his brave officers and half clad soldiers checked the triumphant and
murderous career of the British army. The operations of this brave
General were greatly accelerated by Mr. Penn. In 1780, when Lord
Cornwallis penetrated the western part of the state to Charlottetown,
the crisis became alarming and this bold patriot was placed at the helm
of public affairs with almost unlimited power. He was authorized to
seize supplies by force and do all things that he deemed necessary to
repel the invading foe. He proved equal to the emergency. He knew his
duty and performed it with such discretion and prudence that no
complaints of injustice were heard. The state was saved from a merciless
enemy--Tarleton was humbled--Ferguson killed and Cornwallis put on his
back track at double quick time.
After discharging the duties imposed by his own state Mr. Penn retired
to private life and the pursuit of his profession. In 1784 he was
appointed Receiver of Taxes for North Carolina--a high encomium upon his
reputation for integrity. Fatigued with public service he resigned this
office in a few months. He then bid a final farewell to the perplexing
duties of political life and took his exit from the public arena decked
with a civic wreath of unfading honor. He again entered into the
soul-cheering enjoyments of domestic felicity which were soon exchanged
for those of another and brighter world. In September 1788 he was
gathered to his fathers and laid in the silent tomb there to await the
resurrection of the great day. He was cut down just as he began to enjoy
the fruits of his labors--in the prime of life and left a vacuum in
society not readily filled. His grave was moistened with tears--a nation
mourned his loss.
In all the relations of private life and public action Mr. Penn was a
model of rare perfection. As a counsellor and advocate he stood on a
commanding eminence. His forensic eloquence was strongly pathetic. The
court and jury were often suffused with tears when listening to his
appeals. As a patriot and statesman he stood approved by his country.
His disposition was mild and benevolent--his purposes pure and firm. He
was a good and honest man. Let the young men who are just stepping on
the stage of action imitate John Penn in his successful efforts to be
useful. Banish the doctrine that power shall be monopolized by a few.
This principle should never gain credence in a republican government
where every individual is equally interested in the cardinal points of
freedom--_personal liberty equally secured--personal rights equally
enjoyed_. So long as these points are fully exemplified our UNION is
safe.
JOSIAH QUINCY.
The magic power of the press cannot be too highly appreciated nor its
abuses too deeply deprecated. The newspapers of the day have become the
controlling power of public opinion. No course of reading so fully
presents the present aspect of society. Were all our editors governed by
lofty patriotism, sound logic, strict justice, enlarged philanthropy,
universal charity, moral courage, sterling integrity and undeviating
courtesy--a harmonious tone would be given to community that would usher
in the day-spring of transporting harmony. But few of the editorial
corps seem to feel the high responsibility resting upon them. Too many
are the automatons of political parties and issue sheets not calculated
to improve the mind, correct the head or better the heart. The politics
of the present day have become disgusting to genuine patriots who deem
the good of their country paramount to party triumph. Demagogues discard
the old landmarks of '76. Many of our laws are based upon party
principles without reference to the good of our country--a very sandy
foundation. Let editors banish all party control and venality from the
press and send forth rays of living light that will purify our political
and moral atmosphere--then our government will be healthful, vigorous
and strong.
The silken cords of our Union have been strained to their utmost tension
several times. We have an accumulating mass of combustible materials in
our midst. Our bond of Union has been put at issue by the meddlesome and
sensitive--the fanaticism of the one part and the boiling passions of
the other are encouraged by demagogues--the virtue of the people can
alone preserve it. A little more steam upon the locomotive of
disunion--a little more fuel from the north and fire from the south may
burst the boiler and destroy the beautiful engine of our LIBERTY. More
than any other class--editors can insure the perpetuity of our UNION.
Let conductors of the public press soar above all selfish and demagogue
influences and become shining examples of purity in the broadest sense
of the term. Then our tree of LIBERTY will continue to rise in majesty
sublime and as it towers upward will send forth flashes of light upon
the oppressed millions of the old world who will yet rise in all the
might of their native dignity--demolish the thrones of monarchs--sing
the requiem of tyrants and strike for FREEDOM--the crowning glory of
man.
All the patriots of the American Revolution whose opinions we know,
deprecated the venality of the press. Among the pioneer sages was Josiah
Quincy who was born in Boston, Mass. in 1745. In childhood he manifested
unusual talents which were highly cultivated in Harvard College where he
graduated with high honors. He then read law and became an ornament to
the Boston bar. His eloquence was of that commanding kind that at once
rivets the attention of an audience. His logic was forcible, his
demonstrations clear, his arguments convincing, his conclusions happy,
his action captivating. A bright career was apparently before him which
gave promise of extensive usefulness to his country and honor to
himself.
He was among the first to espouse the cause of the oppressed Colonies.
He was one of the boldest champions of the people. He had their
confidence, esteem and admiration. Although surrounded and threatened by
the myrmidons of the crown he fearlessly and publicly opposed the
unrighteous pretensions of the British ministry. He lucidly pointed out
the various innovations upon chartered rights that had become sacred by
long enjoyment and repeatedly sanctioned by declaratory Acts of
Parliament. Had the colonists tamely surrendered them they would have
been unworthy of the rights of freemen. Thank God--they did not
surrender them. Anxious to maintain them peaceably, they sent Mr. Quincy
to England in 1774 for the purpose of reconciling, existing
difficulties. Among the people he found many who deprecated the course
of ministers--a respectable minority of the eminent British statesmen
considered the advisers of the king visionary in their
plans--unreasonable in their demands. Finding that mother Britain was
madly bent on ruin Mr. Quincy left for his native land. He reached Cape
Ann Harbor on the 25th of April 1775 and died the same day deeply
mourned by a nation just bursting into life.
His course was brilliant but transient. Like some rich flowers that
bloom at distant periods only for a short time--so bloomed this
distinguished patriot--then disappeared for ever from the human gaze. He
bloomed long enough to richly perfume the atmosphere of patriotism
around him and rouse those to action who inhaled the rich perfumes of
LIBERTY emitted from his noble soul. With such men as Josiah Quincy our
Press would be pure--our UNION safe.
GEORGE READ.
When an individual is presented with both horns of the dilemma--Liberty
or slavery--the one to be obtained with blood--the other a tame
submission to chains--if he is worthy the name of MAN--his mental and
physical powers are at once roused to action. He does not stop to
explore the avenues of obtuse metaphysics, speculative dogmas or
fastidious etiquette. He flies to first principles and strains his
reason and genius to their utmost tension to aid him. He puts forth his
mightiest efforts--boldest exertions--strongest energies to extricate
himself from surrounding difficulties--impending dangers. He performs
astonishing feats rather than become a serf and surmounts the
cloud-capped summit of an Alpine barrier that he would have never
reached under ordinary circumstances.
The same proposition may be extended to a nation. The history of the
American Revolution demonstrates it most clearly. The colonists were
placed upon the piercing horns of an awful dilemma--apparently doomed to
slavery or death. By their unparalleled efforts, crowned with the
blessing of God, they were ultimately delivered from their perilous
situation and survived the gores and bruises received in the unequal
conflict. This was effected by men of strong intellect, clear heads,
good hearts and sound judgments--men of strong moral courage who could
reason, plan, execute. The _flowers_ of literature were not then culled
to form a bouquet for legislative halls. Plain common sense, sterling
worth, useful knowledge, practical theorems, honesty of purpose, energy
of action--all based upon pure patriotism and love of LIBERTY were the
grand requisites to ensure popular favor.
All those were concentrated in George Read who was the son of John Read
a wealthy and respectable planter who came from Dublin, Ireland and
located in Cecil County, Maryland, where George was born in 1734. The
father subsequently removed to Newcastle County, Delaware and placed
this son in a school at Chester, Pennsylvania, where he received his
primary tuition. From there he was transferred to the seminary of Rev.
Dr. Allison who was eminently qualified to mould the mind for usefulness
by imparting correct and liberal principles, practical knowledge and
general intelligence fit for every day use--combining the whole with
refined classics and polite literature. Under this accomplished teacher
Mr. Read completed his education and at the age of seventeen commenced
the study of law under John Moland a distinguished member of the
Philadelphia bar. So astonishing was his proficiency that he was
admitted to the practice of his profession at the age of nineteen with a
better knowledge of the elements of law than some practitioners obtain
through life. He was also well prepared to enter upon the practice of
his profession, having had the entire charge of Mr. Moland's business
for several months. He was one of those rare geniuses that seemed
endowed with intuition.
He commenced a successful practice at Newcastle in 1754 and at once
grappled with old and experienced counsellors. His thorough knowledge of
the primary principles of law, his acuteness in pleading, his urbanity
of manners, his noble and courteous bearing in court, gained for him the
esteem and confidence of the judges, his senior brethren and of the
community. As a natural consequence his practice soon became lucrative.
His forte did not consist in a flowery show but in a deep-toned and
grave forensic eloquence that informs the understanding and carries
conviction to the mind. He rarely appealed to the passions of court or
jury--preferring to stand upon the legitimate basis of the law clearly
expounded--the testimony honestly stated.
On the 13th of April 1763 he was appointed Attorney General for the
three lower counties of Delaware and held the office until called to the
duties of legislation. The same year he led to the hymeneal altar an
amiable, pious and accomplished daughter of the Rev. George Ross of
Newcastle--thus adding largely to the stake he held in the welfare of
his country--enhancing his earthly joys and giving him an influence and
rank in society unknown to lonely bachelors. She fully supplied the
vacuum abhorred by nature and proved a consolation to him amidst the
toils, perils, pains and pleasures of subsequent life.
Mr. Read was a republican to the core. From the commencement to the
close of the Revolution he was a bold and unyielding advocate of equal
rights and liberal principles. When the questions in dispute assumed the
form of serious discussion between the two countries he at once resigned
the office of Attorney General held under the crown. In 1765 he was
elected a member of the Delaware Assembly and was instrumental in laying
deep the foundations of the superstructure of LIBERTY. He was prudent,
calm and discreet in all his actions--but firm, bold and resolute. He
was a member of the committee of the Delaware Assembly that so ably
addressed the king upon the subject of grievances and redress. He was in
favor of exhausting the magazine of petition and remonstrance--if to no
purpose then to replenish with powder and ball. He did not nor did any
of the Signers of the Declaration originally contemplate a dissolution
of the ties that bound the Colonies to the mother country. They could
not believe until "the death" forced the truth upon them--that ministers
would commit political suicide. This done, as Americans are proverbial
for humanity and decency the compound _felo de se_ was interred with a
calm dignified solemnity.
Mr. Read and his coadjutors understood the rights secured by Magna
Charta and the Constitution of England and knew that those rights were
trampled upon by the hirelings of the crown. To vindicate them was his
firm resolve. He knew and weighed well the superior physical powers of
the oppressors but he believed the majesty of eternal justice and the
kind aid of Heaven would be vouchsafed to sustain the patriots in their
struggle to sustain their inalienable rights. He believed the project of
taxation without representation to pamper royal corruption to be so
heinous that the scheme would be crushed by the blighting curse of an
offended Deity. Nor did he err in his reasonable conclusions. That curse
came with the force of a sweeping avalanche--British power was
annihilated in America.
On the 17th of August 1769 he published an appeal to his constituents,
calling upon them to resist the encroachments of tyranny. Its language
was bold and forcible, portraying in colors deep and strong their rights
and wrongs, pointing out the path of duty so plain that a tory need not
have erred therein. This talismanic production sealed the fate of
British power in patriotic Delaware--small in size but a giant in
action. The hirelings of the crown saw the writing upon many walls and
were suddenly attacked with a Belshazzar tremor and found no balance in
America to restore an equilibrium.
Mr. Read sanctioned the various non-importation resolutions passed by
his own and other Colonies. This was the first measure adopted to
negative the designs of ministers by refraining from the use of all
taxable articles whether of luxuries or daily consumption. Had the
colonists not presented so bold a front at the onset the non-importation
resolutions would have probably been paralyzed by an Act of Parliament
compelling them to use the taxable articles in quantities so large that
the accruing revenue would have enabled the cabinet to revel in
profligacy.
He was chairman of the committee of twelve appointed by the people of
Newcastle on the 29th of June 1774 to obtain subscriptions for the
Boston sufferers, then writhing under the lash of the infamous Port Bill
passed by Parliament for the purpose of chastising the refractory
"rebels" of that patriotic city. In February following he had the
exquisite pleasure of remitting nine hundred dollars to them. The
receipt was eloquently acknowledged by Samuel Adams who was one of his
faithful correspondents.
Mr. Read was a member of the Congress of 1774 and continued a member
during the Revolution. He was also President of the Convention that
formed the first Constitution of Delaware in 1776. He was a member of
the Delaware Assembly for twelve years in succession and a portion of
that time Vice President of the state. In the autumn of 1777 President
M'Kinley fell into the hands of the enemy which compelled Mr. Read to
leave Congress for a season and perform the duties of Chief Magistrate
of his state. On his way home with his family he was compelled to pass
through Jersey. In crossing the Delaware from Salem his boat was
discovered by those on board the British fleet then lying just below. An
armed barge was sent in pursuit. Mr. Read's boat stuck in the mud and
was soon overtaken. By effacing the marks upon his baggage before he was
boarded and having with him his wife and children he convinced those
from the fleet he was a country gentleman on his way to his farm and
solicited their assistance to put him and his family on shore. They
cheerfully complied with his request and landed him and his precious
charge safely on the Delaware side of the river. The open frankness and
calmness of himself and lady saved them from the horrors of a
prison-ship and probably him from an exhibition upon the yard-arm of a
man of war.
The duties of Chief Magistrate of his state were very imposing at that
time. Internal discussions were to be reconciled--an intercourse by many
of the inhabitants with the British fleet to be broken up--ways and
means for his own and the general government to be provided and some
plan devised to procure the release of the President. A conquering foe
was flushed with victory in all directions. In the midst of all these
perils he stood firmly at the helm and outrode every storm. He proved
equal to every emergency and added fresh lustre to his growing fame.
When the Declaration of Independence was under discussion he believed
the measure premature but when adopted he cheerfully placed his name on
this monument of fame. In 1779 ill health compelled him to retire from
the public arena for a year when he again resumed his legislative
duties. In 1782 he was appointed a judge of appeals in the Court of
Admiralty. In 1785 he was one of the commissioners to settle the
boundary line between New York and Massachusetts. The next year he was a
delegate to the convention of states convened at Annapolis to regulate
the Commerce of the Union. In 1787 he was one of that talented
convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He was a Senator in the
first Congress convened under that Constitution and served six years. He
was Chief Justice of Delaware from 1793 to the time of his death. Upon
the Bench he had few equals and no superior. In all these responsible
stations he acquitted himself nobly and did honor to his country and the
cause of rational freedom.
The person of Mr. Read was above the middle size, well formed with a
commanding and agreeable deportment. He was scrupulously honest, rigidly
just. When he arrived at his majority he assigned his portion of the
paternal estate to his brothers, deeming the expenses of his education
equivalent to his share. He was systematic even in the smallest concerns
of life. He abhorred vice of every kind. He enjoyed a good health in his
old age up to the autumn of 1798 when, after a sudden and short illness,
he closed his eyes on terrestrial scenes and resigned his spirit into
the hands of the wise Disposer of all events.
As a civilian, statesman, magistrate, patriot, philanthropist,
gentleman, husband, father, citizen and public benefactor--George Read
was a model worthy of all admiration and the exactest imitation. All who
imitate his noble career will go for the UNION forever.
CAESAR RODNEY.
Genealogy was once a kind of titular idol held in great veneration. The
biographer made it his first stepping-stone--one of the main pillars of
his superstructure. In countries where the iron sceptre of monarchy is
still swayed--where titles of honor create lineal dignity without regard
to merit--where blood is analyzed by political chemistry and all the
precipitants are rejected but the carbonate of noble and royal
pedigree--where the crown descends upon a _non compos mentis_ incumbent
with the same certainty that it reaches a man of good
intellect--genealogy is still measurably the criterion by which to
determine the importance and weight of character. As light and
intelligence shed their benignant rays upon mankind the deference paid
to this titular phantom will be diminished. Where rational liberty
reigns triumphant merit alone creates dignity. The man is measured by
his actions--not by the purple fluid in his veins or conduct of his
relations. In our free country genealogy is a matter of curiosity--not
of veneration. The son of a coal cracker or cobbler can rise to the
highest station within the gift of the people by the force of talent and
merit. I am aware that the aristocracy of wealth is a noxious weed that
spreads its deleterious branches through our cities and large towns but
not yet so widely and luxuriant as to prevent merit and genius from
acquiring a rapid and healthful growth. In times of danger and peril its
power will be lessened in the same ratio that these increase. In an
atmosphere purely republican it withers and dies.
But few families in these United States can trace their ancestors so far
back as the Rodneys of Delaware. They came into England with the Norman
queen Maud [Matilda] in 1141 and were among the bravest military
chieftains who led in the Norman conquest. At all subsequent periods
they were prominent in directing the destinies of Britain. To those who
are conversant with the history of the various periods of public
commotion in that kingdom--the name of Sir Walter de Rodney is familiar,
with many others of the same lineage. They were able in council and war.
They were conspicuous in the civil, military and naval departments and
received the highest honors that could be awarded to their rank by kings
and queens. They were marked for magnanimity and liberal views.
Under the auspices of William Penn William Rodney came to Philadelphia
who was a branch of this ancient family. He was the son of William
Rodney of England and settled in Kent, Delaware. His mother, Alice, was
the daughter of Sir Thomas Caesar a wealthy English merchant. William
Rodney left one son, Caesar, who was the father of the subject of this
biographette. This son was born at Dover, Kent county, Delaware in 1730.
He received a good education and inherited a large real estate from his
father. He possessed a strong and penetrating mind, firmness of purpose,
decision of character, an abundant share of keen wit and good humor, a
large stock of experimental intelligence and practical knowledge with
discretion to know how, when and where to bring these important
qualities into action. With endowment's like those Mr. Rodney spread his
canvass to the popular breeze and commenced his voyage of public life.
His cabin stores were purely republican and liberal in quantity.
In 1758 he became high sheriff of his native county and discharged his
duties in a manner that gained for him the confidence and esteem of the
citizens generally. At the expiration of his term he was appointed a
Justice of the Peace and a judge of the lower courts. In October 1762 he
took his seat in the Legislature at Newcastle and became an active and
influential member. He was one of the committee that prepared the answer
to the message of the governor and was on other important committees. At
the close of the session he was put in possession of the great seal to
be affixed to the laws that had been passed at that term.
When the rights of the Colonies were infringed by assumptions of
arrogated power on the part of mother Britain, Mr. Rodney was among the
first who took a bold stand in favor of justice. He was a member of the
Congress that convened at New York in 1765 to remonstrate against the
Stamp Act and other threatened innovations upon the privileges of the
Colonies that had been long enjoyed and were guarantied by the social
compact between the king of Great Britain and his "dutiful and most
loyal subjects in America." After the Stamp Act was repealed Messrs.
Rodney, M'Kean and Read were appointed a committee to prepare an address
to the king expressive of the joy produced throughout the Colony by this
event. It is substantially the same as those prepared by the other
Colonies and shows clearly the feelings of loyalty that pervaded the
people at that time. The following is the body of the address.
"We cannot help glorying in being the subjects of a king that has made
the preservation of the civil and religious rights of his people and the
established constitution the foundation and constant rule of government
and the safety, ease and prosperity of his people his chiefest care--of
a king whose mild and equal administration is sensibly fell and enjoyed
in the remotest part of his dominions. The clouds which lately hung over
America are dissipated. Our complaints have been heard and our
grievances redressed--trade and commerce again flourish. Our hearts are
animated with the warmest wishes for the prosperity of the mother
country for which our affection is unbounded and your faithful subjects
here are transported with joy and gratitude. Such are the blessings we
may justly expect will ever attend the measures of your Majesty pursuing
steadily the united and true interests of all your people throughout
your wide extended empire assisted with the advice and support of a
British Parliament and a virtuous and wise ministry. We most humbly
beseech your Majesty graciously to accept the strongest assurances that
having the justest sense of the many favors we have received from your
royal benevolence during the course of your majesty's reign and how much
of our present happiness is owing to your paternal love and care for
your people. We will at all times most cheerfully contribute to your
majesty's service to the utmost of our abilities when your royal
requisitions, as heretofore, shall be made known--that your majesty will
always find such returns of duty and gratitude from us as the best of
kings may expect from the most loyal subjects and that we will
demonstrate to all the world that the support of your majesty's
government and the honor and interests of the British nation are our
chief care and concern, desiring nothing more than the continuance of
your wise and excellent constitution in the same happy, firm and envied
situation in which it was delivered to us from our ancestors and your
majesty's predecessors."
With the feelings expressed in this address the conclusion is
irresistible that nothing but the most cruel oppressions could have
driven the American people to a revolution. A similar expression of
feeling was sent to the king from all the Colonies.
"Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad."
So with the British ministry--they were madly bent on reducing their
American brethren to unconditional subjection and after a short interval
commenced a system of oppression upon a broader, bolder scale. Again the
people appealed to their king--but appealed in vain. Mr. Rodney was upon
the committee that prepared a second address to his majesty just before
the Revolution in the following language:
"The sense of our deplorable condition will, we hope, plead with your
majesty in our behalf for the freedom we take in dutifully remonstrating
against the proceedings of a British Parliament--confessedly the wisest
and greatest assembly upon earth. But if our fellow subjects of Great
Britain, who derive no authority from us, who cannot, in our humble
opinion, represent us and to whom we will not yield in loyalty and
affection to your majesty, can, at their will and pleasure, of right
give and grant away our property--if they can enforce an implicit
obedience to every order or act of theirs for that purpose and deprive
all or any of the Assemblies on this continent of the power of
legislation for differing with them in opinion in matters which
intimately affect their rights and interests and everything that is dear
and valuable to Englishmen--we cannot imagine a case more miserable--we
cannot think we shall have the shadow of Liberty left. We conceive it to
be an inherent right in your majesty's subjects, derived to them from
God and nature--handed down by their ancestors--confirmed by your royal
predecessors and the constitution, in person or by their
representatives, to give and to grant to their sovereign those things
which their own labor and their own cares have acquired and saved and in
such proportions and at such times as the national honor and interest
may require. Your majesty's faithful subjects of this government have
enjoyed this inestimable privilege uninterrupted, from its first
existence till of late. They have at all times cheerfully contributed to
the utmost of their abilities for your majesty's service as often as
your royal requisition was made known and they cannot, but with the
greatest uneasiness and distress of mind, part with the power of
demonstrating their loyalty and affection for their beloved king."
Addresses similar to this were laid before the king from all the
Colonies and from the Congress of 1774. The struggle between loyal
affection and a submission to wrongs was truly agonizing. This affection
and the physical weakness of the Colonies are proof strong as holy writ
that British oppression was raised to the zenith of cruelty. The history
of the American Revolution should be a striking lesson in all future
time to those in power not to draw the cords of authority too tightly.
It affords a cheering example to all persons to resist every
encroachment upon their liberty.
In 1769 Mr. Rodney was chosen speaker of the Assembly of Delaware and
continued to fill the chair for several years with honor and dignity.
Among other things he introduced an amendment to a bill relative to
slaves, prohibiting their importation into the Colony. So ably did he
advocate this humane proposition that it was lost only by two votes. The
same philanthropic feeling was increasing through the states until
England, by her emissary Dr. Thompson, sowed the seeds of abolition
broadcast in our country for the express purpose of dissolving our UNION
and of destroying the only republic Europe fears. Digging around the
roots of a decaying tree often revives it. Honest men may err.
As the specks of war began to concentrate Mr. Rodney became one of the
most active opposers of British tyranny. Excepting a short interval he
was a member of Congress from 1774 to 1776 and took a conspicuous part
in the general business and discussions of that august body. In his own
province he had much to do. The royal attachments were deeply rooted. It
required greater exertions to thwart the intrigues of foes within than
to repel the attacks of enemies without. In addition to his duties of
speaker of the Delaware Assembly and member of Congress those of
brigadier-general of militia devolved on him. His numerous messages to
his legislature and letters to his officers urging them to decisive
action manifested great industry, clearness of perception, firmness of
purpose and patriotic zeal. He was in favor of the Declaration of
Independence from its first inception. The day previous to the final
decision upon this important measure he was in Delaware devising means
to arrest the career of certain Tories in the lower end of the province.
Mr. McKean informed him by express of the approaching crisis. He
immediately mounted his horse and arrived at Philadelphia just in time
to dismount and enter the hall of Congress and give his vote for LIBERTY
and affix his name to that bold instrument that dissolved allegiance to
England's king and created a compact of freemen.
In the autumn of 1776 the Tories defeated his election to Congress. With
increasing zeal he entered the field of military operations. He repaired
to Princeton soon after the brave Haslet and Mercer fell, fighting for
the cause of justice and freedom. He remained with the army two months
and received the approval of Washington expressed in the following
letter written from Morristown, N. J. on the 18th of February 1777.
"The readiness with which you took the field at the period most critical
to our affairs--the industry you used in bringing out the militia of
Delaware State and the alertness observed by you in forwarding troops to
Trenton--reflect the highest honor on your character and place your
attachment to the cause in the most distinguished point of view. They
claim my sincerest thanks and I am happy in this opportunity in giving
them to you."
On his return he was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court organized
under the new order of things. He declined serving believing he could be
more useful in some other sphere. About that time an open insurrection
broke out in Sussex County in his State. He immediately repaired to the
scene of insubordination and quelled it with only the appearance of
force. At the time the British were preparing to march from the
Chesapeake to the Brandywine he was stationed south of the American army
for the purpose of throwing his force between the enemy and their
shipping. In the field and in the legislative hall he was alike active.
In December 1777 he was again elected to Congress. The legislature of
his State being in session he concluded to remain until it rose. Before
its adjournment he was elected President of Delaware which prevented him
from serving in the national legislature. His services in his new
station were of great importance. His exertions in raising supplies for
the army were of the most vigorous character--especially during the
winter and spring of 1779 when the troops were often on half allowance
and the magazines so bare that it seemed impossible to sustain the army
a single week. During the four years he directed the destinies of
Delaware he had many refractory spirits to manage--many difficult
questions to decide that brought into useful action his prudence, wisdom
and firmness. Upon his own matured judgment he relied. So well did he
balance the scales of justice that he gained the admiration of his
friends and the approval of his enemies. The affairs of the State were
never in better hands.
Mr. Rodney was remarkably fond of a good joke if inoffensive and chaste.
He often exhibited brilliant displays of wit but was extremely careful
of personal feelings. When in Congress Mr. Harrison had often called
Virginia the Dominion of the Colonies. When threatened with invasion by
the enemy he asked immediate aid to protect her from the approaching
foe. When he sat down Mr. Rodney rose with assumed gravity and apparent
sympathy and assured the gentleman that the _powerful Dominion_ should
be protected--"Let her be of good cheer--she has a friend in
need--_Delaware_ will take her under protection and insure her safety."
The portly Harrison and the skeleton Rodney both enjoyed the hit which
convulsed the other members with laughter.
In view of the great amount of business performed by Mr. Rodney and his
proverbial cheerfulness and playful good humor the reader will be
astonished to learn that he was afflicted with a cancer upon his nose
from his youth which spread over one side of his face and compelled him
to wear a bandage over it for many years before his death. It so reduced
his flesh that he was a walking skeleton. It terminated his active and
useful life in 1783. He met death with calm submission and Christian
fortitude and died rejoicing in the bright prospects that were dawning
upon the country he dearly loved and had faithfully served.
Mr. Rodney was naturally of a slender form with an animated countenance,
easy and polished manners and very agreeable and gentlemanly in his
intercourse. From his writings he appears to have held religion in high
veneration and practised the purest morals--producing the fruits of
righteousness in richer abundance than many who make loud pretensions to
piety but do not prove their faith by their works. He was liberal, kind,
benevolent and so strongly sympathetic that he was obliged to avoid
scenes of physical suffering if possible. He could not endure to be in
the room of a dying friend or relative. The poor, the widow, the orphan,
his relatives and friends, his country--all deeply mourned the loss of
CAESAR RODNEY.
GEORGE ROSS.
Idleness is the tomb of a living man--the progenitor of want, the
substratum of misery--the fountain of crime. It was scarcely known and
never countenanced by the pilgrim fathers or revolutionary patriots. We
now have many among us who had rather be pinched with hunger and shine
in rags than labor. A more numerous and dangerous class is composed of
gentlemen idlers who pass down the stream of time at the expense of
those who constantly pull at the oar. They live upon the best, dress
finely by borrowing and spunging and when these fail they take to
swindling, stealing, gambling, robbing and often pass on for years
before justice overtakes them. So long as they can keep up fashionable
appearances and elude the kind hearted police whose good will they
generally have, they are received into the company of the upper ten
exquisites with marked complacency. By virtue of a fine coat, lily hand
and graceful bow, which cover more sins than modern Christian charity,
many an idle knave has been received into fashionable circles with eclat
and walked rough-shod over a worthy young clerk, mechanic or farmer who
had too much good sense to act the monkey flirtations of an itinerant
dandy. When the counting-house, the mechanic shop, the plough and the
kitchen fall into disrepute and are submerged by vain show, pomp and
parade--the sun of our country's glory will set to rise no more. When
the republican simplicity of Greece and Rome receded before imported
fashions, luxuries and rules of etiquette--when they ceased to call men
from the shop and the plough to the cabinet and the field--when the
women exchanged the kitchen for the drawing-room and plainness for
extravagance of dress--corruption supplanted virtue--the genius of
LIBERTY veiled her face and fled--dissolution followed--RUIN closed the
dreadful scene.
Industry and plainness were marked characteristics of the Sages and
Heroes of the American Revolution. Among them George Ross stood
conspicuous. He was born at Newcastle, Delaware, in 1730. He was the son
of Rev. George Ross, pastor of the Episcopal church at that ancient
town. Under the instruction of his father the strong native talents of
George unfolded their richness. At the age of eighteen he was a good
classical scholar. He then commenced the study of law in Philadelphia
with an elder brother, John Ross, where he was admitted to the Bar in
1751. To have elbow room he located at Lancaster, Pennsylvania--then on
the confines of civilization bordering on the far west. Noble in his
disposition, plain and agreeable in his manners, learned and diligent in
his profession, candid, honest and just in his course--he gained the
confidence and love of the people and a lucrative practice. To plant
himself more firmly in his new location and give additional proof of his
good sense, he married Ann Lawler a highly esteemed lady who proved an
affectionate and worthy companion.
He built his legal fame on the genuine basis--close application to his
professional business unconnected with public politics. Unfortunately
for themselves many young lawyers enter the political arena for the
purpose of obtaining professional notoriety and business. This error has
prevented many talented young men from rising to legal eminence in
modern times. The Revolution was a different matter. Liberty or death
was then the issue. Now it is a feigned one. If a young attorney becomes
pledged to a political party he has not a _client_ but a _master_ that
exacts the most abject, humiliating services with a contingent promise
to pay in bogus coin. Either his legitimate business or that of the
party must be neglected. Reflecting men know this. Aware that it
requires close application to become learned in the law they keep aloof
from young political lawyers. A few high toned partisans, whose tools
they are, may employ them in small cases but when _they_ have an
important one--the studious industrious counsellor who has not inhaled
the corrupting atmosphere of modern politics is the one employed. A word
to the wise should be sufficient.
It was not until long after his location at Lancaster that Mr. Ross
entered upon his legislative course. The time had arrived when the
people began to feel the smart of British oppression and became more
particular in selecting men of known worth and talents to guard their
interests against the machinations of an avaricious and designing
ministry. He was elected to the Colonial Assembly in 1768. His
reputation stood high as an able lawyer and a man of liberal views,
sound judgment and decision of character. His influence was sensibly
felt--his labors highly appreciated. At that time the legislative body
replied to the message of the governor _in extenso_. At his first
session Mr. Ross was appointed to reply to this document. In respectful
but bold language he objected to every proposition that he considered
impolitic or in opposition to the best interests of the people. He was a
fearless sentinel, a powerful champion in the cause of Liberty. In every
leading measure in favour of freedom he was a leading man. He was
continued in the Assembly until he took his seat in Congress in 1774. He
was upon the committee that reported in favor of sending delegates and
the man who prepared the instructions of the Assembly to the
congressional delegates. As these are substantially the same as those
that were given to all instructed delegates I insert them that the
reader may see that redress of grievances was all that was asked or then
anticipated.
"The trust reposed in you is of such a nature and the modes of executing
it may be so diversified in the course of your deliberations, that it is
scarcely possible to give you particular instructions respecting it. We
shall therefore only in general direct--that you are to meet in Congress
the committees of the several British Colonies at such time and place
as shall be generally agreed on, to consult together on the present
critical and alarming situation and state of the Colonies and that you,
with them, exert your utmost endeavors to form and adopt a plan which
shall afford the best prospect of obtaining redress of American
grievances, ascertaining American rights and establishing that union and
harmony which is most essential to the welfare and happiness of both
countries. And in doing this you are strictly charged to avoid
everything indecent or disrespectful to the mother state."
Under instructions like these the first general Congress convened and
acted. The Colonies used all honorable means to restore harmony--more
than the British Constitution and common justice required. Nothing but
an infatuation that makes men blind, deaf and dumb could have resisted
the appeals and unanswerable arguments in favor of chartered rights,
showing their violations--that were poured upon the king, Parliament and
people of Great Britain from the deep translucent fountain of
intelligence concentrated in the Congress of 1774. The members were
determined to clear their own skirts of blood and not draw the bow of
physical opposition until their arrows were barbed with divine wisdom
and dipped in the refining fire of eternal justice.
Mr. Ross was continued in Congress until 1777 when ill health compelled
him to retire. He had rendered great service on numerous committees and
was listened to with marked attention when he spoke in debate. When he
could be spared from his place he served in the legislature of his State
where his salutary influence was strongly felt. For some time the royal
governor and his friends presented a formidable opposition. Mr. Ross put
his whole weight on the people's end of the political lever with his
popularity for a fulcrum and greatly aided in hoisting the tree of
monarchy from its deep bed of alluvial corruption. He was a member of
the convention of his State that commenced the new government and on the
committee that prepared the declaration of rights. He was chairman of
the committee that organized the government and of the one that prepared
the declaratory ordinance defining high treason and misprision of
treason and the kind and measure of punishment to be inflicted. His high
legal knowledge rendered him an important member upon such committees.
Immediately after he closed his legislative career the citizens of
Lancaster County passed the two following resolutions with great
unanimity.
"Resolved--That the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds out of the
county stock be forthwith transmitted to George Ross ['_Honorable_' was
not then republican] one of the members of the Assembly for this county
and one of the delegates for this Colony in the Continental Congress and
that he be requested to accept the same as a testimony from this county
of their sense of his attendance on public business to his great private
loss and of their approbation of his conduct.
"Resolved--That if it be more agreeable, Mr. Ross purchase with part of
the said money a genteel piece of plate, ornamented as he thinks proper,
to remain with him as a testimony of the esteem this county has for him
by reason of his patriotic conduct in the great struggle for American
Liberty."
Here is old fashioned republican simplicity in language and sentiment
flowing from its native fountain--gratitude strongly felt and plainly
expressed. It forms a rebuking contrast with the fulsome, hypocritical,
heartless flattery of modern times showered upon our statesmen by
fawning sycophants whose gratitude is based alone upon the loaves and
fishes of favor and office. Mr. Ross declined accepting the gift,
assuring the committee that waited upon him that he had performed no
more than his duty and that at such a period all were bound to exert
their noblest energies to secure that Liberty which would afford a
reward more precious than gold--more valuable than diamonds.
On the 19th of July 1779 Mr. Ross was appointed Judge of the Court of
Admiralty for Pennsylvania. He continued to discharge his duties ably
until confined by a sudden and excruciating attack of the gout which
terminated in death the same year he was appointed judge. In the full
career of life and usefulness--rising on the wings of fame--flushed with
hopes of Liberty for his country--pressing right onward toward the goal
of freedom--an arrow from the quiver of death pierced his patriotic
heart and consigned him to the insatiate tomb near the close of 1779.
His dust reposes in peace whilst the lustre of his living examples will
continue to shine and enlighten millions yet unborn.
In private as in public life Judge Ross stood approved, admired and
beloved. No blemish rests upon the fair escutcheon of his name. He
soared above the vanities of this world and dignified his bright career
with purity of motive, firmness of purpose, wisdom in action and
usefulness to his fellow men and beloved country. Could the lofty
patriotism that impelled him to enter the thorny arena of politics be
imparted to _all_ the public men of the present day--the Federal
Constitution would be venerated--our government safe--our UNION
preserved.
BENJAMIN RUSH.
Benevolence is a celestial quality imparting consolation to its
possessor and the recipient of benefits bestowed. It renders its favors
valuable by the delicacy with which they are conveyed. Those who most
merit the aid of the benevolent are usually possessed of fine feeling.
The subjects of real misfortune--they are the keenly sensitive and dread
the approach of those who carry a speaking trumpet or a public scroll to
proclaim to the world the alms they have bestowed.
Pure benevolence falls upon its object like the dew on drooping
flowers--not at the blaze of noon day but in the stillness of night. Its
refreshing effects are felt, seen and admired--not the hand that
distilled It. It flows from a good heart and looks beyond the skies for
an approving smile. It never opens but seeks to heal the wounds of
misfortune. It never ruffles but seeks to calm the troubled mind. Like
their Lord and Master--the truly benevolent go about doing good. No
parade--no trumpet to sound their charities--no press to chronicle their
acts. The gratitude of the donee is a rich recompense to the
donor--purity of motive refines the joys of each. Angels smile on such
benevolence. It is the attribute of Deity--the moving cause of every
blessing we enjoy.
So thought Benjamin Rush, a native of Bristol, Bucks County, Penn. born
on the 24th of Dec. 1745. His ancestors came to this country under the
auspices of William Penn in 1683. His father was a respectable farmer
and died when this son was a child. At the age of nine years Benjamin
was placed under the tuition of his maternal uncle, Rev. Dr. Samuel
Finley. He continued under his instruction five years when he entered
Princeton College, then under the direction of President Davis. Like an
expanding flower courting the increasing warmth of spring the talents of
this young freshman rapidly unfolded their rich and varied hues as they
were brought into mellow life by the genial rays of the sun of science.
At the end of the first year he received the degree of Bachelor of Arts.
During his brief stay at Princeton he was highly esteemed and was
considered one of the most eloquent speakers among the students. At the
age of sixteen he closed his collegiate studies and commenced reading
medicine with Dr. John Redman, then one of the most eminent
practitioners in the city of Philadelphia. The same industry that had
marked his previous course made him a favorite son of AEsculapius. The
same urbanity and modesty that had made him a welcome guest in every
circle in other places, gained for him good and influential friends in
his new location.
After pursuing his studies with great industry for six years under Dr.
Redman he entered the Medical University at Edinburgh, Scotland, where
he reaped the full benefit of the lectures of the celebrated Munro,
Cullen, Black and Gregory. In 1768 he received the degree of M.D. having
toiled severely for _seven_ years to prepare himself to take in charge
human life. As in the study of law, theology and most of the professions
and trades--how great the change in numerous instances. I have known so
called doctors made in a month--lawyers in six months and preachers in a
single night--sprouts of quackology to be sure--but they pass in these
days of humbuggery and often distance the man of acquirements and real
merit who is too modest to make a bragadocia dash. Self-assurance and
brazen impudence are performing wonders in this enlightened age. As
elementary and practical books increase terms of study decrease. When
Cheselden's Anatomy and Cullen's Materia Medica stood almost alone in
this country, students were longer at their studies. The lectures you
may reply have shortened the term. True--but why so few Rushes, Physics,
&c. among the flood of modern M.D.'s?
On receiving his diploma he went to London and was admitted to practise
in the hospitals of that city where he remained nearly a year and became
eminent as a bold and successful operator--a skilful and judicious
physician. He then visited the hospitals of Paris and returned to
Philadelphia in the spring of 1769, where he met the warm embrace of his
connections and friends and commenced his useful career in that city.
His professional fame had preceded him and his superior acquirements
were immediately had in requisition. In addition to a rapidly increasing
practice he performed the labors of a Professor in the Medical School
that had been recently organized by Drs. Bond, Kuhn, Morgan and Shippen.
He was elected to that important station a few months after his return.
Upon a substantial basis he continued to build an honest and enduring
fame--participating in all the passing events that concerned the good
and glory of his country and his fellow men.
Although a close student of medicine and surgery, it was soon discovered
that he well understood the relative situation of the mother country and
the American Colonies. He had closely examined the unwarranted
pretensions of the former and the aggravated grievances of the latter.
His benevolent soul was touched by the sufferings of oppressed humanity
and warmed by the patriotic fire of FREEDOM. He at once became a bold
and able advocate in the cause of LIBERTY--a firm and fearless opposer
of British tyranny--a strong and energetic supporter of equal rights.
Mingling with all classes through the medium of his profession, his
influence was as extensive and multiform as it was useful and salutary.
The Independence of his country was the _ultimatum_ of his desires. To
see her regenerated and free was the anxious wish of his heart. So
conspicuous was he in the glorious cause, that he was elected a member
of the Congress of 1776 and had the proud pleasure of placing his name
upon the chart of FREEDOM.
The year following he was appointed Surgeon General of the Military
Hospital for the middle department and rendered himself extensively
useful during the entire period of the Revolution. He was ever ready to
go where duty called and exerted his noblest powers in the glorious
cause he had espoused until he saw the star spangled banner wave in
triumph over the land of the brave and free and the incense of LIBERTY
ascending to Heaven in cerulean clouds from the altar of FREEDOM.
The Independence of his country secured--he desired no occupation but
that of his profession. For a time his services were diverted from this
channel in the Convention of his state to take into consideration the
adoption of the Federal Constitution. Having carefully read the
published arguments as they progressed in the National Convention, he
was fully prepared to enter warmly into the advocacy of the adoption of
that instrument. When this was adopted by the states, the measure of his
political ambition was filled and hermetically sealed. He retired from
that arena of turmoil crowned with the evergreen laurels of fame that
will bloom with living freshness until patriotism shall be lost in
anarchy and the last vestige of LIBERTY be swept away by the tornado of
faction. The only station he ever consented to fill under government
subsequently was Cashier of the U. S. Mint.
During the remainder of his life his time and talents were devoted to
his profession, the improvement of medical science and the amelioration
of the ills of afflicted humanity. In 1789 he was elected Professor of
the Theory and Practice of Physic. In 1791 he was appointed Professor of
the Institutes of Medicine and Clinical Practice. In 1806 he was honored
with the united Professorships of the Theory and Practice of Physic and
Clinical Medicine, the duties of which he ably discharged until sickness
and death closed his useful career.
Besides the multiform duties already enumerated he was an efficient
member of various benevolent associations. He was President of the
American Association for the Abolition of Slavery--Vice President of the
Philadelphia Bible Society--President of the Philadelphia Medical
Society--a Vice President of the American Philosophical Society and a
member of several other philanthropic institutions in this country and
in Europe. For many years he was a physician of the Pennsylvania
Hospital and did much to promote its prosperity. He was ever anxious to
be useful in counsel, influence and action. To soothe the troubled bosom
heaving with anguish--to alleviate the suffering patient writhing under
pain--to aid the poor and needy sinking under misfortunes--to visit the
widow and the fatherless in their distress--afforded Dr. Rush a richer
pleasure than to have reached the loftiest pinnacle of political fame--a
holier joy than to have been the triumphant chieftain of a conquered
world.
Although his duties were onerous and various he arranged his time with
such system and order that a harmonious routine was produced. His
professional duties, his books, his pen each had their specific time. He
wrote numerous literary, moral and philosophical essays--several volumes
on medical science among which were his "Medical Inquiries and
Observations" and a "History of the Yellow Fever." He spent much time in
the investigation of that alarming disease--endeavoring to arrive at the
best mode of treatment. In this, as in many other cases of disease--the
lancet was his anchor of hope. His theory and practice of medicine have
virtually turned a somerset within the last half century in the regular
departments of the science--to say nothing of the locust swarms of
mycologists who are making awful havoc on the foliage of human life.
During the prevalence of any disease his exertions to arrest its
progress and alleviate distress were unremitting. He obeyed the calls of
the poor as promptly as those of the rich. He was particularly attentive
to those in adverse circumstances who had employed him when in
affluence. He put a veto on sunshine friends by precept and example. A
pious and consistent Christian--he often cheered the desponding heart
where medicine failed to save the body from the grave. His counsels were
full of wisdom and benevolence and saved many a frail bark from
shipwreck. His enlivening presence and soul-cheering advice drove
despair from many an agonized mind--imparting fresh vigor by
administering the elixir of hope and the tonic of fortitude. This is an
important talent in a physician--often more potent than any chemical.
Blessed with a vigorous constitution--Dr. Rush was active until a short
time previous to the 19th of April 1813, when he rested from his labors
and was numbered with the dead. As the news of his death spread, a
universal sorrow pervaded all classes--funeral sermons were
preached--eulogies pronounced and processions formed throughout the
United States as a just tribute to the memory of the departed sage,
patriot, scholar and philanthropist. His goodness had decked his name
with the rich garniture of profound esteem.
When the sad tidings reached England and France, the same demonstrations
of respect were manifested there. The tears of sympathy suffused many
European eyes. In the halls of science on both sides of the Atlantic,
Dr. Rush was well known and highly appreciated. By our own country his
loss was most keenly felt--by the civilized world deeply lamented. The
graves of but few men have been moistened by as many tears from the rich
and poor--high and low--as that of Dr. Rush. His fame is based upon
substantial merit. His name is engraved in deep and indelible traces on
the hearts of our countrymen. His untarnished reputation is written on
the monument of history in letters of gold by the pan of justice dipped
in the font of gratitude and will endure, unimpaired, until the last
trump shall proclaim to the astonished millions on this whirling
planet--TIME SHALL BE NO LONGER!!!
The private character of this great and good man was as unsullied and
pure as his career was brilliant and useful. His heart overflowed with
the milk of human kindness--his benevolence often carried him beyond his
professional income. He was temperate in his habits--neat in his person
and dress--social and gentlemanly in his intercourse--urbane and
courteous in his manners--interesting and instructive in his
conversation--modest and unassuming in his deportment. He was a warm and
affectionate companion--the widows' friend and the orphans' father.
He was a little above the middle height--rather slender but a good
figure. His mouth and chin were well formed--his nose aquiline--his eyes
blue and animated--his forehead high and prominent. The diameter of his
head from back to front was unusually large. His combined features were
commanding and prepossessing, his physiognomy indicating a gigantic
intellect.
When attacked by the disease which terminated his life he was aware a
rapid dissolution awaited him. He was fully prepared to enter upon the
untried scenes of the other and brighter world. He could look back upon
a life well spent. He had run a noble race--was ready to finish his
course--resign his tabernacle of clay to its mother dust--his immortal
soul to Him who gave it.
In the history of this great and good man we see nothing to censure but
much to admire. To be useful and do all the good in his power was his
constant aim. No blanks appear on the record for the apologist to fill
up. But few men have performed as much--no one performed more in the
same time. If such examples as his, spread out in bold _relievo_ on the
historic page, will not exercise a salutary influence on the reader--if
his devotion to his country--benevolence and unsurpassed virtues do not
mellow your heart--you cannot be a patriot or a philanthropist--you do
not realize the priceless value of our UNION.
EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
The name of every patriot, sage and hero who aided in gaining the
Liberty we now enjoy, is repeated with veneration and respect. But a few
of those noble spirits who breasted the storm of the Revolution are
lingering on earth. All who were prominent leaders have paid the debt of
nature and gone to their permanent and final home. A particular
veneration is felt for those whose names are enrolled on that bold and
soul-stirring production--the Declaration of Independence. Their names,
with many others, will glide down the stream of time on the peaceful
waves of admiration and gratitude until merged in the consummation of
this whirling planet--"the wreck of matter and the crush of worlds."
Among the names of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, is
that of Edward Rutledge, born in Charleston S. C. in November 1749. He
was the son of Dr. Rutledge, a native of Ireland, who married Sarah
West, a lady of refined accomplishments, piety and good sense.
Edward lost his father at an early age and like those of many great and
good men, his mind was happily moulded by his accomplished mother. After
passing through the usual routine of an education he commenced the study
of law with an elder brother who stood high at the Charleston bar. As a
relaxation from Coke and Bacon he occasionally entered the bowers of
elocution. In 1769 he went to England, became a student at the
temple--made himself familiar with the courts, rules of parliament, the
policy, designs and feelings of the British ministry and cultivated an
acquaintance with the celebrated orators and statesmen--Chatham,
Mansfield and others. He returned in 1773, richly laden with stock for
future use.
He commenced a successful practice--uniting an expressive countenance, a
good voice, a rich imagination, elegance of action, an honorable mind
and a good heart--with strong native talent improved by superior
advantages and great industry. He soon acquired a well earned eminence
as a bold, discreet and able advocate. He was ever ready--the spur of
the moment made him shine most conspicuously. His lamp was always
trimmed and burning. With true Irish zeal he was always ready to enter
the arena where duty called--especially if it was to defend the
weak--aid the oppressed or relieve the distressed.
It was self-evident that with a soul and talents like his, he could not
remain an idle spectator of the elements of revolution that were in
motion. He was the kind of man to rouse the popular fury when
circumstances would justify and required it. Warm-hearted, zealous, bold
and daring--he was a necessary part in the political machine of that
time to put the more sluggish parts in motion. He was an admirable
fireman, a safe engineer, a good pilot and a popular captain. Liberal in
his views, republican in his principles, a stickler for equal rights--he
was among the first to strike for Liberty.
He was elected a member of the first Congress in 1774. None but men of
superior merit, known fortitude and pure patriotism were selected to
represent their country's rights and repel the wrongs of monarchy. Such
a man was Mr. Rutledge. His open frankness and bold exposure of the
corruptions of the British ministry--preying upon the Colonies like
canker worms, rendered him obnoxious to the adherents of the crown--the
very thing to rouse such a man to determined action. Opposition seemed
to kindle in his manly bosom a brighter flame of patriotic fire which he
imparted to the friends of freedom without stint or measure.
With his ardor and zeal he united prudence and discretion--was a friend
to order and cool deliberation. He acted from enlightened
principles--aiming to build every superstructure on the firm basis of
reason and justice. To this nobleness of design--conceived and adhered
to by all the signers of the Declaration, may be attributed that lofty
dignity which pervades that unique document.
Revolution is a tornado rarely chastened by prudence or discretion to
neutralize its baneful effects. Up to the time of the American
Revolution history claims no body of men to compare with those who
constituted the Continental Congress--men who commanded the whirlwind of
passion to stay its fury--who conducted the lightning of revenge by the
silken thread of reason to the goal of deliberation.
Mr. Rutledge was made a member of several important committees. He was
appointed, in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin and John Adams to meet
Lord Howe when he came to offer terms of ministerial peace. They were
received with marked attention and respect by the royal messenger. He
only had power to pardon repenting rebels--these were not to be found.
His insulting proposition was repelled with indignation. The committee
disclaimed all allegiance to the crown--it had been sacrificed at the
shrine of an ambitious and oppressive ministry. FREEDOM was their
motto--LIBERTY their watchword--their terms--INDEPENDENCE OR DEATH. They
had nobly resolved "to do or die."
As a sound, judicious and able statesman, Mr. Rutledge was highly
appreciated. He had also earned laurels in the battle field. He had long
commanded a company in the ancient battalion of artillery. When the
British landed at Port Royal in 1779, he led his company to the attack
with the skill and courage of a veteran. At no Revolutionary battle was
more personal bravery displayed than at this--nor was the enemy at any
time more chagrined at a total defeat by raw militia. It was a mystery
to them to find in the same man the statesman and the hero. He was
subsequently elected colonel. During the investment of Charleston on
1780, he was again on military duty--taken prisoner--sent to St.
Augustine and was not exchanged for nearly a year. Before his return the
dark clouds began to recede before the rays of rising hope and the day
star of Liberty.
He returned to his native state and aided in restoring the civil
government to order and systematic arrangement He was a member of the
enraged Assembly at Jacksonborough in 1782. With his recent personal
injuries pressing upon him and those of his friends bleeding fresh
before him, he was induced to sanction the bill of pains and penalties,
which, under other circumstances he would have opposed. During the time
it remained in force he smoothed its roughness as much as possible.
Among those who had been tortured by persecution was his venerable
mother who had been taken from her quiet home in the country and
confined in Charleston then occupied by the British--because she was the
mother of one of the rebels who had signed that burning instrument--the
Declaration of Independence--a high compliment to her talents and
patriotism--placing her on the list of fame with the noble matrons of
Greece and Rome.
During the entire period of the unequal struggle with Great Britain, Mr.
Rutledge rendered all the aid in his power to his injured country. At
the final termination of hostilities--in a free land and with a free
heart he returned to the bosom of his friends and the labors of his
profession. His private worth, urbanity of manners and persevering
industry in business, gained for him the confidence and esteem of
community.
In the organization of the government of the state he took a conspicuous
and useful part. Many difficulties were to be surmounted--clashing local
interests reconciled and laws adopted to restore to order and harmonious
system the confusion consequent upon a change of government. A great
commotion existed between debtors and creditors. Specie was not to be
had--the paper currency was nearly annihilated--many who had periled
life for Liberty and shaken off the foreign yoke felt that they were
again in cruel bondage. Many avaricious creditors were as destitute of
mercy as the pirate is of compassion. Such bipeds still live, move and
have a being--but thanks to the philanthropy and good sense of our
legislatures, they are disarmed in many of the states from the most
barbarous feature of their power--that of thrusting a poor debtor into
prison for the crime of poverty. I am pained to own that there are
instances on record in our country where veterans, who bled for our
boasted freedom, have been incarcerated by the cold inquisitorial
creditor for a sum so trifling that the miser would blush to name it.
As a panacea for this malady a law was passed making land a lawful
tender for debts--a law purely republican but obnoxious to avarice and
aristocracy. Mr. Rutledge did much to effect the adoption of this
measure, imperiously demanded by the then existing circumstances of the
community. He also advocated the instalment law and used his best
exertions to ameliorate the condition of the poor and do justice to the
rich by salutary and humane legislation. He took an active part in the
public business generally. When the Federal Constitution was presented
to his state for consideration he was in favor of its adoption although
it contained some objectionable features in his mind. He was always
opposed to slavery deeming it a national curse entailed by England.
If slavery did not exist in the South and the people knew its evils as
_they_ only can know and feel them, a very large majority would oppose
its introduction. I have recently travelled in most of the southern
states and speak from the record. Two-fifths of the white population of
those states do not own a slave. The institution is one of a domestic
nature to be governed and regulated by themselves. But for the
unfortunate interference of our northern brethren, many, but not _all_
of them prompted by philanthropic motives, gradual emancipation would
have commenced years ago and left no food for demagogues and
disorganizers to gorge themselves upon. Should the South interfere with
any of the domestic concerns of the North, resistance would be
instantaneous. I am no advocate of slavery--but understanding its
origin, progress, present condition and practical operation and the
feelings of the South--I repeat, that the interference of the North is a
misfortune to the slave and the peace of our common country. But for
this, four of the slave states would now be free. This Bohun Upas was
dying a natural death--digging around it has renewed its age fifty
years. The plan was conceived and put in operation by England through
her emissary Dr. Thompson, as a _dernier_ resort to destroy the only
republic hated and feared by the crowned heads of Europe. Let the South
alone to correct their own evils. Let the subject be consigned to the
capulet tombs rather than it should for a moment disturb the harmony of
our glorious UNION. To the slave--sudden emancipation would be an
irreparable injury. The question is one of _fact_ rather than _law_--of
imperious expediency rather than abstract reasoning. The slaves of the
South are better bred, fed and clothed and more intelligent than the
great majority of free negroes in free states.
Although partial to the French, when difficulties arose between that
nation and England, Mr. Rutledge strongly censured the conduct of M.
Genet and the French Directory for the stringent measures adopted. He
was a moderate--not an ultra party man and always acted from a sense of
duty and a pure desire for the good of the whole. His was a stern
unflinching moderation--calculated to awe a mob, paralyze a faction and
preserve pure and undefiled that lofty patriotism which commands esteem
and respect and leads to peace and safety.
In 1798 Mr. Rutledge was elected governor of his native state. Soon
after he entered upon the imposing duties of his office, disease
suddenly seized and handed him over to the King of Terrors in the bright
career of his gubernatorial term. During the legislative session of
1800, his health failed so rapidly that he felt a full assurance that
his dissolution was fast approaching. He was anxious to return to
Charleston that he might yield up his breath where he first inhaled the
atmosphere. The constitution required the presence of the governor
during the session of that body and so scrupulous was he to fulfil its
letter, that he determined to remain unless both branches passed a
resolution sanctioning his absence. The subject was submitted and
becoming a matter of debate he at once withdrew it and remained until
the adjournment. He was barely able to reach home when he laid down upon
the sick bed and yielded to the only power that could conquer
him--Death--on the 23d of January 1800. The same fortitude that had
characterized his whole life was fully exemplified during his illness
and dying hour. His loss was keenly felt and deeply mourned by the
entire community of the state and by the friends of freedom throughout
the nation. South Carolina had lost one of her brightest ornaments--one
of her noblest sons.
Governor Rutledge stood high as an orator. He was familiar with the
machinery of human nature--knew when to address the judgment and when
the passions. In exciting the sympathy of a jury he had no equal at the
Charleston Bar. He knew how, when and where to be logical and what is
all important in public and private life--he knew how, when and where to
speak and what to say and stopped when done. His private worth and
public services were an honor to himself, gratifying to his friends and
beneficial to his country. His usefulness continued to the close of
life--his fame is untarnished with error--his examples are worthy of
imitation--his life had no blank. He married for his first wife,
Harriet, daughter of Edward Middleton his colleague in the Continental
Congress. By her he had a son and daughter--the latter settled in
Charleston--the former, Maj. Henry M. Rutledge, was one of the pioneers
of Tennessee. God grant that his descendants may imitate the virtues of
their ancestor and fill the blank occasioned by the death of the wise,
judicious, benevolent, patriotic and high-minded EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
ROGER SHERMAN.
The man who has been rocked in the cradle of letters from his
childhood--who has become familiar with general science, the classics
and the philosophy of the schools--who has had a wealthy father to aid
and doting mother to caress--who has enjoyed an uninterrupted course in
some far-famed college and the most refined society--such a man is
expected to mount the ladder of fame and become a shining light to those
whose advantages have been limited to a primary school or no school. If,
with all these advantages lavished upon him he sinks into obscurity, the
fond anticipations of his doting parents and anxious friends set in
gloom. Such has often been the case.
When we see a man whose opportunities of acquiring an education during
childhood and youth carried him not far beyond the spelling-book--a man
who had no father to aid him by wealth--warn him against the quicksands
of error or point him to the temple of science--his intellect encased in
the rude quarry of nature at the age of twenty--when we see such a man
bursting the fetters that bind his mental powers-throwing off the dark
mantle of ignorance--by a mighty effort unveiling his dormant talents
and shining in all the beauty of intelligence and greatness, we are
filled with admiration and delight.
Such a man was Roger Sherman, the great grandson of Capt. John Sherman,
who came from England to Watertown, Mass, in 1635. Roger was the son of
William Sherman, born in Newton, Mass. on the 19th of April 1721. His
father was a respectable farmer with means too limited to educate his
son and bound him an apprentice to a shoemaker. At the age of nineteen
he left his master to seek his fortune. His genius had become restless
in embryo and pressed for enlargement. No shop could confine--no
obstacle deter, no impediment prevent its expansion. The course of his
mind was onward and upward like a blazing star, illuminating the horizon
of his intellect as it rose. Nature designed him to be great and
good--he obeyed her kind commands.
He went to New Milford, Conn. where he followed his trade for three
years, devoting every leisure moment to his books, often having one open
before him when using his lap-stone. Every obstacle to the pursuit of
knowledge was removed by his untiring industry--he ascended the hill of
science with a steady pace. He lived within the strictest rules of
economy, appropriating a part of his earnings to the support of a
widowed mother with a family of small children. The education of these
children also received his attention.
In June 1743 he removed his mother and children to New Milford ad
entered into the mercantile business, still improving every leisure hour
in the acquisition of an education. He rapidly stored his mind with a
fund of useful information that ultimately enabled him to commence a
public career of usefulness. He also became a member of the church and
adorned his profession through life. In 1745 he was appointed surveyor
of Litchfield County, having mastered mathematics. Like his cotemporary
and friend Benjamin Franklin, he made the calculation for an almanac for
several years for a publisher in New York.
At the age of twenty-eight he married Elizabeth Hartwell of Staughton,
Mass. who died in 1780 leaving seven children. He subsequently married
Rebecca Prescott who had eight children. His fifteen children were
carefully trained in the paths of wisdom and virtue. He also supported
his mother and a maiden sister until death relieved them from the toils
of life.
In the prosecution of his literary pursuits he turned his attention to
the study of law in which he made astonishing proficiency. In 1754 he
was admitted to the bar, better prepared to enter into this arduous
profession and do justice to his clients than many who are ushered into
notice with great _eclat_ under the high floating banner of a collegiate
diploma.
The following year he was elected a member of the colonial Assembly and
remained in that body during the remainder of his residence at New
Milford. He had the confidence and esteem of his fellow citizens which
enabled him to exercise a salutary influence upon those around him. His
reputation as a lawyer and statesman stood high. For industry, prudence,
discretion and sound logic--he was unrivalled in the Colony. Strong
common sense, the safety valve of human action, marked his whole career.
He was a philanthropist of the highest order--a patriot of the first
water--rendering himself substantially useful to his fellow men and
common country.
In 1759 he was appointed a judge of the county court of Litchfield,
discharging his duties with great faithfulness and
impartiality--correcting vice and promoting virtue.
In 1761 he removed to New Haven where he was appointed justice of the
peace--elected to the Assembly and in 1765 was placed upon the judicial
bench of the county court. He received the degree of Master of Arts from
Yale College, of which he was treasurer for many years, fulfilling the
trust with scrupulous honesty and fidelity.
In 1766 he was elected to the Executive Council which was hailed as an
auspicious event by the friends of liberal principles. The mother
country had manifested a disposition to impose unjust taxation upon the
Colonies. It required discretion, experience, nerve and decision to
comprehend and expose the corrupt plans of an avaricious and reckless
ministry. The Colonies had borne the great burden of the French war in
which they had sacrificed large sums of money and fountains of their
richest blood. After years of incessant toil the foe had been
conquered--an honorable peace obtained for England--the frontier
settlements measurably relieved from danger and the soldier had again
become the citizen. Whilst their rejoicings on that occasion were yet on
the lips of echo, oppression from the crown threatened to blast their
fond anticipations of happiness and repose and bind them in chains more
to be dreaded than the tomahawk and scalping knife.
His Colony had furnished more money and men and lost more of her brave
sons in the French war than any other with the same population. Mr.
Sherman had been an active member of the Assembly during the period of
its prosecution and remembered well the sacrifices that had been made to
oblige the king. He understood well the rights of his own country and
those of the crown. He was eminently prepared to discover approaching
danger and sound a timely alarm. He was fully competent to probe the
intrigues and venality of designing men although the broad Atlantic
rolled between him and them.
Mr. Grenville was the master spirit of the British ministry. He
determined to put in practice his long cherished theory of taxing the
American Colonies. The alarm was soon spread from the north to the
south. Appeals for redress, petitions and remonstrances, numerously
signed, were forwarded to Parliament. These were passed by like the idle
wind. Reason, justice, mercy--all were banished from the bosoms of the
ruling power. The rack of oppression was put in motion--screw after
screw was turned--the sinews of affection for the mother country began
to snap--the purple current rushed from its fountain with increased
velocity--indignation was roused in millions of bosoms. In humble
imitation of the ancient inquisitors, the screws of the infernal machine
were relaxed to give the subjects a confessing respite. The tax upon
glass, paper, &c. was repealed. But the main screw was not turned back.
The tax on tea was still enforced. This exception was death to the
colonial power of England--to America--FREEDOM. The indignation of woman
was roused. Her high toned chords were touched--the reverberation
electrified the mass as with vivid lightning. Tea was banished by every
female patriot and with it all British luxuries and taxed articles.
Mr. Sherman remained undaunted at his post calmly watching the moving
elements. Although elevated to the bench of the Superior Court he
remained in the Executive Council, a firm and consistent advocate of his
country's rights--a bold expounder of Britain's wrongs. He viewed the
gathering clouds as they rolled up from the horizon--he saw the streams
of lurid fire with which they were charged and calmly waited the crash
of thunder that should usher on the terrific storm. The British lion
prowled in anger--the Albion Goliah buckled on his armor--the shining
steel dazzled in the sun--American blood flowed--popular fury was
roused--the sword of vengeance was drawn--allegiance was dissolved--the
Colonies were FREE.
Judge Sherman was a member of the first Continental Congress and
remained firm and unwavering at his post during the heart rending scenes
of the Revolution, the formation of the new government and the adoption
of the Federal Constitution. With a mind of iron strength enlarged and
improved by close study--inured to the toils and intricacies of
legislation--the history of his country and of nations stamped upon his
memory--the ingratitude and insults of a foreign ministry preying upon
his soul--all these combined to press him onward to deeds of noble
daring. His capacity was equal to every emergency. He omitted no duty,
moving, with the mathematical precision of a planet, within the orbit of
sound discretion. He was familiar with all the avenues of men and
things--scanned the deep recesses of human nature--traced causes and
results to their source and probed to the bottom the springs of human
action. The arcana of economies was open before him--solving problems,
demonstrating principles and placing them in the full blaze of
illustration--clear as light, intelligible as Euclid--irresistible as
truth. Youth and young mechanics of our country such was the self-taught
self-made Roger Sherman. Read the history of his life closely. Ponder
it well and firmly resolve to make him your model.
The Congressional session of 1775 was one of great labor, anxiety and
embarrassment. It required veterans in patriotism to sustain the
tremendous shock, the fearful onset. An army was to be raised and
organized, military stores provided, fortifications erected, rules of
government adopted, plans of operation matured, internal foes to be
encountered and legions of hireling soldiers to be repelled. To meet
these pressing emergencies the members of Congress had hearts full of
courage but an empty treasury. A forlorn hope was before them--a
merciless foe on their shores. The torch of hope shed but a dim light.
In the name of high Heaven they resolved on _Liberty or Death_. Nor did
they "split on the rock of resolves and re-resolves, where thousands
live and die the same." They met the fury of the king with a firmness,
wisdom and patriotism before unknown. Their course was onward towards
the goal of FREEDOM. No threats of vengeance dismayed them--the shafts
of terror fell harmless at their feet--the vials of ministerial wrath
were poured out in vain.
In 1776, the Colonies bleeding, reverses rolling frightfully upon them,
a conquering army sweeping over their land like a tornado, the streams
red with the blood of their kinsmen--the cries of widows and orphans
ringing in their ears, the sky illumined with the curling flames of
their towns--this band of patriots conceived the bold and sublime plan
of INDEPENDENCE--a plan that wreathed its projectors with laurels of
unfading freshness.
Early in the summer Messrs. Sherman, John Adams, Franklin, Livingston
and Jefferson were appointed a committee to draft a Declaration of
Rights. It was prepared with much deliberation--reported and on the
memorable 4th of July 1776 received the hearty sanction of the
Continental Congress amidst the transporting joys of FREEMEN who hailed
it as the bright morning star--to them a prelude to future bliss--to
tyrants, a blazing meteor of devouring fire.
Illustrious in all their actions the signers of the Declaration of
Independence were pre-eminently so--when, assuming their native dignity,
they rose in all the majesty of greatness--bursting their servile
chains--cutting asunder the cords of forfeited allegiance--sublimely
passing the grand Rubicon and in the eyes of an approving God and an
admiring world--declared their country FREE AND INDEPENDENT. The era was
one of refulgent glory, sacred to the cause of human rights--enduring as
genuine patriotism--cheering as the oasis of the desert.
No member of the Continental Congress had studied more closely and
understood more clearly political economy and finance than Mr. Sherman.
His mind was moulded in system. He was a practical man and conversant
with every department of government. He was an efficient member of the
board of war, ordnance and the treasury. He served on important
committees during the whole time of the Revolution. His plans for
replenishing the public funds, regulating expenditures and disbursing
moneys, were based on rules of frugality and economy corresponding with
the embarrassments of that trying period. Fraudulent contractors quailed
before his scrutiny--speculations and peculations on government were
often paralyzed by his torpedo touch. He guarded, with an Argus eye and
parental care the interests of the young Republic.
In the estimation of his colleagues and of our nation, Roger Sherman was
second to no one in that bright constellation of sages for sterling
integrity and substantial usefulness. At that time honesty and modesty
were attributes of merit. It required no stump speeches or bar-room
harangues to gain popular favor. Foaming bragadocia--bullying
gasconade--personal crimination and a violation of the sanctity of the
domestic circle were not then current coin. No bogus politicians were
found among the patriots of the Revolution. _Principles_--not _men_ were
the political landmarks--not the seven principles of five loaves and two
fishes but the heaven-born principles of eternal justice, truth,
honesty, equality, freedom, love of country, patriotism, humanity,
universal charity and pure benevolence--all harmoniously growing in rich
clusters upon the tree of LIBERTY.
That was also a time of labor. Inglorious ease was not known to
legislators. Long written speeches were not read to the speaker and the
walls to be printed for party effect among constituents. Turmoil and
billingsgate slang were unknown in the halls of legislation. The
business of the nation was performed promptly, faithfully and
effectually. Posts of honor were then posts of duty--not of profit. No
demagogue bipeds were permitted to fatten at the public crib--no droning
sinecures were lounging under the mantle of government. How changed the
scene--how fearful the contrast at the present writing! Awake! patriots
of my beloved country to a sense of our true interests. Throw off the
incubus of ultra party spirit--think, know and act for yourselves--avoid
the paralyzing touch of reckless demagogues and purge our land from
political corruption.
By his fellow citizens at home Mr. Sherman was held in high esteem. He
was continued in the Council during the Revolution. When the city of
New Haven was chartered in 1784 he was elected the first mayor--filling
the office with great dignity to the close of his life.
When peace was restored Judges Sherman and Law were appointed to revise
the judicial code of Connecticut which duty they performed with great
ability and satisfaction to all concerned. Mr. Sherman was a member of
the convention that framed the Federal Constitution. From a manuscript
found among his papers it appears that this instrument received many of
its bright features from him. To his conceptive mind and practical
wisdom we are much indebted for the towering greatness and unparalleled
prosperity we so eminently enjoy and which will increase and endure so
long as the people protect their own interests and are true to
themselves. Intimately acquainted with all the local conflicting
interests of the Colonies, he was enabled to exercise a salutary
influence among the members in reconciling differences between them,
which, for a time, threatened to hurl back the elements of government
into original chaos and prostrate the fair fabric of Liberty. By
examining the earnest discussions, the variety of opinions, the
multifarious interests, the intense anxiety, the agony of soul and
sacrifice of private views that characterized the formation of the
Federal Constitution--we discover wisdom, discretion, charity and
patriotism of the loftiest kind shining in all the grandeur of self
sacrifice. Based upon the Declaration of Rights--it forms a
superstructure, towering in sublimity above all others--radiating its
heart cheering influence over our increasing millions of
freemen--revered by all patriots at home--respected abroad--unrivalled
in the annals of legislation.
Judge Sherman did much to remove the objections made to this important
document by the people of his own and adjoining States. He demonstrated
to them clearly and convinced them fully--that to effect and perpetuate
the UNION, private feeling and interest must yield to public necessity
to procure public good and that each State should strive to produce an
equilibrium of the general government, forming a grand centre towards
which it should ever tend with harmonious and fraternal
gravitation--immovable as the perpetual hills.
Judge Sherman was elected a member of the first Congress under the new
Constitution and resigned his judicial station which he had so long
adorned with the ermine of impartiality and equal justice. His influence
was beneficially felt in the national legislature. He used his noblest
exertions to promote the wide spread interests of the new-fledged
Republic. Traces of his magnanimous propositions and prophetic policy
are upon the journals and many of them incorporated in the Acts of that
period. When members differed and exhibited the least acrimony, they
were sure to find the peaceful wand of Judge Sherman fanning their
heated feelings into a healthful coolness.
At the expiration of his representative term he was elected to the
United States Senate of which he was a member when he closed his useful
career--bade a long adieu--a final farewell to earth and its toils. He
died on the 23d of July 1793 in the full enjoyment of that religion he
had honored and practised and which had been a consolation and support
amidst the changing scenes of his eventful pilgrimage. He had lived the
life of a good man--he died calm, serene and happy. Through faith he
triumphed over death and the grave and pressed upward to receive the
enduring prize of unfading glory. He could approach the dread tribunal
of the great Jehovah--smiling and smiled upon and enter into all the
realities of heavenly bliss--enduring as the rolling ages of eternity.
Thus lived and thus died Roger Sherman.
He had been a faithful public servant nearly forty years. He had
participated in all the trying scenes of the Revolution--he had seen his
country burst the fetters of tyranny and become a nation of freemen. He
had aided in the consolidation of the general government--she was
prosperous and happy. In all the important measures of the state of his
adoption and of the American nation, he had acted an important part from
the commencement of the French war to the time of his departure to "that
country from whose bourne no traveller returns."
As a Christian he was esteemed by all denominations for his consistent
piety and expansive charity. With him sectarianism was not religion--for
him it had no charms. His philanthropy was broad as the human family--it
reached from earth to heaven. He was familiar with the abstruse branches
of theology and corresponded with several eminent divines. The Bible was
his creed--not the dogmas of men.
In the history of Roger Sherman we have one of nature's sheets of purest
white covered with all the sublime delineations that dignify a man and
assimilate him to his Creator. His life was crowned with unfading
evergreen produced by the rich soil of genuine worth and substantial
merit. No ephemeral roses decked his venerable brow. A chaplet of
amaranthine flowers surmounts his well earned fame. The mementos of his
examples are a rich boon to posterity through all time. Whilst
patriotism, religion and social order survive--the virtues of this great
and good man will shine in all the majesty of light. His private
character was as pure as his public career was illustrious.
Roger Sherman clearly demonstrated that man is the architect of his own
fortune. By industry and perseverance in the use of books--now
accessible to all, apprentices and mechanics may surmount every barrier
and reach the summit of science and take their stations, with superior
advantage, by the side of those who have been enervated within the walls
of a college. No one in our land of intelligence is excusable for
remaining under the dark mantle of ignorance. The sun of science has
risen--all who will can be warmed by its genial rays. The means of
acquiring knowledge are far superior to those enjoyed by Sherman and
Franklin. Let their brilliant examples be imitated by Columbia's
sons--our far famed Republic will then be as enduring as time. Let
ignorance, corruption, ultra party spirit and fanaticism
predominate--then the fair fabric of our FREEDOM, reared by the valor
and cemented by the blood of the Revolutionary patriots--will tremble,
totter and fall. Chaos will mount the car of discord--sound the dread
clarion of the dissolution of our UNION and LIBERTY will expire amidst
the smoking ruins of her own citadel. Forbid it patriotism--forbid it
philanthropy--forbid it Almighty God! O! my country men! remember that
with us is deposited the rich behest of LIBERTY--let us guard it with
god-like care and transmit it to our posterity in all the loveliness of
native purity.
JAMES SMITH.
Men sometimes forsake the path designed for them by their Creator in
their manner of speaking, acting and writing. They vainly strive to
imitate some noble personage of a higher order by nature and cultivation
than themselves and become poor specimens of the Ape. Some young men of
respectable talents and acquirements--when they mount the rostrum,
endeavor to imitate some orator of notoriety instead of acting out free
and unvarnished nature. Originality alone gives beauty and force to
eloquence in all its varied forms. Like a piece of marble under the
skill of the statuary--a more systematic form may be produced by art but
the native material cannot be improved in beauty by the finest art--the
brightest paint. Originality must form the base or the richness is lost.
No ingenuity can remould the work of nature and retain the full strength
of the grand original. We should profit by the wisdom and virtues of
great and good men--improve by their precepts and examples--our _manner_
in public speaking, our _language_, our _style_ of writing--all _must_
be original to render them forcible and interesting. Affectation in
anything is disgusting to sensible men. It is a coin that cannot be
palmed upon the discerning for genuine. Of all counterfeits this is the
most readily detected. Away with this worthless trash. If you have not
gold, use silver--if neither, use copper--if you have only _brass_ you
need no urging to use that.
James Smith was a fine specimen of originality and pleasing
eccentricity. He was born in Ireland in 1713. His father came to this
country when James was a boy and settled on the west side of the
Susquehanna river nearly opposite Columbia in Pennsylvania. James
acquired a good classical education under Dr. Allison and retained a
great partiality for authors of antiquity to the end of his life. He
delighted in mathematics and became an expert surveyor. After finishing
his course of study with Dr. Allison he read law in Lancaster,
Pennsylvania, probably with an elder brother in that town and with Mr.
Cookson. When admitted to the bar he located in the then far west near
the present site of Shippensburg in Cumberland County of that state. He
blended law and surveying in accordance with the desire and wants of the
frontier settlers. Large tracts of valuable land were held under hasty
and imperfect surveys and others were located by chamber surveys.
Litigation was the natural consequence. No witness could tell more truth
than the compass and protractor of Mr. Smith which were free from
prejudice and partiality. Possessed of a penetrating mind he scanned
future prospects and secured much valuable land. In his compound
profession he had full employment. He was on the flood-tide of
prosperity. Not willing to sail alone he took for his mate Eleanor Armor
of Newcastle who superintended his freight and cabin stores with great
skill and prudence.
Mr. Smith was original in everything. With a strong mind, an open and
honest heart, a benevolent and manly disposition--he united great
conviviality and amusing drollery--yet so discreet and chaste as not to
offend the most modest ear. He delighted in seeing the contortions of
the risible muscles which were uniformly on duty in all proper circles
when James Smith was present. Whenever he came in contact with a pedant
he would propound some ludicrous question to him with the utmost
gravity--such as this--"Don't you remember that terrible bloody battle
which Alexander fought with the Russians near the straits of
Babelmandel? I think you will find the account in Thucydides or
Herodotus." His memory was retentive and stored with numerous anecdotes
which he sometimes related in court and often in company to amuse his
friends. His manner was original beyond imitation. With all his wit and
humor he held religion in great veneration and was a communicant of the
church. No one that knew him dare utter one word against it in his
presence, knowing that his cutting lash of keen ridicule would at once
be applied. Such a mixture of qualities are rarely blended in one man.
His mind ranged with the quickness of lightning from the deep-toned
logic and the profoundest thought to the eccentric ludicrous--all
balanced by the equilibrium of discretion and each used at the
appropriate time and place. His manner, language, style--everything
which he said or did from the most trivial circumstance to the momentous
concerns of the nation was purely original.
Of the affairs of his country James Smith was not an idle spectator. No
man delights in liberty and independence more than an Irishman. Nor have
the Irish people a warm affection for mother Britain. As oppressed as
she is, no nation is more sensitive of her rights than "sweet Ireland."
When British oppression showed its hydra head in the American Colonies
Mr. Smith took a terrible dislike to the _baste_ and declared he would
make fight, unless it withdrew its visible deformity at once. His heart
beat high for his adopted country--he came promptly to the rescue. At
that time he resided at York and was extensively engaged in iron works
and pressed with professional business. He had never consented to fill
public stations. Nothing but the importance of the crisis could have
induced him to enter the public arena. He reasoned as did Josiah Quincy
that--"We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the
prize for which we contend--we must be equally ignorant of the power of
those who have combined against us--we must be blind to that malice,
inveteracy and insatiable revenge which actuate our enemies, public and
private, abroad and in our midst--to hope we shall end this controversy
without the sharpest--sharpest conflicts--to flatter ourselves that
popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations and popular
vapor will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue--let us look to
the end."
Mr. Smith was a man who looked at the beginning and ending. He examined
closely causes, effects and results. He understood human nature and knew
well the pulsations of the colonists. He believed the bone and sinew of
the land would never yield to the tyranny of mother Britain without a
"sharp conflict." For that conflict he was prepared. He well knew that
there was but little sinecure mushroom dandy stock on-hand--that the
great mass was bone and sinew of the first water. He was for prompt
action. A convention of delegates from each county in the state was
convened to consider the course proposed by the patriots of New England
when the Revolutionary storm had commenced its precursory droppings. Of
this convention Mr. Smith was a prominent member and one of the
committee that prepared an address to the members of the general
Assembly recommending them to appoint delegates to the proposed general
Congress with the following instructions which specify the grievances
complained of.
"We desire you therefore--that the deputies you appoint may be
instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves at the ensuing
Congress to obtain a renunciation on the part of Great Britain of all
the powers under the statute of 35th Henry VIII. ch 2d--of all the
powers of internal legislation--of imposing duties or taxes internal or
external and of regulating trade except with respect to any new articles
of commerce which the Colonies may hereafter raise--as silk, wine, &c.
reserving a right to carry them from one colony to another--a repeal of
all statutes for quartering troops in the colonies or subjecting them to
any expense on account of such troops--of all statutes imposing duties
to be paid in the colonies that were passed at the accession of his
present majesty or before this time, whichever period shall be judged
most advisable--of the statutes giving the Courts of Admiralty in the
Colonies greater power than the Courts of Admiralty in England--of the
statutes of 5th George II. ch. 22d and of the 23d of George II. ch.
29th--of the statute for shutting up the Port of Boston and of every
other statute particularly affecting the province of Massachusetts Bay
passed in the last session of Parliament. If all the terms
abovementioned cannot be obtained, it is our opinion that the measures
adopted by the Congress for our relief should never be relinquished or
intermitted until those relating to the troops--internal
legislation--imposition of taxes or duties hereafter--the 35th of Henry
VIII. ch. 2d--the extension of Admiralty Courts--the Port of Boston and
the Province of Massachusetts Bay are obtained. Every modification or
qualification of these points in our judgment should be inadmissible."
By these instructions, directly from the people, we can judge of the
feeling that pervaded the great mass of the yeomanry at that time. By
referring to the instructions given to the delegates to Congress by the
general Assembly, it will be seen that royal influence pervaded that
body as they contain scarcely a feature or point similar to those from
the primary convention of the people. See them in the life of Ross. That
the reader may more fully understand the points referred to in the
instructions above copied I will explain the statutes alluded to in
their order.