Constitution--of the rights by them secured and of the gross violation
of those rights at various periods will show the reader why so many men
of high attainments and liberal minds came to America. Disgusted with
oppression at home they sought Liberty abroad. They fled from religious
and political persecution as from a pestilence. The same cause that
induced them to leave their native land prompted them to vigorous
action when imported tyranny invaded their well earned privileges. The
mind of every man and woman who came to this asylum of the oppressed for
the sake of freedom was as well prepared to meet the crisis of the
Revolution as were our native citizens. The feelings created by
remembered injuries which drove them from the mother country rendered
them as formidable opponents to the unjust pretensions of the crown as
those who had never breathed the atmosphere of Europe. In tracing our
own history back to the early settlements we find frequent struggles
between the people and the officers sent by the king to rule them--the
former claiming their inherent rights--the latter often infringing them.
The time finally arrived when forbearance was no longer a virtue.
Among those who espoused the cause of inalienable rights at an early
period was Edward Middleton the great grandfather of the younger Arthur.
He came from England to S. C. near the close of the 17th century. He
left a son Arthur who imbibed the liberal views of his father. In 1719
he headed an opposition that boldly demanded and obtained the removal of
the insolent crown officers then in power. He left a son Henry, one of
the same sort who was the father of the subject of this sketch and took
an active part at the commencement of the Revolution by rousing his
fellow citizens to action.
His son Arthur was born at Middleton place on the bank of Ashley rivers
S. C. in 1743. His mother was the daughter of Mr. Williams a wealthy
planter and was faithful to her children. She lived until 1814, esteemed
in life--lamented in death. Arthur was the eldest child and received the
best advantages of an early education. At the age of twelve years he was
placed in the celebrated seminary at Hackney near London and two years
after entered the classic school of Westminster. His industry was
unremitting--his conduct unexceptionable. At eighteen he became a
student in the University of Cambridge and at the age of twenty-two
graduated. He was a profound scholar and untarnished in his morals.
Trivial amusements and dissipation had no charms for him. Although
liberally supplied with money economy was a governing principle, wisdom
his constant guide. Students of our country will do well to imitate his
example. After the completion of his education he made the tour of
Europe. Familiar with the Greek and Roman classics he enjoyed great
pleasure in visiting the ancient seats of learning. He was well versed
in all the technicalities of sculpture and architecture and had an
exquisite taste for poetry, music and painting. He took notes of all he
saw--improved by all he learned.
After travelling for two years he returned to his native home and bosom
of his family and friends. His education completed he took the next wise
step of a young man about to enter upon business and married a worthy
daughter of Walter Izard. The next year the happy pair visited their
relatives in England--spent some time in France and Spain--returned in
1773 and took possession of the old paternal mansion which his father
had conveyed to him placing him in affluent circumstances.
Possessed of an observing mind his knowledge of English policy and of
the principles of monarchy was of a superior order. The effects of this
policy and of these principles were painfully visible throughout the
American Colonies. Rocked in the cradle of patriotism by his
father--tracing its fair lines in the history of his genealogy--LIBERTY
was to him an heir-loom. Everything around him prompted his onward
course towards the goal of freedom. He boldly espoused the cause of the
people which is uniformly the cause of RIGHT. The Middletons were the
nucleus of the opposition to tyranny in South Carolina. Their influence
reached over the entire province. Although wealthy, aristocracy found no
resting place with them. They were Republicans of the first water. They
freely and promptly pledged life, fortune and honor in behalf of
rational liberty.
Arthur Middleton was upon the various committees of the people to devise
means of safety. He was one of the committee of five that decided a
recourse to arms and led the people into the royal magazine who removed
the deposits in defiance of the threats and growls of the British lion.
This occurred on the 17th April 1775. On the 14th of June following the
provincial Congress appointed a Committee of Safety composed of thirteen
of which Arthur Middleton was one. This committee was fully authorized
to organize a military force and adopt such measures as might seem most
expedient to arrest the mad career of the royalists.
During the session of the first provincial Congress of South Carolina
Lord William Campbell, the new governor, arrived fresh from the British
office mint. He was to reduce the rebels at one bold stroke. At first he
was all mildness and did not pretend to justify the oppressions of which
the people complained. To prove the insincerity of which Mr. Middleton
believed him guilty, Adam McDonald, a member of Council, was introduced
to him as a Tory from the upper country who seemed anxious to have the
rebels put down. The governor requested him to keep quiet a short time
as troops would soon arrive to put a quietus upon the _new fangled_
authorities. When this report was made known to the Council Mr.
Middleton moved to have the governor arrested although nearly related
to him by marriage. His colleagues were too timid _then_ for such a
measure, but so rapidly did their courage increase that his excellency
soon retired on board a sloop of war to avoid the popular fury. In a few
days Sir Henry Clinton and Sir Peter Parker arrived with an armed fleet
and troops to enforce the authority of Lord Campbell and teach peace to
the rebels. An immediate attack was made on Fort Moultrie which was a
perfect failure. The governor was wounded and Sir Peter had the nether
part of his silk unmentionables badly mutilated by an unpolished rebel
cannon ball.
On the 11th February 1776 Mr. Middleton was one of the committee that
drafted the first constitution of his native State. Soon after he was
elected to the Continental Congress and became a conspicuous member. He
boldly advocated and by his signature sanctioned the adoption of the
Declaration of Independence. He used but few words in debate briefly
presenting the strong points of the subject under discussion. He was
always heard with attention and had great influence. He stood at the
head of the delegation of his State. He exemplified strong common
sense--attending to the business of his constituents and the good of his
country. He was an intimate friend of John Hancock who held him in high
estimation.
In 1778 he was elected governor of his native State without his
knowledge, advice or consent. The mode of election was by the
legislature and secret ballot. Caucuses, insulated with intrigue and
corruption, were then unknown. Love of Liberty and country, exemplified
by the acts of freemen, were all the "pledges" required. He declined
accepting the office for the reason that a constitution was before the
legislature not as republican as he desired and if adopted required the
assent of the executive. Believing it would be sanctioned and could be
amended at some future time he preferred not placing himself in the way.
Rawlin Lowndes was then elected who approved of the constitution on the
19th March 1778.
Political honesty was a marked trait in the character of Arthur
Middleton. No inducements could turn him from the path of rectitude and
duty. He weighed measures, men and things in the unerring scales of
justice. He went with no man unless he believed him clearly right. He
was sound at the core. His mind was pure and free as mountain air--his
purposes noble, bold and patriotic. In 1779, when the British troops
were devastating S. Carolina, he took the field with Gov. Rutledge and
cheerfully endured the privations of the camp. At the attack upon
Charleston by Gen. Provost, he manifested great coolness and courage.
His family was driven away by the destroying enemy and his property
plundered. Several valuable paintings were mutilated in the most
shameful manner. At the surrender of Charleston in 1780, he was among
the prisoners sent to the Spanish Castle at St. Augustine, Florida and
manfully endured the cowardly indignities there imposed upon the
Americans. In July 1781 a general exchange of prisoners took place when
he returned to Philadelphia. He was again elected to Congress and
resumed the important duties of legislation. Soon after this the last
important act of the revolutionary tragedy was closed at Yorktown, where
the Heroes of the revolutionary stage took a closing benefit at the
expense of British pride and kingly ambition. With the surrender of Lord
Cornwallis the last hope of the crown in America expired in all the
agonies of mortification.
In 1782 Mr. Middleton was again returned to Congress where he continued
until November when he returned to his long neglected home. He declined
remaining in Congress that he might serve his own state. He did much
towards restoring order, harmony and stability in the new government of
South Carolina. He was several times a member of her legislature and
used his best efforts to advance her prosperity. At intervals he
improved his desolated plantation and looked forward to years of
domestic felicity. But alas! how uncertain are all sublunary things. In
the autumn of 1786 he was attacked with the intermittent fever which
terminated in serious disease and caused his death on the first day of
January 1787, leaving a wife, two sons and six daughters to mourn their
irreparable loss. He was deeply lamented by the nation at large. He was
held in great veneration by every friend of freedom in the country. He
had only to be known to be loved and admired. He was a consolation to
his friends, a shining light in the cause of freedom, an ornament to
society, a good and honest man. The examples of such a man are living
epistles, worthy to be known and read by all who desire the happiness of
our beloved country and the perpetuity of our glorious UNION.
LEWIS MORRIS.
A military despotism is a national curse, a blighting sirocco, a foe to
liberty. Laws that require the bayonet to enforce them for an extended
length of time are bad or the people for whom they are made are unworthy
of freedom. Moments of excitement do occur in the best organized
communities arising from a sudden local impulse that require a show of
military power and even its force--but in a little time reason resumes
her sway, the spirit of mobocracy subsides, the soldier again becomes
the peaceful citizen and rests for security upon the strong arm of civil
power.
Quartering the military upon the citizens of a community is full of
danger. After having enjoyed the bounty and hospitality of the
inhabitants let that military be directed to enforce laws that are
obnoxious to the people--an indignation is roused that is increased
tenfold from the circumstance of previous familiarity. The citizen
conceives he has bestowed a special favor upon the soldier. He looks
upon the attempt to force unjust laws upon him as base ingratitude--the
blackest crime out of pandemonium. Favors forgotten and ingratitude
displayed add desperation to revenge. Previous to the American
Revolution the military were quartered upon or drew their support
directly from the people. The Colonies had contributed largely in money
and blood to aid the mother country in conquering her most inveterate
foe in America--the French in Canada. No return was asked but the quiet
enjoyment of chartered privileges guarantied by the constitution. This
was denied them. Petitions were treated contumely--remonstrances were
laughed to scorn. Then it was that a band of Sages and Heroes rose in
all the majesty of man's native dignity and vindicated their inalienable
rights.
Among the boldest of the bold was Lewis Morris, born at Morrisania in
the vicinity of the city of New York in 1726. The preserved documents of
this family trace their genealogy back to Rhice Fitzgerald. Rhys or
Rhice Fitzgerald was a Cambrian chieftain who carried his military
operations and conquests into Ireland during the reign of Henry II. By
his valor and success he obtained the name of Maur [great] Rhice and the
penultimate Fitzgerald being dropped gives us the name in plain
English--Morris. In tracing genealogy we find names more changed than
this. Genealogy and the origin of names is an amusing study--if you have
leisure try it.
Lewis was the son of Judge Morris of the same Christian name who
retained possession of the paternal estate formerly purchased by his
grandfather, Richard Morris, who was a leader under Cromwell and came
from Barbadoes in 1663 and purchased a tract of land near Harlaem on
York Island. He left an only son, Lewis, who was Chief Justice of New
York and subsequently governor of New Jersey.
After his preparatory studies Lewis entered Yale College at the age of
sixteen. From the President, Dr. Clap, he imbibed a relish for moral and
religious principles and became a good scholar. In 1746 he
graduated--returned to his estate and became extensively engaged in
agriculture. At that period the Colonies were free, prosperous and
happy. The mother country had not discovered the philosopher's stone of
taxing her distant children to support royalty. They were left to pursue
their own course--enjoy the fruit of their labors and repose in peace.
In this delightful retirement Mr. Morris continued to improve his farm
and mind. By his suavity of manners, moral rectitude and honorable
course he gained the confidence and esteem of all who made his
acquaintance. He was the nucleus to a circle of friends of the highest
attainments and respectability. He became a great favorite among the
people and did all in his power to improve their condition and promote
general good. He was a philanthropist and patriot.
The time rolled on rapidly when colonial repose was to be plucked up
from the roots and perish under the burning heat of British oppression.
The treasury of England had been drained by extravagance and war--her
national debt had become frightfully large. The story of prosperity and
wealth in America had been told to Mr. Grenville by an evil person in an
evil hour. The plan of imperious taxation was devised. The Stamp Act was
passed as a feeler. The descendants of the pilgrim fathers thought its
feeling rather rough and recoiled from the touch with amazement. They
loved their king but they loved their chartered privileges and country
more. Legal remedies were resorted to. A Congress was convened at New
York and several Colonies ably represented. Powerful addresses to the
throne and people of Great Britain were prepared breathing the purest
allegiance conditioned on the restoration of constitutional rights. The
Stamp Act was repealed only to give place to a more voracious and
obnoxious budget of Acts. The ministry bent all their force to
accomplish their impolitic designs. They did more to prepare the people
of America for Independence than the combined energies of the Sages
could have effected without their co-operation. In devising a great evil
they consummated a great good.
Mr. Morris took a deep interest in passing events--at first only as an
adviser. Although Massachusetts took the lead in resisting oppression
New York was not tardy in coming to the rescue. In 1767 an Act was
passed by Parliament compelling the people of that Province to furnish
the British soldiers that were quartered among them with provisions. By
this order the burden fell upon certain portions of the inhabitants
exclusively and not _pro rota_ upon the whole. It was a direct invasion
of personal rights and was most severely felt by the citizens of the
city of New York and its vicinity. This measure brought Mr. Morris out.
He publicly proclaimed it unconstitutional and tyrannical and
contributed largely towards influencing the legislature to place a veto
upon it. Might triumphed over right and enforced the contribution from
the citizens. Spirits like that of Lewis Morris were not to be subdued.
An unquenchable fire was only smothered to gather volcanic force under
the brittle crust that covered it. It was constantly increased by
supplies of fuel from Mr. Grenville and his more subtle successor Lord
North. The statute of Henry VIII. was revived which doomed the
disobedient to be sent to England for trial. Its eldest daughter--the
Boston Port Bill was ushered into life and other screws of the rack
tightened. The last petitions and remonstrances in the magazine of
patience were finally exhausted. It was speedily replenished with
materials more weighty than paper. Mr. Morris had become a prominent
leader, a bold and substantial whig, rather too highly charged for the
conciliatory Congress of 1774. The time came on apace when the people
required just such a man and in April 1775 elected him to the
Continental Congress. Even then most people attributed their sufferings
to the venal ministry and hoped the king would cease to be an automaton
and prove himself a man worthy of the high station he occupied. But
hopes were vain--the olive branch withered beneath the scorching rays of
corrupted power. The virtues of steel, powder and lead were then to be
tried. Already had the purple current of Americans saturated the streets
of Boston and the heights of Lexington. Already had the groans of dying
citizens, slain by the hands of those whom they had fed--pierced the
ears of thousands. Already were widows weeping for husbands weltering in
blood and orphans for fathers covered in gore. If imagination
sickens--if language fails, if history is impotent in conveying but a
faint idea of the consuming anguish, the bitter grief, the palsying
terrors, the boiling revenge, the deep resolves of those dark hours--how
heart breaking--how overwhelming must have been the dreadful reality to
living witnesses.
Soon after he took his seat in Congress Mr. Morris was placed upon a
committee of which the illustrious Washington was chairman to devise
measures to obtain the munitions of war. This was a _desideratum_ rather
problematical. Comparatively a sling and a few smooth stones were all
the patriots had with which to combat the British Goliah. But the battle
of Bunker Hill convinced all parties that rusty guns in hands with
nerves of steel guided by hearts of oak could do good service and that
men resolved on liberty or death were not to be tamely yoked without a
desperate effort to be free. Mr. Morris became an active member and
advocated strong measures. The year previous he was considered rash--the
time had arrived when all saw the necessity of pursuing the course he
had marked out. He became early convinced that an honorable arrangement
could not be had _under_ Great Britain--nothing but a triumph _over_ her
would restore the equilibrium of justice. He was one of a committee to
visit the Indian tribes to persuade them not to enlist under the blood
stained banner of England. But British gold was stronger than the most
eloquent reasoning. To the eternal disgrace of those who were then
wielding the destinies of the mother country, a premium was given for
_scalps_ not for prisoners. So dark, so deep, so damming a blot rests
not upon the escutcheon of any other nation upon earth. Why? Because
that kingdom had been the proclaimed conservator of the peaceful, humane
religion of the Cross for centuries--the crowning glory of which is
love. The foul deed was committed in the full blaze of Gospel light and
boasted civilization. There were noble souls in parliament at that time
and millions of British subjects who looked upon the horrors of that
demoniac policy with as much indignity as an American can. Mr. Morris
also visited the New England States for the purpose of maturing plans to
raise supplies and commence concentrated vigorous action.
In 1776 he again took his seat in Congress and was pleased to find the
general pulse beating in unison with his own--a determination to sever
the Gordian knot and proclaim an eternal separation from a nation that
held power only to abuse it. He was on many important committees--was
all activity in and out of the House. In his native neighborhood he had
a herculean task in rousing the people to a sense of their true
position. Gov. Tryon mingled the poison with the wisdom of the
serpent--affected to be harmless as a dove and exercised a powerful
influence over the people of the city of New York in favor of the crown.
He pointed them to the certain destruction of the commercial interests
by a war--the inequality of the two powers--the impossibility of Whig
success and construed self interest into self preservation. To paralyze
his influence required great exertion. Mr. Morris and his friends put
forth their noblest energies in the mighty work. What they could not
effect, British oppression and the powder and ball of Gen. Howe soon
accomplished.
When the Declaration of Independence was proposed Mr. Morris became one
of its ardent supporters. At that very time his large estate was within
the power of the enemy. He well knew that his signature to the proposed
instrument would be destructive to all his property within the reach of
British hirelings. Most faithfully was the work executed. Even his
extensive woodlands of a thousand acres were subjected to axe and
fire--his family driven from home and every species of devastation
resorted to that malice could invent, hatred design, revenge execute.
But LIBERTY was dearer to this devoted patriot than earth and all its
riches. He boldly sanctioned and fearlessly affixed his name to the
great certificate of our national birth and rejoiced in freedom
illumined by the conflagration of his own Elysian Morrisania. His family
and himself suffered many privations during the remainder of the war.
They endured every hardship with heroic fortitude without regret for the
past and with buoyant hope for the bright future.
In 1777 he resigned his seat in Congress and rendered important services
in the legislature of his native State. He also served in the tented
field and rose to the rank of major-general of militia. He was a good
disciplinarian and reduced the state troops to an excellent
organization. In every situation he ably and zealously discharged all
his duties and did not leave the service of his country until the
American arms were triumphant and the Independence of our nation
acknowledged by Great Britain. Then he retired to his desolated
plantation--converted his sword into a pruning hook--his musket into a
ploughshare and his farm into a delightful retreat where his friends
from the city often visited him to enjoy his agreeable society--talk of
times gone by and rejoice in the consolations of blood-bought Liberty.
Peacefully and calmly he glided down the stream of time until January
1798 when his immortal spirit left its frail bark and launched upon the
ocean of eternity in a more substantial vessel. He died serene and happy
surrounded by an affectionate family and kind friends. His remains were
deposited in the family vault upon his farm under the honors of an epic
and civic procession.
The private virtues and public services of Mr. Morris rendered him dear
to all who knew him. His appearance was in every way commanding. A noble
and graceful figure, a fine and intelligent face, an amiable and
agreeable disposition, a warm and ardent temperament, a benevolent and
generous heart, an independent and patriotic soul--crowned with
intelligence, refinement and goodness--he was in all respects worthy to
be admired and beloved. His examples illustrate the patriotism that
impelled to action during the Revolution. He had everything that could
be destroyed to lose if successful--if not--death was his probable doom.
Previous to the war he was a favorite of the king--his brother Staats
was a member of Parliament and a general officer under the crown. But
few made as great personal sacrifices and no one made them more
cheerfully. Like Marion--he preferred a morsel of bread, a meal of
roasted potatoes with Liberty--to all the trappings of royalty and all
the honors that could be conferred by a king. So long as this kind of
patriotism finds a resting place in the bosoms of a respectable majority
of Columbia's sons--our UNION is safe. Let this be banished by the
majority as it is by a fearful minority--the fair temple of our LIBERTY
will perish in flames kindled by its professed guardians. Freemen of
America! I warn you to preserve, in original purity, the FREEDOM
purchased with the rich blood of our fathers.
ROBERT MORRIS.
Self is the Sahara of the human heart where all the noble powers of the
soul are buried in its scorching sands. We may pour upon it floods of
human woe and streams of melting kindness without producing the least
appearance of sympathy or gratitude. The blighting sirocco of cold
indifference sweeps over this desert mind, increases the powers of
absorption--annihilates all that is cheering and lovely. The keenest
miseries of a fellow man cannot move it--the mournful obsequies of his
death cannot shame it. It is one of the foul blots imprinted on human
nature by Lucifer and should be hurled back to Pandemonium. It dwells
only in little minds and pinches them as dandy boots do the
feet--covering them with excrescences as painful as corns and
chilblains. He who is a slave to self could calmly look on the "wreck of
matter and the crash of worlds" if it would add one item to his sordid
gains.
Man was created a social being--benevolent, sympathetic, kind,
affectionate--quick to feel and prompt to alleviate the misfortunes of
his fellow man. But for the soul-killing influence of self these noble
germs of human nature, as originally cast in the mould of creative
wisdom, would bud and blossom as the rose and crown the human family
with millennial glory.
On the pages of history we find many bright spots of self sacrifice and
blooming benevolence. Individuals have lived who banished self and
devoted their lives, fortunes and sacred honors to promote the best
interests of the human race--men whose motives, impelling them to
action, were chastened by purity, who aimed to promote public good and
personal happiness.
In the history of the American Revolution we find a cheering catalogue
of such philanthropists whose memories we delight to honor. No one
among them did more to accomplish the great end in view than Robert
Morris. He was born at Liverpool, Lancashire, England on the 20th of
January 1734. His father was a respectable merchant and settled at
Oxford on the eastern shore of Maryland in 1746. He then sent for this
son who arrived at Oxford at the age of thirteen. He received only a
good commercial education. At the age of fifteen he lost his father by
death. He was then in the counting house of Charles Willing one of the
most thorough and enterprising merchants of Philadelphia. After having
served a faithful apprenticeship Mr. Willing set him up in business and
remained his fast friend and adviser. For several years he prospered
_alone_ but finding the cares of life pressing upon him he wisely
resolved to take a partner to accompany him in his pilgrimage through
this vale of tears. That partner was the meritorious Mary, daughter of
Col. White and sister to the pious and learned Bishop White. She
possessed every quality that adorns her sex and renders connubial
felicity complete. What is _now_ more than _then_ considered by too many
heartless bipeds a _sine qua non_--she brought with her--WEALTH. This
_desideratum_ is often a blighting substitute for genuine affection--too
often the corroding mildew of matrimonial happiness. No man or woman
with a good heart, clear head and sound discretion--ever married
_riches_ instead of the _person_. It is the quintessence of self.
Not so with Mr. Morris and his partner. Their richest treasure was
mutual esteem flowing from the pure fountain of their kindred hearts
anxious to promote the reciprocal happiness of each other and the
felicity of all around them. Nothing occurred to mar their refined
enjoyments until the revolutionary storm burst upon the Colonies.
Mr. Morris was a sterling patriot and did not look upon the commoving
political elements with indifference. He had inhaled the atmosphere of
inherent freedom--his soul was roused to god-like action--he resolved to
hold his life and fortune subject to the drafts of LIBERTY. If self had
held her withering sway he would have remained a loyal slave. His
interests were entirely commercial--his wealth was exposed to the
destructive power of the mother country. He amassed it only to do good.
He was not fastidious as to the manner it was distributed so that his
noble aim might be accomplished--the salvation of his country.
He was a member of the Congress of 1774 and took an unflinching stand
against British oppression. Extensively and favorably known--his
influence was of high importance to the friends of justice. Being an
able financier he was hailed as the most efficient manager of the
monetary department. To provide ways and means he was fully authorized.
Most nobly did he discharge his duty. Unfortunately no office of finance
was then created to enable him to control the disbursements. The money
he continued to provide--often from his private funds. When Congress
fled before the conquering foe to Baltimore in 1776 Mr. Morris remained
in Philadelphia some days after his colleagues left, for the purpose of
raising government funds. In so doing he periled his life, as he had
placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence--then sneeringly
called the death warrant of the signers by the Tories and their
coadjutors--the British. During his stay it became necessary for
Congress to raise a specific sum. The treasury was empty. Notice of the
wants of the army was communicated to him. Shortly after he met a member
of the Society of Friends whose confidence he had. "What news friend
Robert?" "The news is--I am in immediate want of----dollars hard money
and you are the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be my note
of hand and my word of honor." "Robert thou shall have it." The money
was promptly forwarded to Washington which enabled him to meet the enemy
at Trenton with signal success.
Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his duties
and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction of secrecy
who then had the credit of affording relief on their own account. When
Gen. Greene took command of the troops in S. C. they were deplorably
destitute of food, clothing and ammunition. To the agreeable
astonishment of the army and people Mr. Hall of that state advanced the
money to purchase supplies and enabled the General to commence vigorous
operations. After the war had closed the accounts of disbursements
showed that Mr. Hall had acted under Mr. Morris who furnished the
needful from his private purse and saved the army from dissolution. On
being made acquainted with the fact at the finance office, General
Greene was at first displeased with the act but on analyzing it
applauded the wisdom of this secrecy and said--"If I had known that I
might have drawn on Robert Morris I should have demanded larger sums and
effected no more than was accomplished with the means placed in my
hands." His advances to the Southern army nearly produced his pecuniary
ruin.
As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he found
every government resource exhausted--the credit of the infant Republic
paralyzed--the army writhing under the keenest privations--had his mind
been of ordinary calibre he would have abandoned the ship of state
amidst the breakers that were dashing over her and reported her to the
underwriters as wrecked. But he had resolved never to desert her so long
as a plank remained upon the hull or a beam retained its fastenings
upon the keel. His own resources were large and his credit upon a firm
basis. These were thrown in the breach and warded off the threatened
destruction. To save himself and his country he proposed the plan of
establishing the Bank of North America. This was sanctioned by Congress
and a charter granted on the 7th of January 1782. This bank has ever
stood firm amidst all the pecuniary panics and revolutions that have
occurred to the present time.
As astounding as the fact may appear the office of Finance was not
created until 1781. Up to that time there was no disbursing agent and
large sums of money were placed in the hands of irresponsible agents and
never reached their legitimate destination. When established it was
placed under the control of Mr. Morris who reduced the expenditures of
military operations three millions in a single year, showing that self
can convert ostensible patriots into knaves no matter how sacred the
cause engaged in or how binding the obligation to do justice. Avaunt!
thou thing infernal! Had the office of Finance been established at the
commencement of hostilities and Mr. Morris made the disbursing agent,
the means of prosecuting the war would have been ample--our army would
have been full and saved from the dreadful privations endured--our
country would have been saved from a large portion of the devastations
committed by the enemy--the struggle would probably have been terminated
in half the time and the government been able to redeem every dollar of
its paper issues. With so much concentrated talent and wisdom as were in
the Continental Congress at all times, the problem of this disastrous
omission cannot be solved by any approved rules of government or
legislation. I have ever looked at it with deep regret and surprise.
Mr. Morris was the Roman Curtius of America, pledging his own fortune to
save his country and deliver her from worse than Egyptian bondage. As a
demonstration I will particularize one other instance of supplies
furnished upon his private credit, which was the means of closing the
unequal contest.
When the expedition against Cornwallis was planned by Washington the
government treasury was empty and her credit shivering in the wind. The
army was in a destitute situation and without the means of prosecuting a
siege. Impressed deeply with the importance of the plan Mr. Morris
undertook the herculean task of providing supplies for the expedition
upon his private credit. Such confidence had Washington in this able
financier that he at once took up the line of march. In the short space
of four weeks he furnished near eighty pieces of battering cannon and
one hundred pieces of field artillery with other necessary supplies not
furnished by the South. Although aided by the patriotic Richard Peters
he gave his own notes to the amount of one million four hundred thousand
dollars which were all paid at maturity. This enabled the Americans to
triumphantly close the long and bloody struggle of the Revolution and
lay firmly the foundations of the prosperity and government we now
enjoy. There was disinterested benevolence crowned with all the majesty
of pure devotion to the interests of country and the human family--as
free from self as angels are.
Under cover of the firm in which he was a partner--Willing, Morris & Co.
many important and advantageous transactions were made for government
although apparently for the firm, the large profits of which were placed
to the credit of the public treasury. This was conclusively shown by an
investigation instituted in Congress on motion of Mr. Laurens at the
instance of Mr. Morris in order to repel base slanders put in
circulation against this pure and honest patriot.
All the accusations that have been brought against Robert Morris before
and since his death, charging him with peculation or speculation in
government funds or of any improper conduct towards his country as a
public agent are without foundation in fact and out of the record. From
the numerous documents I have examined, I am fully convinced that Robert
Morris was one of the most disinterested patriots of the Revolution and
one of the most efficient instruments in consummating that glorious
enterprise. He was so considered by the illustrious Washington--the
Continental Congress and by all who were and are properly posted on the
subject. General Greene was one of his most ardent admirers, whose
biographer--long after the SAGE and the HERO had gone where none but
slanderers dare rake up the sacred ashes of the dead, published a tirade
of abuse against Mr. Morris that has impaired his dignity as an
impartial writer so as to render his envy abortive--his malice
powerless. His extracts from public documents are garbled--his
conclusions are based on false premises--his innuendos are
ungenerous--his attack gratuitous and has justly recoiled upon the proud
escutcheon of his literary fame.
The shafts of slander can never mar the fair reputation of this
benefactor of our country although hurled like lightning thunderbolts
from the whole artillery of malice and revenge. Upon the enduring
records of our nation his acts are written. There they stand in bold
relievo, bright as the moon, clear as the sun and as withering to his
enemies as the burning sand of Sahara.
Congress elected Mr. Morris Superintendent of Finance on the 20th of
February 1781. It was only from a deep sense of duty he could be urged
to accept the office. It was at a dark and fearful period of the
Revolution. His duties were onerous and multiform. He immediately
instituted an examination of the public debts, revenue and
expenditures--reduced to economical system the mode of regulating the
finances and disbursing the public funds--executed the plans of Congress
relative to monetary affairs--superintended the action of all persons
employed in obtaining and distributing supplies for the army--attended
to the collection of all monies due the United States--held a
supervision over all the contractors for military supplies--provided for
the civil list--corresponded with the Executive of each state and with
ministers of our government in Europe and transacted business with all
the public departments. Through the agency of the Bank of North America
and with his own proverbial responsibility he improved the national
credit so far that money was obtained from Europe on loan and a brighter
prospect opened before the desponding patriots. He introduced rigid
economy through all the avenues of public operations. He boldly entered
the AEgean stable and was the Hercules to cleanse it. Corrupt agents and
corrupting speculators fled before his searching scrutiny--hissing like
serpents disturbed in their dens. Perfect system pervaded all his
transactions reducing them all to writing so that he was able to produce
a conclusive voucher for each and every public act during his term of
service. He believed system to be the ballast, main-mast and helm of
business.
At the time of his resignation he placed himself in the crucible of an
examining committee of Congress before whom he exhibited a schedule of
all his public transactions. The report of the committee placed him on a
lofty eminence as an able and skilful financier--a patriotic and honest
man. President Washington tendered him the office of Secretary of the
Treasury, which he respectfully declined. He was a member of the
convention that framed the Federal Constitution and a Senator in the
first Congress that convened under it. He seldom spoke in debate but
when he did he was eloquent, chaste and logical. He was heard with
profound attention and had great influence with his colleagues. He
possessed an inexhaustible store of useful information applicable to all
the relations of public and private life. When the peace of 1783 was
consummated Mr. Morris again entered largely into commercial business.
He favored every kind of improvement and did all in his power to promote
general good and individual happiness. He first introduced ice and
hot-houses in our country. He was a rare specimen of industry, system,
punctuality and honesty.
After spending a long life in skilfully wielding a capital of millions
he at last foundered upon the rock of land speculation and closed his
eventful career in poverty on the 8th of May 1806 at the city of
Philadelphia sincerely mourned by his country and most deeply lamented
by those who knew him best. He met the grim messenger of death with
resignation and calmness--bid a cheerful farewell to friends, the toils
of earth and all sublunary things.
Mr. Morris was a large man with an open countenance, pleasing in his
manners and agreeable in all his associations. His private character was
as pure as his public career was illustrious. Dying poor, no marble
monument is reared to his memory but his name is deeply engraved upon
the tablet of meritorious fame and will be revered by every true
American and patriot until the historic page shall be blotted from the
world--social order submerged by chaos.
JOHN MORTON.
Courage and perseverance, unaided by wisdom and sound discretion, often
lead men into unforeseen and unanticipated difficulties. Combined--they
are the fulcrum and lever of action. Guided by a wise discretion, with
talent to conceive and boldness to execute, the weak become strong and
effect wonders at which they look with astonishment after the mighty
work is accomplished. To these combined qualities of the Sages and
Heroes of the American Revolution we owe the blessings of liberty we now
enjoy more than to the physical powers of our nation at that time.
Compared with the fleets and armies of the mother country at the
eventful era when the Declaration of our Independence was adopted, the
available force of the Colonies dwindles to insignificance. The one a
giant in the pride of his glory--the other an infant just bursting into
life. The one a Goliah clad in bristling armor--the other a pioneer boy
with a puerile sling. The one with a veteran army and navy united in
panoply complete, well clothed, fed and paid--the other with scattered
fragments of raw recruits, a few light vessels--the men poorly equipped,
sparingly fed, worse clothed and seldom paid. Without referring the
successful termination of the revolutionary struggle to the wisdom and
perseverance of the patriots, who, under God conceived, planned and
executed the noble work it would be an unsolved enigma.
John Morton was proverbial for his discreet, wise, courageous and
persevering course of life. He was a posthumous child born in Ridley,
Delaware county, Pennsylvania, in 1724. His ancestors came from Sweden
at an early period and settled on the bank of the Delaware river near
Philadelphia. John's father, of the same Christian name, married Mary
Richards when he was very young and died before his majority. The widow
subsequently married with John Sketchly an intelligent Englishman who
proved a good husband and kind step-father. To him John was principally
indebted for his substantial English education, having enjoyed the
advantages of a school but three months. Being a good mathematician and
skilful surveyor, his step-son became perfect master of this important
branch of science, which, more than any other, is calculated to lead a
man into precision of thought and action. Based on invariable truth and
lucid demonstration, never resting on false premises, always arriving at
incontrovertible conclusions, it gives a tone to the mental powers
calculated to produce the most salutary results. Education is incomplete
without mastering mathematics.
Young Morton continued with his faithful guardian until manhood dawned
upon him, aiding in the business of agriculture and surveying,
constantly storing his mind with useful knowledge--testing theory by
practice. In 1764 he was commissioned a justice of the peace and shortly
after was elected to the Assembly of his native state. He soon became
conspicuous and was subsequently speaker of the House during several
sessions. He took a deep interest in the welfare of his country and was
a member of the Congress assembled at New York in 1765 to concert
measures for the repeal of the odious Stamp Act. He concurred in the
strong and bold appeals of that body which virtually kindled the fire of
the Revolution. Although smothered for a time it was never extinguished
until it consumed the last vestige of British power in America and
expired for want of fuel. In 1767 he became the sheriff of his county
which station he ably filled for three years. He was then appointed
president judge of his district and gained the admiration and esteem of
the entire community. About this time he performed a very sensible act
by marrying Anne Justis of the State of Delaware who was worthy to be
the wife of a patriot and contributed largely to his happiness through
life.
When the dread clarion of war was sounded from the heights of Lexington
the indignation of the people in his neighborhood was so roused that
they at once raised a battalion of volunteers and elected Judge Morton
colonel. He was compelled to decline the epic honor having been recently
appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. In July 1774 he
was made a member of the Congress that convened in Philadelphia the
following September. The grand object of that Congress was to make a
last and noble effort to effect a reconciliation between the two
countries and heal instead of increasing the unfortunate breach. To this
end men of cool deliberation, deep thought, matured judgment, profound
wisdom and pure patriotism were selected for this important work on
which depended the destiny of themselves and unborn millions. When the
delegates assembled a deep and awful solemnity seemed to pervade every
mind. No noise was heard but the still murmuring of the rushing blood,
the beating of anxious hearts and the quick respiration of those who had
congregated. The proceedings were opened by prayer. Every soul seemed to
commune with the spirits of another world as by vesper orisons. After
the address to the throne of grace the same awful silence reigned. Still
nothing was heard but the rush of the purple stream and the throb of
anxious hearts. Trembling tears and quivering lips told the emotions of
many a bosom--too full to be expressed, too deep to be fathomed, too
strong to be endured. At length the mighty spirit of Patrick Henry burst
forth in all the sublimity of its native majesty and broke the mighty
spell. In bold and glowing colors, shaded with dignified
sincerity--painted upon the canvas of eternal justice with the pencil of
unerring truth--he delineated American rights and British wrongs. When
he closed every patriot responded a hearty--AMEN. Their mouths were
opened, their burdens lightened--they breathed more freely.
In May 1775 Judge Morton took his seat in Congress and was re-elected in
November. In July 1776 he closed his congressional career. Before
leaving, he placed a brilliant star upon the bright escutcheon of his
name by voting for and signing the chart of our Liberty--the manifesto
of freemen against the usurpations of tyranny. During the time he was in
Congress he was highly esteemed as a cool deliberate discreet
man--purely patriotic and anxious to do all in his power to promote the
righteous cause of his bleeding country. He weighed well the
consequences of severing the bonds that bound the Colonies to the mother
country. Unsustained, the Declaration of Independence was probable death
to many--a more severe slavery for the survivors. To all human
appearance the patriots must be crushed by the physical force of their
enemies then pouring into the country by thousands and sweeping
everything before them like a mighty torrent. There were five delegates
from his colony. Two of them were bitterly opposed to the measure and
two in favor, which gave him the casting vote. On him depended the
enhanced misery or happy delivery of his country. When the final moment
arrived he cast his vote in favor of the important instrument that
should prove either the death warrant or the diploma of freedom. Some of
his old friends censured him severely for the bold act and were so
strongly tinctured with toryism that they would not be reconciled to him
when he lay upon the bed of death. Such were the strong party feelings
during the Revolution. His dying message to them was worthy the sage and
Christian. "Tell them that they will live to see the hours when they
shall acknowledge it to have been the most glorious service that I have
ever rendered to my country." The truth of his prophecy has been most
happily verified so far as his services were concerned--if the other
part has not do not go in mourning for its failure.
When the Articles of Confederation were under discussion in Congress
Judge Morton was frequently chairman of the committee of the whole and
presided with great ability and dignity. In April 1777 he was attacked
with a highly inflammatory fever which terminated his life in a few days
in the midst of usefulness with fresh honors awaiting him as time rolled
onward. His premature death was deeply mourned by his bereaved
companion, eight children, a large concourse of bosom friends, the
members of the bar, his associate judges, the State legislature,
Congress and by every patriot of his country.
As a private citizen Judge Morton possessed an unusual share of esteem.
He was endowed with all the amiable qualities that enrich the domestic
circle and social intercourse. As the crowning glory of his fair fame he
professed and adorned the religion of his Lord and Master and died
triumphing in faith. His dust reposes in the cemetery of St. James'
Church in Chester, Pa. His examples are worthy of the closest
imitation--his brief career admonishes us of the uncertainty of human
life--his happy death is an evidence of the truth of unvarnished piety.
THOMAS NELSON.
Honesty is a virtue that commands universal respect. Like many others
this term has lost much of its original force. When Pope pronounced an
honest man the noblest work of God--he included purpose, word and action
in all things, under all circumstances, at all times. He alluded to a
man whose purity of heart placed him above every temptation to violate
the original laws of integrity that emanated from the high Chancery of
Heaven. He referred to a man whose every action through his whole life
should pass the scrutiny of Omniscience unscathed and stand approved by
the great Jehovah. Such a man is a noble work indeed worthy of the
highest admiration and closest imitation. He would not take an umbrella
or a newspaper from the owner without liberty. He is honest for the sake
of this virtue--not from _policy_, the essential oil of dishonesty in
disguise. Honesty that is based only on self interest is as unsafe as a
keg of powder in the fire room of a steamboat. We have too much _policy_
in morals and religion. It is cunning without wisdom, cowardice with
hypocrisy, fear of man--not God. The devil preaches religion from policy
and the man who is honest only from _policy_ is no better. Anecdote to
the point. The Chinese philosopher Confucius met an insane woman with a
pitcher of water and faggot of fire and asked her how she intended to
use them. She replied--"With the fire I will burn up heaven--with the
water I will put out hell--we shall then know who are good for the sake
of goodness."
The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution who persevered to the
end were remarkable for integrity and freedom from self interest. None
of them were more so than Thomas Nelson, born at Yorktown, Virginia, on
the 26th of December 1738. He was the son of William Nelson whose father
came from England at an early period and located at Yorktown. The father
of Thomas was a wealthy merchant and planter. He filled many public
stations with great ability. During the interval between the
administration of Lord Bottetourt and Lord Dunmore, he presided over the
Colony _ex officio_, being then President of the Executive Council.
At the age of fourteen Thomas was placed under the tuition of Mr.
Newcomb whose school was near Hackney, England. He graduated at Trinity
College under Dr. Beilby Porteus, the bright literary ornament of that
time and afterwards Bishop of London. Guided by the master genius of
this finished scholar, accomplished gentleman and pious divine, Mr.
Nelson traced the fair lines of science and explored the avenues of
literature. The principles of strict virtue and stern integrity were
deeply impressed upon his mind and governed his actions through life.
After spending eight years at the classic fountain in England he
returned to his native home highly improved in mind and person. He
entered upon the enjoyment of a large real estate and over one hundred
and thirty thousand dollars in money. Not selfish at heart--unwilling to
enjoy so much alone, as in duty bound he led to the hymenial altar
Lucy--daughter of Philip Grimes of Brandon and settled happily and
quietly at his native place. His house became the seat of domestic
felicity and hospitality.
For a long time great intimacy existed between the leading men of
Virginia and England. This arose from consanguinity and the wealth that
enabled the most prominent men of the Old Dominion to educate their sons
in the mother country. For more than a century an interchange of good
feelings and kind offices were kept up. The sons who were educated in
Great Britain imbibed the same ideas of Independence as those which were
the boast of the noblemen of that kingdom and very properly felt
themselves entitled to as much confidence from the King as a native
resident of Albion. For this reason, when the British ministry put the
car of oppression in motion in Virginia, her wealthy and noblest sons
were the most vigorous opposers of regal power. The very fact of former
intimacy charged this opposition with stronger bitterness. The very
chivalry that the proud Britons had taught the sons of the Old Dominion
was brought to bear upon the hirelings of the crown with the force of an
avalanche.
In 1774 Mr. Nelson was elected to the House of Burgesses and took a bold
stand in favor of liberal principles. He was one of the eighty-nine
members who assembled at a tavern the day after Lord Dunmore dissolved
them and formed themselves into an association of non-intercourse with
Great Britain. At the next election he was again returned. He was a
member of the two conventions that appointed Congressional delegates in
1774-5. He supported the bold measures proposed by the daring Henry from
which many of the patriots at first recoiled with terror and amazement.
He had no ear for the siren song of peace when the shores of his country
were darkened by foreign fleets and armies. At the convention in March
1775 the following resolutions were proposed by Patrick Henry and
passed. The first germ of our militia system then burst from embryo.
"Resolved--That a well regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and
yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free
government--that such a militia in this colony would forever render it
unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of
our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always subversive
of the quiet and dangerous to the liberties of the people and would
obviate the pretext of taxing for their support. That the establishment
of such a militia is at this time peculiarly necessary by the state of
our laws, some of which have already expired and will shortly be so and
that the known remissness of government in calling us together in
legislative capacity renders it too insecure in this time of danger and
distress to rely that opportunity will be given of renewing them in
general Assembly or making any provision to secure our inestimable
rights and liberties from those further violations with which they are
threatened.
_Resolved_--That this Colony be immediately put in a state of defence
and that ---- be a committee to prepare a plan for embodying, arming and
disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that
purpose."
These resolutions were warmly supported by Mr. Nelson regardless of the
certain destruction of a large portion of his property in case of an
open rupture with mother Britain. The resolutions were carried and July
fixed for the division of the Colony into military districts. From that
time Virginia presented a bold front against the unwarranted pretensions
and insolent assumptions of power on the part of the crown officers. In
July the Convention again assembled and divided the Colony into sixteen
military districts--the Eastern to immediately raise a regiment of six
hundred and eighty men rank and file, the others to raise a battalion of
five hundred men each--all to be at once armed and held in readiness to
march at any moment. The Convention further directed the raising of two
regiments of regulars of one thousand and twenty privates each--the
first to be commanded by Patrick Henry, the other by Thomas Nelson.
Virginia stands number one in the organization of a military system
independent of mother Britain--a system that now pervades the United
States.
On the 11th of August this Convention met again and elected Mr. Nelson
and others to the Continental Congress in which he look his seat on the
13th of September following. He was an industrious and efficient member
of many important committees but rarely took part in debate. By the
following extract from his letter to Gov. Page dated 22d January 1776 it
appears he was one of those who early agitated the question of
Independence. "I wish I knew the sentiments of our people upon the grand
points of Confederation and Foreign Alliance--or in other words--of
Independence--for we cannot expect to form a connexion with any foreign
power as long we have a womanish hankering after Great Britain and to be
sure there is not in nature a greater absurdity than to suppose we can
have any affection for a people who are carrying on the most savage war
against us." On the 13th of February following he wrote to the same
gentleman in the following strong language--"Independence, Confederation
and foreign alliance are as formidable to some members of Congress--I
fear a majority, as an apparition to a weak enervated woman. Would you
think we have some among us who still expect honorable proposals from
the administration! By heavens! I am an infidel in politics for I do not
believe were you to bid a thousand pounds per scruple for honor at the
court of Great Britain that you would get as many as would make an
ounce. We are now carrying on a war and no war. They seize our property
whenever they find it either by land or sea and we hesitate to retaliate
because we have a few friends in England who have ships. Away with such
squeamishness say I."
By this language we can judge of the ardent feelings that moved this
friend of equal rights to noble and god-like action. It was the pure
fire of patriotism fanned to a brilliant flame by a just indignation
against a tyrannical and insolent foe. It was a fire that reflected a
genial heat upon those around it and increased in volume as time rolled
onward. Like separate particles of metal in a crucible, one member after
another yielded to the power of the patriotic flame until all were
united in one liquid mass and on the 4th of July 1776 the mould of
LIBERTY was filled. When opened to the admiring view of a gazing world a
new and purely original table of law and government was presented
enriched with the embossments of equal rights and equal justice. On this
fair tablet, more beautiful than mosaic work, Mr. Nelson engraved his
name in bold relievo. Here we might leave him with glory enough for one
man. But he had then just entered the vestibule of his useful career.
His whole soul and body were enlisted in the glorious cause. He worked
on, hoped on and hoped ever. He was again returned to Congress but was
compelled to retire in May in consequence of a dangerous attack of brain
fever that for a time threatened to impair his mental powers.
Fortunately for the cause of Independence his health was restored.
During the ensuing August the British fleet entered the capes for the
purpose of chastising the rebels of the Old Dominion. A general rally of
the military was the immediate consequence. Mr. Nelson was made Brig.
General and commander of all the Virginia forces. The appointment was
popular--the incumbent competent. His appearance among the people
inspired confidence. The troops rallied around him like affectionate
children around a fond parent. Learning how the land lay the fleet went
its way for that time and waited for a more convenient season. The
soldiers again became citizens.
In October of that year Gen. Nelson took his seat in the legislature of
his state and took an active part in the deliberations of that body.
During the session a bill was brought before the House sequestering
British property and authorizing those of the Colonists who were in
favor of Liberty and owed subjects of Great Britain, to pay the amount
into the public treasury. If the wives and children of such subjects
remained in the state the Governor was authorized to pay them certain
portions of this money for their support. With all his indignity against
mother Britain, his sense of justice induced him to oppose the bill
because it violated individual contracts. He became roused and made an
able and eloquent speech against the measure and closed with the
following emphatic language--"For these reasons I hope the bill will be
rejected--but whatever be its fate--_so help me God_ I will pay _my_
debts like an honest man."
On the 2d of March 1778 Congress made an appeal to the patriotism of the
wealthy young men of the several states urging them to raise a troop of
light cavalry at their own expense. When this proposition was received
in Virginia Gen. Nelson sent a circular to all the young gentlemen of
fortune in the state recommending them to rush to the rescue in person
and to open their purses to other high-minded young men who were poor in
money but rich in patriotism. A company of seventy was promptly raised
in that state and elected Gen. Nelson to command them. He proceeded with
his charge to Baltimore and reported his youthful band to the brave
Pulaski who received the young volunteers with admiration and delight.
From that place the company proceeded to Philadelphia where the General
and the young gentlemen soldiers received the applause and thanks of
Congress. As their services were not needed at that time they returned
home. Their expenses were principally paid by Gen. Nelson without any
charge to government. For his services during the war he took no pay and
expended a large portion of his fortune in the cause of freedom.
On the 18th of February 1779 he again took his seat in Congress and
labored so intensely in the committee rooms that he brought on another
attack similar to the former and was compelled to return home in April.
Relaxation from business and domestic quiet soon restored his health. In
May the British made a descent upon Virginia and marked their course
with relentless cruelty and destruction. Gen. Nelson at once took the
field and marshalled his troops near Yorktown. The enemy dared not
approach him and filed off. During that short campaign he was a father
to his soldiers and supplied them with food from his own funds. He
distributed his laborers and servants among the poor families of the
militia from his neighborhood to labor during the absence of the men. He
was as benevolent as he was patriotic and brave. For the state he raised
large sums upon his own credit for which he was remunerated but in part.
This was done freely without any noise or boasting. He was good for the
sake of goodness--honest for the sake of honesty--not from policy or to
be seen of men.
In the spring of 1781 Virginia was the scene of murder, rapine and ruin.
Judas Arnold and Lord Cornwallis were sweeping over the state like a
tornado. Gen. Nelson was constantly in the field doing all in his power
to arrest the savage career of the merciless foe. He became the hero of
the Old Dominion. In June of that year he was elected governor of the
state. He at once entered upon the duties of his office and bent his
whole energies on raising troops to resist the enemy. About that time La
Fayette arrived with a body of regulars. Gov. Nelson joined him in the
field and placed himself and his troops under command of the Marquis.
Everything in his power he grasped to aid his bleeding country. He
placed his work horses and negroes in the public service. In the midst
of these struggles a circumstance occurred that was exceedingly trying
to his noble soul. By the constitution the governor could act only in
concert with the Council. Two of that body had been taken prisoners by
Tarleton--two had resigned when most needed. A quorum could not be
raised. The crisis required prompt and decisive action. In this dilemma
he proceeded to act as if a quorum of the Council was present. Long
after he had retired to private life and at a time when he was sinking
under disease, some wretches, who would be only scavengers in
Pandemonium, made this a ground of complaint against him. A just
legislature put the matter forever at rest by passing a special law
sanctioning every act of the governor during his administration under
the circumstances alluded to. Ingratitude is the prime minister of
Satan--revenge its secretary.
By the vigilance of Governor Nelson and La Fayette Lord Cornwallis was
snugly ensconced in Yorktown. A dark cloud hovered over his military
fame. Awful forebodings haunted his blood-stained imagination.
Retributive justice pierced his guilty conscience with a thousand viper
stings. The cries of widows and orphans--the curling flames of
hospitable mansions--the sweeping destruction of villages and towns--the
dying groans of innocent victims--the damning fruits of his savage
career, preyed upon his agonized soul like a promethean vulture. The die
was cast. The siege was commenced. Washington was there. At the head of
the Virginia troops was Governor Nelson--cool, brave, fearless,
vigorous. His native town--his own mansion and properly were now to be
razed to the ground. At first he observed the American batteries
carefully avoid his house. The principal British officers had made it
their head quarters for this reason. Learning it was out of respect for
him he directed the gunners to point their cannon at his mansion. The
first discharge after this order sent several shot through it--killed
two of the officers and frightened the rest from a table well spread
with edibles and wines. They were at dinner and feared no danger. The
result of the siege was glorious and closed the war of the Revolution.
The following extract from the general orders of the illustrious
Washington of the 20th of October 1781 will best inform the reader of
the estimate placed upon the services of Governor Nelson at that
memorable siege.
"The General would be guilty of the highest ingratitude--a crime of
which he hopes he shall never be accused, if he forgot to return his
sincere acknowledgments to his excellency Governor Nelson, for the
succors which he received from him and the militia under his command, to
whose activity emulation and bravery the highest praises are due. The
magnitude of the acquisition will be ample compensation for the
difficulties and dangers they met with so much firmness and patriotism."
The fatigues of this campaign and his arduous gubernatorial duties
proved too much for the physical powers of Governor Nelson. He again
sunk under disease and resigned his office on the 20th November 1781 and
retired from the public arena to private life. He spent the remainder of
his days on a small estate he had gathered up from the wreck of his
princely fortune, situated at Offly in the county of Hanover. His health
continued to decline until the 4th of January 1789 when he was numbered
with the dead. His obituary, written by his bosom friend Col. Innes,
fully portrays the character of this devoted patriot and will best close
this annal.
"The illustrious Nelson is no more! He paid the last debt of nature on
Sunday the fourth day of the present month at his estate in Hanover. He
who undertakes barely to recite the exalted virtues which adorned the
life of this great and good man will unavoidably pronounce a panegyric
upon human nature. As a man, a citizen, a legislator and a patriot, he
exhibited a conduct untarnished and undebased by sordid and selfish
interests and strongly marked with the genuine characteristics of true
religion, sound benevolence and liberal policy. Entertaining the most
ardent love for civil and religious Liberty, he was among the first of
that glorious band of patriots whose exertions dashed and defeated the
machinations of British tyranny and gave to united America freedom and
independent empire. At a most important crisis during the late struggle
for American Liberty, when this State appeared to be designated as the
theatre of action for the contending armies, he was selected by the
unanimous suffrage of the legislature to command the virtuous yeomanry
of his country. In this honourable employment he remained until the end
of the war. As a soldier he was indefatigably active and coolly
intrepid. Resolute and undejected in misfortune, he towered above
distress and struggled with the manifold difficulties to which his
situation exposed him with constancy and courage. In the memorable year
of 1781 when the whole force of the southern British army was directed
to the subjugation of this State, he was called to the helm of
government. This was a juncture which indeed 'tried men's souls.' He did
not avail himself of this opportunity to retire in the rear of danger,
but on the contrary took the field at the head of his countrymen and at
the hazard of his life, his fame and individual fortune. By his decision
and magnanimity he saved not only his country but all America from
disgrace if not from total ruin. Of this truly patriotic and heroic
conduct the renowned commander-in-chief, with all the gallant officers
of the combined armies employed at the siege of York, will bear ample
testimony. This part of his conduct even contemporary jealousy, envy and
malignity were forced to approve and this, more impartial posterity, if
it can believe, will almost adore. If, after contemplating the splendid
and heroic parts of his character we shall inquire for the milder
virtues of humanity and seek for the MAN, we shall find the refined,
beneficent and social qualities of private life, through all its forms
and combinations, so happily modified and united in him, that in the
words of the darling poet of nature, it may be said,
'His life was gentle, and the elements
So mixed in him, that nature might stand up
And say to all the world--THIS IS A MAN.'"
JAMES OTIS.
Death is a source of terror to most persons. It should be a source of
anticipated joy to every reasonable being. Death is viewed as the great
enemy of man. He is our best friend. Many Christians tremble at the
thought of being folded in the arms of this friend who performs for us
the last--the greatest kind office that can be awarded this side of
eternity. Why should we treat death as an enemy? Is he an enemy who
delivers us from pain, disappointment, folly, error, misery and all the
ills of our earthly pilgrimage? Is he an enemy who transfers us from the
land of delusive dreams, the region of phantoms and corroding cares--to
an Elysium of substantial joys and enduring bliss? It is a _libel_ on
DEATH to call him a foe--a king of terrors--an enemy.
Frail man comes into this world crying--cries on through life and is
always seeking after some earthly object he intends to christen
happiness when obtained. When he reaches the bubble it often bursts at
the slightest touch--it never imparts unalloyed comfort. He is often
mourning over the misfortunes that lie thickly along the road of life.
He is forced to learn there is nothing pure but Heaven. Within the
restless mortal body there is an immortal soul that requires more than
earth can give to satisfy its lofty aspirations. This soul hails death
as the welcome messenger to deliver it from its ever changing decaying
prison of clay--called MAN--on which time wages an exterminating war
until DEATH breaks the carnal fetters--sets the prisoner free--opening
the door of immortality--returning the redeemed spirit to its original
abode of refulgent glory to go no more out for ever. To be terrified at
the thoughts of death is to endure unnecessary fear and add to the
discomforts of life. We should be in constant readiness to give this
friend a hearty welcome. All who are wise will do so.
It is evident the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution did not
quail at the thought of sacrificing their lives upon the altar of
LIBERTY. By the British and Tories the Declaration of Independence was
called the death warrant of the signers. Had the first open opposers of
the crown fallen into the hands of the royalists their lives would have
been terminated in a summary manner. Among these was James Otis who was
born at Barnstable, Mass. in 1725. He graduated at Harvard College when
but eighteen years of age. He read law with Mr. Gridley--settled in
Plymouth and became one of the most brilliant lights of the profession.
He was an uncompromising and fearless opposer of British wrongs--an able
and unwavering advocate of American rights. In 1761 he appeared before
the judges of the Supreme Court in defence of the people against the
writs of assistance. His logic, eloquence and boldness astonished all
who heard him. He insulated the people with patriotic fire that all the
powers of mother Britain could never extinguish. Among others he was
listened to by John Adams who often remarked--"Independence was then and
there born." By the patriots of that day he was called the originator of
the Revolution. He was the first man who placed his name to a bold and
vigorous pamphlet which he wrote and published--exposing the innovations
of the British ministry upon the chartered rights of the Colonies. He
was threatened with arrest which only roused him to more vigilant action
in defence of human rights. He was a member of the Congress that
convened in New York in 1765. During that year he wrote his "Rights of
the Colonies Vindicated"--which was a masterly production and published
in London. He was of a warm temperament--impulsive--if hard pressed was
sometimes harsh in his language. He was lashed severely by the
ministerial organs which caused him to publish pungent strictures upon
the conduct of several of the crown officers. Soon after these appeared
he was attacked in a public room by a band of British ruffians led on by
custom house commissioner Robinson, who nearly took his life. This
occurred on the 5th of September 1769. So much was he injured that his
reason soon fled for ever. He may appropriately be called the first
mover and the first martyr of the American Revolution. He obtained a
judgment of $20,000 against Robinson for the base assault and on
receiving a written apology relinquished it.
His towering mental powers broke rapidly until he became a mental wreck.
The repeated blows upon his head had permanently deranged his brain.
Occasional lucid flashes would pass over his mind like brilliant meteors
and pass as quickly away. He had often expressed a wish that he might be
killed by lightning. That desire was granted on the 23d day of May 1783
while leaning on his cane at the door of Mr. Osgood. His body was taken
to Boston and buried with every mark of respect attended by an
unprecedented concourse of sympathizing freemen.
No patriot of the Revolution merits our reverence, admiration and
gratitude more than James Otis. He commenced that opposition against
tyranny which resulted in the emancipation of the new
continent--prepared an asylum for the oppressed and set an example for
patriots worthy of imitation through all future time and over the
civilized world.
WILLIAM PACA.
Creative wisdom has not designed every man for a Demosthenes or a Cicero
but every man of common sense is designed to be good and useful. If all
were alike gifted with splendid talents the monotony would become
painful. Variety, the spice of life, would lose its original flavor. If
all our legislators were eloquent orators and were affected by the mania
of speech making as most of our public speakers are at the present day,
we should be constantly as we are frequently, overwhelmed with talk and
have but little work commenced and less completed. No one admires true
eloquence more than the writer but not too much of this good thing at
the expense of the dear people. Business is of higher importance. Like
our bodies that end in a narrow cell--the long, elaborate and in some
instances--sensible and eloquent speeches of our legislators receive
their finale in the approving--_Aye_--or the emphatic--_No_. Although
based upon the purest motives--dictated by the most enlightened
understanding--strengthened by the soundest logic--embellished with the
richest flowers of rhetoric--illumined by the most brilliant
intelligence--_Aye_ or _No_ decides the most gigantic efforts of every
speech maker. I indulge no desire to extinguish these intellectual
lights or to snuff them too closely. Their wicks should be cut shorter
and the volume of their flame diminished so as to emit less smoke.
Brevity is the soul of wit--despatch the life of business. In the
committee room every man can be useful. The responsibilities of a vote
bear equally upon all. Let the importance of no man be undervalued by
himself or compeers because he was not born with a trumpet tongue. If
his head is clear and his heart right he can do good and be useful.
Among those who rendered essential service in the cause of the American
Revolution in a retiring and unassuming manner, was William Paca born at
Wye Hall on the eastern shore of Maryland October 31st 1740. His father
was an estimable man. He gave this son a good education and planted
deeply in his mind the principles of virtue and moral rectitude. He
graduated at the college in Philadelphia and in 1758 commenced the study
of law at Annapolis in his native state. He applied himself closely to
the investigation of that branch of science that unfolds the nature and
duty of man in all the relations of life--shows what he is and what he
should be under all circumstances--unveils his passions, his
propensities and his inclinations--carries the mind back through the
abysm of lights, shadows and darkness to pristine happiness and
illuminates the understanding more than any other course of reading. Law
is a compound of all the sciences in theory and practice. An honest
lawyer who is actuated by principles of strict justice, pure ethics,
equal rights and stern integrity--can do more to sustain social order
and promote human happiness than a man pursuing either of the other
professions. A lawyer is not complete until he understands at least the
theory of all the practical sciences, professions, trades and the whole
routine of business and the nature of man. The acquisition of elementary
law is only the vestibule to a full preparation for practice.
Upon the firm basis of an honest lawyer Mr. Paca commenced a successful
business and built an enduring fame. He was esteemed for his clearness
of perception, purity of purpose, decision of character, prudence of
action and substantial usefulness--all exhibiting a clear light but not
a dazzling blaze. Upon a mind like his the oppression of the mother
country made a gradual impression that was deepened by the graver of
continued violations of right until it became so firmly fixed that all
the powers of earth could not efface, deface, erase or expunge it. As
constitutional privileges were more openly infringed his soul became
more strongly resolved on liberty or death. He was on intimate terms
with Mr. Chase who possessed all the powers to command whilst Mr. Paca
was endowed with the indispensable requisites of a sale and skilful
helmsman. With qualities thus differing these two patriots
simultaneously commenced their voyage upon the boisterous ocean of
public life destined for the same port--the haven of LIBERTY.
Soon after he commenced practice at the bar Mr. Paca was elected to the
Maryland legislature and became a very useful member. In 1771 he was one
of the committee of three that prepared a letter of thanks to Charles
Carroll for his able advocacy of the cause of freedom in a written
controversy with the royal governor and his subordinates. In that letter
the committee expressed a determination never to submit to taxation
without representation or to the regulation of taxes by the executive
authority--thus furnishing the crown with an index of the public mind in
advance of the text. Mr. Paca was a member of the Congress of 1774 which
was rendered illustrious by proceedings of propriety and wisdom
emanating from minds like his. Upon such men we can always rely in times
of peril. They view everything in the calm sunshine of reason and
justice being never overwhelmed by sudden emotions or angry passions.
Ever upon the _terra firma_ of prudence ready for action they are
prepared to render assistance to those whose loftier barks often run
into the breakers and need a cable from on shore to haul them in.
Mr. Paca was continued in Congress until 1778 and rendered valuable
service to his country. In 1775 he joined Mr. Chase in furnishing a new
military corps with rifles to the amount of nearly a thousand dollars
from their private funds. He devoted his time, talents and fortune to
the cause of freedom. His examples had a powerful influence upon
reflecting men. All had unlimited confidence in his opinions--always
deliberately formed. When the Declaration of Independence was proposed
his feelings and views were decidedly in its favor but his instructions
were opposed to it. The Maryland members of Assembly considered the
project wild--believing the power of the mother country would crush all
opposition in embryo. Redress they fondly but vainly hoped for. The
British authorities soon furnished arguments steeped in blood that
removed all restrictions and left Mr. Paca and his colleagues to act
freely. The first decided vote in favor of stringent measures was on
the 28th of May 1776 at which time the Chaplain of the Maryland Assembly
was directed not to pray for the King. As trifling as this may now
appear it then had a favorable and potent influence upon the people.
When the glorious day arrived to decide the fate of the Chart of Liberty
Mr. Paca was at his post and enrolled his name with the apostles of
FREEDOM whose fame will continue to rise in peerless majesty until the
last trump of time shall sound its closing notes and assemble the world
of mankind in one grand army for the final inspection of the great
Jehovah.
In 1778 Mr. Paca retired from Congress and was appointed Chief Judge of
the Superior Court of Maryland. In 1780 his duties were increased by his
appointment to preside over the Prize and Admiralty Court. He stood
approved as an able statesman--he was an ornament to the judiciary. The
acumen of his mind and legal acquirements made him a _strong_ judge--his
honesty and impartiality made a _popular_ one. In 1782 he was elected
governor and discharged the duties of the office with great usefulness.
He was a devoted friend to religion and education and did much to render
them prosperous. He inculcated principles of economy and morals and held
a parental supervision over every department of state that came within
the pale of his executory or advisory jurisdiction. His wise and
judicious administration rendered malice powerless, paralyzed slander
and left no loop for jealousy to hang upon.
At the end of his term he retired to private life which he enjoyed until
1786 when he was again called to direct the destinies of his native
state. In 1789 President Washington appointed him Judge of the U. S.
District Court of Maryland which office he ably filled up to 1799 when
he was summoned to appear at the Bar of God to render an account of his
stewardship. He cheerfully obeyed the summons, launched his immortal
spirit on the ocean of eternity and disappeared from earth. He had lived
the life of the righteous--his last end was like his.
Mr. Paca was a man of polished manners, plain and dignified in his
deportment with an intelligent and benignant countenance. His course in
life demonstrated clearly that moderation and mildness joined with
discretion and firmness govern more potently than authoritative
dictation. His memory is revered--let his examples be imitated.
ROBERT TREAT PAINE
Virtue affords the only sure foundation of a peaceful and happy
government. When the wicked rule corruption accumulates. Not that rulers
must be members of some visible church--but they should venerate
religion and be men of pure morals and political honesty. Disease
affects the body politic and produces dissolution with the same fearful
certainty that it destroys the physical powers of man. If the head is
disordered the whole heart is sick. If the political fountain becomes
polluted its dark and murky waters will rapidly impregnate every branch
of the body politic with their contagious miasma. The history of all
time proves the truth of this proposition. The passing events of the
present exciting era are fruitful with demonstrations of the baneful
effects of intrigue, peculation, political fanaticism and disunion.
Without virtue our UNION will become a mere rope of sand--a spoil for
knaves and the sport of kings. Self-government will be an unsolved
enigma, rational liberty a paradox, a republic the scoff of monarchs.
With Argus eyes the crowned heads of Europe are watching our career and
embracing every opportunity to weaken our government. Each year of our
prosperous existence endangers their power. The Elysian story of our
liberty is enrapturing their subjects and preparing them for freedom.
The tenure by which they hold their thrones is becoming weaker as time
rolls onward. If we are true to ourselves, if virtue predominates--if
patriotism, discretion and an enlightened honest policy guide our
rulers--the American Republic will increase in beauty, strength and
grandeur and become the nucleus of Liberty for the world. Freemen! look
to this matter in time and nobly perform your whole duty. Obey the
precepts and imitate the examples of the Sages and Heroes who wisely
conceived and boldly achieved the Independence we now enjoy. They were
virtuous, many of them devotedly pious--all of them politically honest.
Holding a conspicuous place among them was Robert Treat Paine, born at
Boston, Mass. in 1731. He was blessed with truly pious parents. His
father performed the duties of a clergyman until his health compelled
him to leave the sacred desk. He then commenced the mercantile business.
The mother of Robert was the daughter of the Rev. Robert Treat, an
eminent divine of Eastham. From these religious parents he imbibed those
virtuous principles that guided his course through life. Were there no
other blessings flowing from Christianity than its salutary influence
upon social order and harmony of society, mankind would be richly paid
for obeying its precepts. This consideration alone should close the
_mouth_ of every infidel let the conclusions of his _mind_ be what they
may with reference to its origin and reality. No other system has ever
been devised that confers as much happiness upon the greatest number.
At an early age Robert Treat was placed in the classical school of Mr.
Lovell in Boston where his embryo talents expanded into a rich and
luxuriant growth. At the age of fourteen he entered Harvard College.
When he graduated his parents had become so reduced in circumstances as
to need pecuniary aid. To provide ways and means he at once commenced
teaching a public school--an occupation of more importance and dignity
than is generally awarded to it. When Greece and Rome
flourished--teaching took the front rank in professions. For a single
course in rhetoric, one hundred Athenean scholars paid Isocrates
fourteen thousand eight hundred dollars. It is not surprising that the
highest order of talent was employed to advance literature in Greece.
The same liberality would effect wonders in our country.
From the avails of his school Mr. Paine supported his parents and a
maiden sister in poor health and at the same time pursued his
professional studies. He commenced theology but subsequently read and
entered upon a successful practice of law. For a time he continued at
the Boston Bar but ultimately settled at Taunton where he acquired a
substantial reputation as an active, sound and discreet lawyer. He
enjoyed the confidence and esteem of his numerous acquaintances and
became celebrated as an advocate. He was among the first to oppose the
innovations of the crown and promulge liberal principles. He was a
member of the Convention called by the citizens of Boston in 1768 to
devise measures for the preservation of their sacred rights and which
Governor Bernard vainly attempted to disperse before the members had
completed their deliberations. At the instance of Samuel Adams he was
employed to conduct the prosecution against Capt. Preston for ordering
his men to fire upon the people of Boston on the 5th of March 1770. Upon
that trial he exhibited great zeal and ability. During the accumulation
of the revolutionary storm he was uniformly in the conventions and upon
the important committees of the people. Many of the boldest resolutions
that were adopted came from his pen.
In 1773 he was elected to the Assembly of his Province and was one of
the members who conducted the impeachment of Peter Oliver, then Chief
Justice, who was accused of acting under the dictation of the king
instead of the Assembly. In the prosecution of that trial Mr. Paine
manifested strong talent and great professional skill. In 1774 he was
again returned to the Assembly and boldly warned the people against the
dangers to be apprehended from the appointment of Gov. Gage to succeed
Gov. Hutchinson. It was plain to his mind that the nefarious designs of
the British ministry were to be enforced by the bayonet unless the
people tamely submitted to slavery. An awful crisis was approaching. A
larger committee than at any previous time convened at Boston, which
proposed and urged the plan of a General Congress to be convened at
Philadelphia. Gov. Gage sent an order for them to disperse but his
orderly was refused admittance. Five delegates were appointed to meet
the General Congress of whom Mr. Paine was one. This measure was
originated in Massachusetts in 1765 and was strongly urged in a circular
in 1768. The set time to favor Liberty had now come. The galling yoke
had become painful--most of the colonies approved the plan. By the
originators of this proposition a separation from England was not
contemplated--a restoration of chartered rights was all that was asked
and this in the most loyal and respectful language. With this object in
view the Congress convened. When the delegates compared notes they were
astonished at the wide spread system of abuses that was on the flood
tide of advancement throughout the Colonies. Each had supposed his own
constituents most oppressed. Indignation increased but wisdom and
deliberation stamped every transaction with a manly dignity. The
proceedings were calm as a summer morning but firm as the rock of ages.
The delegates appealed to the king, to Parliament, to the British
nation, to the American people--to a gazing world for the justice of
their claims--the equity of their demands. But appeals were vain, cries
useless, remonstrances unheeded. They were answered by legions of
hireling troops in all the panoply of war with the shrill bugle grating
harshly upon the ear. They saw the glittering steel of the foe dazzling
in the sun beams. Open resistance or servile submission were the
alternatives.
Mr. Paine was a member of the Provincial Congress convened in Concord,
Mass. in October 1774. He superintended the preparation of a spirited
address to the people of England which put many in the mother country
right and did much to rouse the Colonists to a just indignation towards
the overbearing ministry. In 1775 he was a member of the Continental
Congress and was placed upon many important committees. He was chairman
of the committee on the manufacture of arms and for furnishing the army.
He was indefatigable in his labors in the glorious cause of Liberty. He
often said--"I fear we shall become slaves because we are not
industrious enough to be free." Mr. Paine was one of the committee to
prepare a constitution for his native state and had the credit of
framing that instrument. In 1776 he was a member of the Continental
Congress. He was on the committee with Messrs. Jefferson and Rutledge
who prepared the rules that governed the action of that body. He was one
of the committee to inquire into the causes of the disasters of the
campaign in Canada. When the glorious 4th of July 1776 dawned upon
Columbia's sons like smiling Heaven and the Eagle of LIBERTY soared in
peerless majesty over their blood-stained soil--Mr. Paine was at his
post. With a buoyant heart and firm hand he wrote his name upon that
matchless instrument which is the consolation of freemen--the
consternation of tyrants.
He did much to rouse his friends to action by his letters written in the
most happy style. In his native state he stood high in the temple of
fame--in Congress he was esteemed by all its members. He was continued
in that body for several years and when he could be spared served in the
legislature of his State. In 1777 he was speaker of the House of
Representatives. The same year he was appointed attorney-general by the
unanimous vote of both branches of the legislature. He was a prominent
member of the committee that formed the Act reducing the price of labor
and goods to a standard of equality. In 1779 he was elected to the
Executive Council. The numerous duties imposed upon him he discharged to
the satisfaction of his constituents. He was continued in the office of
attorney-general until 1790. He then declined in order to pursue some
more lucrative business to provide for the increasing wants of a large
and destitute family. He had expended all his earnings in the cause of
freedom but a scanty support. He was then appointed a judge of the
Superior Court. He continued on the bench until 1804 when ill health
compelled him to resign. He discharged his judicial duties with justice
and ability and did much to advance the interests of religion, social
order and a sound state of society. On his resignation he was appointed
a counsellor of the commonwealth and continued to impart his salutary
advice and shed around him a benign influence until the king of terrors
closed his useful career on the 11th of May 1814. Calm and resigned he
slept in death. He entered Jordan's flood with a full assurance of being
hailed with the joyful sentence--"Well done good and faithful servant,
enter thou into the joys of thy Lord." If the bright examples here
presented fail to benefit the reader his virtue and patriotism are
paralyzed.
In the life of Judge Paine we have a picture which the Christian,
patriot, jurist and statesmen may contemplate with delightful pleasure.
Because he administered the laws strictly some called him harsh but no
one dared accuse him of injustice. His integrity was beyond the reach of
slander and the assaults of malice. From his solicitude to direct a
wayward son in the paths of rectitude he was reported unkind to his
family. The tale was as false as the heart was base that originated it.
He was all kindness and affection. His anxiety for the welfare and
usefulness of this very son is proof of the deepest paternal regard. He
was a friend to common school education and the sciences. He was the
founder of the American Academy of Massachusetts in 1780. The degree of
LL.D. was conferred upon him by the Cambridge University.
Mr. Paine was a striking example of the happy results of perseverance
and industry. He became greatly useful and acquired his fame without the
aid of patrons in early life--rising by his own exertions and supplying
the wants of his destitute and aged parents to the day of their death.
His career in public and private life was marked with the purest
integrity, the loftiest patriotism, the strictest morality, the most
refined consistency and the most exemplary piety. His life was a
continued round of usefulness--his labors a blessing to mankind--his
death a loss that was keenly felt by his personal friends and the nation
at large. A review of his bright examples affords the highest eulogy
that can be pronounced upon his character. They will be held in
veneration to the remotest period of truth-telling time by all who
revere virtue and love Liberty.
JOHN PENN.
A federal republican government is an unlimited partnership of the
noblest character. Based upon an equality of original representative
stock, an equality of interest in the welfare of the firm devolves upon
each individual of the compact. Unlike monopolizing corporations that
often make the poor poorer and the rich richer--each stockholder has a
right to speak, vote and act upon all questions in primary meetings
irrespective of the number of shares held. The specie of the firm
consists in equality of representation, natural rights, protection in
person, properly and freedom. These precious coins cannot be diminished
in quantity or reduced in quality by alloy without courting danger. To
aid in preserving them pure is the duty of _all_ and should not be
entrusted to the aspiring _few_. Separately and collectively each and
the whole are solemnly bound to pursue all honourable means to advance
the general good. Each one is bound to bring every talent into use--to
leave none in the dark quarry of ignorance, the quagmire of negligence
or to rust by inertness. The unfaithful steward that had but one talent
was condemned because he did not put it to use. Who can tell what his
talents are until he brings them to the light? Rich ores often lie deep.
Many men have passed their majority without rising to mediocrity in
point of developed intellect and have then suddenly risen, like a
blazing meteor and illuminated the world. By several of the signers of
the Declaration of Independence this was beautifully demonstrated.
Among these was John Penn, born in Caroline county, Virginia, the 17th
of May 1741. He was the only child of Moses Penn who married Catharine,
the daughter of John Taylor. The education of the son was confined to
the commonest of common schools--the only kind then in his
neighbourhood. A little learning has been called a dangerous thing but
the amount taught in some common schools at the present era of light is
too small to be dangerous--too limited to do much good. The most
important branch of the education of that era his parents attended to
themselves. By example and precept they taught him the principles of
religion, social virtue and moral honesty. Upon a farm young Penn
labored with his sire who had but few books and did not desire more.
When John was but eighteen years of age his father died and left him a
small fortune. He had an increasing thirst for knowledge but no library
fountain at which he could drink and drink again until he should have
within himself a living stream of mental light. He communicated his
ardent desire to improve his education to his neighbor and relative,
Edmund Pendleton who was a profound lawyer and an able statesman.
Convinced that young Penn possessed strong native talent he made him
welcome to his valuable library and became deeply interested in his
improvement. After exploring the fields of general science this young
philomath commenced the study of law with his relative and brought out
mental ores from his long neglected intellectual quarry of a rare and
rich variety. Mr. Pendleton was delighted with his pupil and the _pupil_
delighted in pleasing him.
Mr. Penn surmounted the barriers that lay before him with an astonishing
rapidity. Before some of his friends supposed he had mastered the
elementary principles of Blackstone he presented himself at the court
for examination--was admitted to the Bar and at once exhibited the
bright plumage of a successful lawyer. But three years previous his now
soaring talents were buried deep in their native quarry--unknown and
unsuspected--a strong admonition to every reader under similar
circumstances to examine closely the quarry of his own immortal mind.
The professional eminence of Mr. Penn rose as rapidly as his appearance
in the forum was surprising. He gained the confidence of the community,
the respect of the courts and the esteem of his senior brethren. In 1763
he doubled his original stock in the firm of the social compact by
leading to the hymenial altar the amiable and accomplished Susannah
Lyme--thus avoiding the hyemal frost that creeps chillingly over lonely
bachelors.
In 1774 Mr. Penn removed to North Carolina. Carrying with him a high
legal reputation he soon obtained a lucrative practice. He had
participated largely in the patriotic feelings that were spreading over
the Colonies like an autumn fire on a prairie. He had fully imbibed the
principles of his venerable preceptor who was one of the boldest of the
bold Virginians in the vindication of chartered rights and was a member
of the general Congress of 1774. The liberal views and splendid talents
of Mr. Penn were soon appreciated by his new acquaintances. On the 8th
of September 1775 he was appointed to the Continental Congress and
repaired to the post of duty and honor the ensuing month. He became an
active and prominent member of that venerated assembly of sages whose
wisdom, sagacity and intelligence emblazoned the historic page with a
new and more brilliant lustre. He served on numerous committees and
acquitted himself with great credit in the discharge of every duty that
devolved upon him. In the committee room, in the House, among the
people--in every situation in which he moved he made the cause of
liberty his primary business. So highly were his services appreciated by
his constituents that they continued him in Congress until the
accumulating dangers that were threatening his own state induced him to
decline a re-election in 1779. He was an early and warm supporter of the
Declaration of Independence. When the joyful day arrived to take the
final question he most cheerfully and boldly sustained it by his vote
and signature--enrolling his name with the brightest constellation of
illustrious statesmen that ever illuminated a legislative chamber.
South Carolina had been devastated by Lord Cornwallis who was preparing
to carry destruction to North Carolina. Emissaries from the British were
already within its precincts to prepare the way for the triumphant entry
of the cruel foe. Already had the friends of royal power received
instructions to seize the most prominent whigs and the military stores
with an assurance of immediate support. The cruelties that had been
practised in South Carolina carried terror to all but hearts of oak.
The sacrifice of Col. Hayne at Charleston in that state, will give the
reader a faint idea of the spirit of demoniac revenge that characterized
some of the refined and christianized British officers.
When that city fell into his hands, Lord Cornwallis issued a
proclamation promising all who would desist from opposing the authority
of the king the most sacred protection of person and property on
condition that each should sign an instrument of neutrality which
obligated the signers not to take up arms against the mother country and
exonerated them from serving against their own. Being a prisoner and
separated from his wife and six small children then residing in the
country--his lady confined with the small pox--Col. Hayne finally signed
the fatal instrument with great reluctance upon the solemn assurance of
the highly civilized and professedly christianized English officers and
James Simpson--intendant of British police, that he should never be
required to bear arms in support of the crown. Like Bishop Cranmer, Col.
Hayne subscribed to that which his soul detested that he might fly to
the relief of his suffering family. As in the case of Bishop Cranmer his
enemies pursued him with a relentless persecution that nothing but death
could allay--a persecution that would have made the untutored Indian
shudder at broken faith and weep tears of blood over violated vows. It
was a total disregard of law, justice and humanity.
Soon after his return to his dying wife and little ones the British
called at his house and ordered him into the army of the mother country
and threatened him with close confinement if he refused. In vain he
referred them to the conditions upon which he so reluctantly signed the
article of neutrality. In vain he claimed protection under the
provincial militia law that imposed a fine when a citizen chose not to
render personal service. To his relentless oppressors all was a dead
letter. He pointed them to the wife of his bosom--the mother of his
children--sinking under the small pox and rapidly approaching another
world. Their sympathy was sealed--their compassion frozen up. In a few
short hours Mrs. Hayne closed her eyes in death. She rested in peace. A
different fate was in reserve for the afflicted husband. The order to
enter the British army must be obeyed or immediate imprisonment would
follow. By the violation of the pledges made to him on their part he
correctly considered himself absolved from all obligations to the
officers of the crown. He at once entered the American army, preferring
death to the ranks of the invaders. A brilliant but short career in the
service of his country awaited him. He was soon made a prisoner and sent
to Charleston where Lord Rawdon, a general of his most _Christian_
majesty, loaded him with irons--submitted him to a mock trial--_ex
parte_ in its proceedings and conclusions--based on revenge and cruelty,
resolved on the speedy and ignominious death of his victim. Col. Hayne
was sentenced to be hung. Amazement and dismay, indignation and surprise
were strongly manifested by all classes. A large proportion of the
friends of the crown deemed the transaction a species of murder. A
petition--headed by the royal governor and numerously signed by persons
of high standing who still adhered to the mother country was presented
to Lord Rawdon in behalf of the unfortunate prisoner but all in vain.
"Still revenge sat brooding on his dark and sullen brow
And the grim fiends of hell urged his soul on to murder."
The ladies of Charleston--wives and daughters of royalists and whigs,
then united in a petition couched in the most moving language--praying
that the life of Col. Hayne might be spared. This met with a cold
reception and peremptory refusal. As a last effort to rescue their
father from the gallows--his infant children, dressed in deep mourning
and bathed in tears, were led before Lord Rawdon. Upon their knees, with
their suffused eyes fixed upon him, they addressed the monster in a
strain of heart-moving eloquence that none but infant innocents can
express--none but fiends resist. "_Our mother is dead--spare! O! spare
our dear father!!!_
"But still he stood unmoved,
Hard as the adamantine rock,
Dark as a sullen cloud before the sun."
So melting was this scene that veteran soldiers wept aloud and all were
astounded at the demoniac course of the blood thirsty and relentless
Rawdon. A request was then made that Col. Hayne might be permitted to
die as a military officer and not hung as a felon. This was also denied.
As a devout Christian the martyr resigned himself to his cruel fate and
prepared his mind for the approaching crisis. His little son was
permitted to visit him in prison. When he saw his father loaded with
irons he burst into tears. The parent remarked to him, "Why will you
break my heart with unavailing sorrow? Have I not often told you that we
came into this world to prepare for a better? For that better life, dear
boy, your father is prepared. Instead of weeping, rejoice with me that
my troubles are so near an end. To-morrow I set out for immortality.
When I am dead bury me by the side of your mother." No imagination can
fully conceive--no fancy can truly paint--no pen clearly portray, no
language can half express the heart rending reality of that last sad
interview between the father and his son. When upon the fatal drop with
the accursed halter around his neck--Col. Hayne shook hands with his
friends--bade them an affectionate farewell--urged them to persevere in
the glorious cause of freedom--recommended his children to the
protection of three gentlemen present and the next moment was struggling
in death. The sight was too much for his son--his brain became
disordered--his reason fled--he died insane. With his expiring breath he
faintly whispered--"_My mother is dead!--Spare! O! spare my dear
father!!!_"