slowly lifting themselves out of the slough of rich
streets, better adapted to crops than to trade; though good material
for pavement is nowhere abundant. Springfield has recently improved
its condition by paving, mostly with cedar blocks, twenty-five miles
of streets. I notice that in some of the Western towns tile pavement
is being tried. Manufacturing is increasing—there is a prosperous
rolling-mill and a successful watch factory—but the overwhelming
interest of the city is that it is the centre of the political and
educational institutions—of the life emanating from the State-honse.