A careful examination of the history of England--of her Magna Charta and

Constitution--of the rights by them secured and of the gross violation

of those rights at various periods will show the reader why so many men

of high attainments and liberal minds came to America. Disgusted with

oppression at home they sought Liberty abroad. They fled from religious

and political persecution as from a pestilence. The same cause that

induced them to leave their native land prompted them to vigorous

action when imported tyranny invaded their well earned privileges. The

mind of every man and woman who came to this asylum of the oppressed for

the sake of freedom was as well prepared to meet the crisis of the

Revolution as were our native citizens. The feelings created by

remembered injuries which drove them from the mother country rendered

them as formidable opponents to the unjust pretensions of the crown as

those who had never breathed the atmosphere of Europe. In tracing our

own history back to the early settlements we find frequent struggles

between the people and the officers sent by the king to rule them--the

former claiming their inherent rights--the latter often infringing them.

The time finally arrived when forbearance was no longer a virtue.

Among those who espoused the cause of inalienable rights at an early

period was Edward Middleton the great grandfather of the younger Arthur.

He came from England to S. C. near the close of the 17th century. He

left a son Arthur who imbibed the liberal views of his father. In 1719

he headed an opposition that boldly demanded and obtained the removal of

the insolent crown officers then in power. He left a son Henry, one of

the same sort who was the father of the subject of this sketch and took

an active part at the commencement of the Revolution by rousing his

fellow citizens to action.

His son Arthur was born at Middleton place on the bank of Ashley rivers

S. C. in 1743. His mother was the daughter of Mr. Williams a wealthy

planter and was faithful to her children. She lived until 1814, esteemed

in life--lamented in death. Arthur was the eldest child and received the

best advantages of an early education. At the age of twelve years he was

placed in the celebrated seminary at Hackney near London and two years

after entered the classic school of Westminster. His industry was

unremitting--his conduct unexceptionable. At eighteen he became a

student in the University of Cambridge and at the age of twenty-two

graduated. He was a profound scholar and untarnished in his morals.

Trivial amusements and dissipation had no charms for him. Although

liberally supplied with money economy was a governing principle, wisdom

his constant guide. Students of our country will do well to imitate his

example. After the completion of his education he made the tour of

Europe. Familiar with the Greek and Roman classics he enjoyed great

pleasure in visiting the ancient seats of learning. He was well versed

in all the technicalities of sculpture and architecture and had an

exquisite taste for poetry, music and painting. He took notes of all he

saw--improved by all he learned.

After travelling for two years he returned to his native home and bosom

of his family and friends. His education completed he took the next wise

step of a young man about to enter upon business and married a worthy

daughter of Walter Izard. The next year the happy pair visited their

relatives in England--spent some time in France and Spain--returned in

1773 and took possession of the old paternal mansion which his father

had conveyed to him placing him in affluent circumstances.

Possessed of an observing mind his knowledge of English policy and of

the principles of monarchy was of a superior order. The effects of this

policy and of these principles were painfully visible throughout the

American Colonies. Rocked in the cradle of patriotism by his

father--tracing its fair lines in the history of his genealogy--LIBERTY

was to him an heir-loom. Everything around him prompted his onward

course towards the goal of freedom. He boldly espoused the cause of the

people which is uniformly the cause of RIGHT. The Middletons were the

nucleus of the opposition to tyranny in South Carolina. Their influence

reached over the entire province. Although wealthy, aristocracy found no

resting place with them. They were Republicans of the first water. They

freely and promptly pledged life, fortune and honor in behalf of

rational liberty.

Arthur Middleton was upon the various committees of the people to devise

means of safety. He was one of the committee of five that decided a

recourse to arms and led the people into the royal magazine who removed

the deposits in defiance of the threats and growls of the British lion.

This occurred on the 17th April 1775. On the 14th of June following the

provincial Congress appointed a Committee of Safety composed of thirteen

of which Arthur Middleton was one. This committee was fully authorized

to organize a military force and adopt such measures as might seem most

expedient to arrest the mad career of the royalists.

During the session of the first provincial Congress of South Carolina

Lord William Campbell, the new governor, arrived fresh from the British

office mint. He was to reduce the rebels at one bold stroke. At first he

was all mildness and did not pretend to justify the oppressions of which

the people complained. To prove the insincerity of which Mr. Middleton

believed him guilty, Adam McDonald, a member of Council, was introduced

to him as a Tory from the upper country who seemed anxious to have the

rebels put down. The governor requested him to keep quiet a short time

as troops would soon arrive to put a quietus upon the _new fangled_

authorities. When this report was made known to the Council Mr.

Middleton moved to have the governor arrested although nearly related

to him by marriage. His colleagues were too timid _then_ for such a

measure, but so rapidly did their courage increase that his excellency

soon retired on board a sloop of war to avoid the popular fury. In a few

days Sir Henry Clinton and Sir Peter Parker arrived with an armed fleet

and troops to enforce the authority of Lord Campbell and teach peace to

the rebels. An immediate attack was made on Fort Moultrie which was a

perfect failure. The governor was wounded and Sir Peter had the nether

part of his silk unmentionables badly mutilated by an unpolished rebel

cannon ball.

On the 11th February 1776 Mr. Middleton was one of the committee that

drafted the first constitution of his native State. Soon after he was

elected to the Continental Congress and became a conspicuous member. He

boldly advocated and by his signature sanctioned the adoption of the

Declaration of Independence. He used but few words in debate briefly

presenting the strong points of the subject under discussion. He was

always heard with attention and had great influence. He stood at the

head of the delegation of his State. He exemplified strong common

sense--attending to the business of his constituents and the good of his

country. He was an intimate friend of John Hancock who held him in high

estimation.

In 1778 he was elected governor of his native State without his

knowledge, advice or consent. The mode of election was by the

legislature and secret ballot. Caucuses, insulated with intrigue and

corruption, were then unknown. Love of Liberty and country, exemplified

by the acts of freemen, were all the "pledges" required. He declined

accepting the office for the reason that a constitution was before the

legislature not as republican as he desired and if adopted required the

assent of the executive. Believing it would be sanctioned and could be

amended at some future time he preferred not placing himself in the way.

Rawlin Lowndes was then elected who approved of the constitution on the

19th March 1778.

Political honesty was a marked trait in the character of Arthur

Middleton. No inducements could turn him from the path of rectitude and

duty. He weighed measures, men and things in the unerring scales of

justice. He went with no man unless he believed him clearly right. He

was sound at the core. His mind was pure and free as mountain air--his

purposes noble, bold and patriotic. In 1779, when the British troops

were devastating S. Carolina, he took the field with Gov. Rutledge and

cheerfully endured the privations of the camp. At the attack upon

Charleston by Gen. Provost, he manifested great coolness and courage.

His family was driven away by the destroying enemy and his property

plundered. Several valuable paintings were mutilated in the most

shameful manner. At the surrender of Charleston in 1780, he was among

the prisoners sent to the Spanish Castle at St. Augustine, Florida and

manfully endured the cowardly indignities there imposed upon the

Americans. In July 1781 a general exchange of prisoners took place when

he returned to Philadelphia. He was again elected to Congress and

resumed the important duties of legislation. Soon after this the last

important act of the revolutionary tragedy was closed at Yorktown, where

the Heroes of the revolutionary stage took a closing benefit at the

expense of British pride and kingly ambition. With the surrender of Lord

Cornwallis the last hope of the crown in America expired in all the

agonies of mortification.

In 1782 Mr. Middleton was again returned to Congress where he continued

until November when he returned to his long neglected home. He declined

remaining in Congress that he might serve his own state. He did much

towards restoring order, harmony and stability in the new government of

South Carolina. He was several times a member of her legislature and

used his best efforts to advance her prosperity. At intervals he

improved his desolated plantation and looked forward to years of

domestic felicity. But alas! how uncertain are all sublunary things. In

the autumn of 1786 he was attacked with the intermittent fever which

terminated in serious disease and caused his death on the first day of

January 1787, leaving a wife, two sons and six daughters to mourn their

irreparable loss. He was deeply lamented by the nation at large. He was

held in great veneration by every friend of freedom in the country. He

had only to be known to be loved and admired. He was a consolation to

his friends, a shining light in the cause of freedom, an ornament to

society, a good and honest man. The examples of such a man are living

epistles, worthy to be known and read by all who desire the happiness of

our beloved country and the perpetuity of our glorious UNION.

LEWIS MORRIS.

A military despotism is a national curse, a blighting sirocco, a foe to

liberty. Laws that require the bayonet to enforce them for an extended

length of time are bad or the people for whom they are made are unworthy

of freedom. Moments of excitement do occur in the best organized

communities arising from a sudden local impulse that require a show of

military power and even its force--but in a little time reason resumes

her sway, the spirit of mobocracy subsides, the soldier again becomes

the peaceful citizen and rests for security upon the strong arm of civil

power.

Quartering the military upon the citizens of a community is full of

danger. After having enjoyed the bounty and hospitality of the

inhabitants let that military be directed to enforce laws that are

obnoxious to the people--an indignation is roused that is increased

tenfold from the circumstance of previous familiarity. The citizen

conceives he has bestowed a special favor upon the soldier. He looks

upon the attempt to force unjust laws upon him as base ingratitude--the

blackest crime out of pandemonium. Favors forgotten and ingratitude

displayed add desperation to revenge. Previous to the American

Revolution the military were quartered upon or drew their support

directly from the people. The Colonies had contributed largely in money

and blood to aid the mother country in conquering her most inveterate

foe in America--the French in Canada. No return was asked but the quiet

enjoyment of chartered privileges guarantied by the constitution. This

was denied them. Petitions were treated contumely--remonstrances were

laughed to scorn. Then it was that a band of Sages and Heroes rose in

all the majesty of man's native dignity and vindicated their inalienable

rights.

Among the boldest of the bold was Lewis Morris, born at Morrisania in

the vicinity of the city of New York in 1726. The preserved documents of

this family trace their genealogy back to Rhice Fitzgerald. Rhys or

Rhice Fitzgerald was a Cambrian chieftain who carried his military

operations and conquests into Ireland during the reign of Henry II. By

his valor and success he obtained the name of Maur [great] Rhice and the

penultimate Fitzgerald being dropped gives us the name in plain

English--Morris. In tracing genealogy we find names more changed than

this. Genealogy and the origin of names is an amusing study--if you have

leisure try it.

Lewis was the son of Judge Morris of the same Christian name who

retained possession of the paternal estate formerly purchased by his

grandfather, Richard Morris, who was a leader under Cromwell and came

from Barbadoes in 1663 and purchased a tract of land near Harlaem on

York Island. He left an only son, Lewis, who was Chief Justice of New

York and subsequently governor of New Jersey.

After his preparatory studies Lewis entered Yale College at the age of

sixteen. From the President, Dr. Clap, he imbibed a relish for moral and

religious principles and became a good scholar. In 1746 he

graduated--returned to his estate and became extensively engaged in

agriculture. At that period the Colonies were free, prosperous and

happy. The mother country had not discovered the philosopher's stone of

taxing her distant children to support royalty. They were left to pursue

their own course--enjoy the fruit of their labors and repose in peace.

In this delightful retirement Mr. Morris continued to improve his farm

and mind. By his suavity of manners, moral rectitude and honorable

course he gained the confidence and esteem of all who made his

acquaintance. He was the nucleus to a circle of friends of the highest

attainments and respectability. He became a great favorite among the

people and did all in his power to improve their condition and promote

general good. He was a philanthropist and patriot.

The time rolled on rapidly when colonial repose was to be plucked up

from the roots and perish under the burning heat of British oppression.

The treasury of England had been drained by extravagance and war--her

national debt had become frightfully large. The story of prosperity and

wealth in America had been told to Mr. Grenville by an evil person in an

evil hour. The plan of imperious taxation was devised. The Stamp Act was

passed as a feeler. The descendants of the pilgrim fathers thought its

feeling rather rough and recoiled from the touch with amazement. They

loved their king but they loved their chartered privileges and country

more. Legal remedies were resorted to. A Congress was convened at New

York and several Colonies ably represented. Powerful addresses to the

throne and people of Great Britain were prepared breathing the purest

allegiance conditioned on the restoration of constitutional rights. The

Stamp Act was repealed only to give place to a more voracious and

obnoxious budget of Acts. The ministry bent all their force to

accomplish their impolitic designs. They did more to prepare the people

of America for Independence than the combined energies of the Sages

could have effected without their co-operation. In devising a great evil

they consummated a great good.

Mr. Morris took a deep interest in passing events--at first only as an

adviser. Although Massachusetts took the lead in resisting oppression

New York was not tardy in coming to the rescue. In 1767 an Act was

passed by Parliament compelling the people of that Province to furnish

the British soldiers that were quartered among them with provisions. By

this order the burden fell upon certain portions of the inhabitants

exclusively and not _pro rota_ upon the whole. It was a direct invasion

of personal rights and was most severely felt by the citizens of the

city of New York and its vicinity. This measure brought Mr. Morris out.

He publicly proclaimed it unconstitutional and tyrannical and

contributed largely towards influencing the legislature to place a veto

upon it. Might triumphed over right and enforced the contribution from

the citizens. Spirits like that of Lewis Morris were not to be subdued.

An unquenchable fire was only smothered to gather volcanic force under

the brittle crust that covered it. It was constantly increased by

supplies of fuel from Mr. Grenville and his more subtle successor Lord

North. The statute of Henry VIII. was revived which doomed the

disobedient to be sent to England for trial. Its eldest daughter--the

Boston Port Bill was ushered into life and other screws of the rack

tightened. The last petitions and remonstrances in the magazine of

patience were finally exhausted. It was speedily replenished with

materials more weighty than paper. Mr. Morris had become a prominent

leader, a bold and substantial whig, rather too highly charged for the

conciliatory Congress of 1774. The time came on apace when the people

required just such a man and in April 1775 elected him to the

Continental Congress. Even then most people attributed their sufferings

to the venal ministry and hoped the king would cease to be an automaton

and prove himself a man worthy of the high station he occupied. But

hopes were vain--the olive branch withered beneath the scorching rays of

corrupted power. The virtues of steel, powder and lead were then to be

tried. Already had the purple current of Americans saturated the streets

of Boston and the heights of Lexington. Already had the groans of dying

citizens, slain by the hands of those whom they had fed--pierced the

ears of thousands. Already were widows weeping for husbands weltering in

blood and orphans for fathers covered in gore. If imagination

sickens--if language fails, if history is impotent in conveying but a

faint idea of the consuming anguish, the bitter grief, the palsying

terrors, the boiling revenge, the deep resolves of those dark hours--how

heart breaking--how overwhelming must have been the dreadful reality to

living witnesses.

Soon after he took his seat in Congress Mr. Morris was placed upon a

committee of which the illustrious Washington was chairman to devise

measures to obtain the munitions of war. This was a _desideratum_ rather

problematical. Comparatively a sling and a few smooth stones were all

the patriots had with which to combat the British Goliah. But the battle

of Bunker Hill convinced all parties that rusty guns in hands with

nerves of steel guided by hearts of oak could do good service and that

men resolved on liberty or death were not to be tamely yoked without a

desperate effort to be free. Mr. Morris became an active member and

advocated strong measures. The year previous he was considered rash--the

time had arrived when all saw the necessity of pursuing the course he

had marked out. He became early convinced that an honorable arrangement

could not be had _under_ Great Britain--nothing but a triumph _over_ her

would restore the equilibrium of justice. He was one of a committee to

visit the Indian tribes to persuade them not to enlist under the blood

stained banner of England. But British gold was stronger than the most

eloquent reasoning. To the eternal disgrace of those who were then

wielding the destinies of the mother country, a premium was given for

_scalps_ not for prisoners. So dark, so deep, so damming a blot rests

not upon the escutcheon of any other nation upon earth. Why? Because

that kingdom had been the proclaimed conservator of the peaceful, humane

religion of the Cross for centuries--the crowning glory of which is

love. The foul deed was committed in the full blaze of Gospel light and

boasted civilization. There were noble souls in parliament at that time

and millions of British subjects who looked upon the horrors of that

demoniac policy with as much indignity as an American can. Mr. Morris

also visited the New England States for the purpose of maturing plans to

raise supplies and commence concentrated vigorous action.

In 1776 he again took his seat in Congress and was pleased to find the

general pulse beating in unison with his own--a determination to sever

the Gordian knot and proclaim an eternal separation from a nation that

held power only to abuse it. He was on many important committees--was

all activity in and out of the House. In his native neighborhood he had

a herculean task in rousing the people to a sense of their true

position. Gov. Tryon mingled the poison with the wisdom of the

serpent--affected to be harmless as a dove and exercised a powerful

influence over the people of the city of New York in favor of the crown.

He pointed them to the certain destruction of the commercial interests

by a war--the inequality of the two powers--the impossibility of Whig

success and construed self interest into self preservation. To paralyze

his influence required great exertion. Mr. Morris and his friends put

forth their noblest energies in the mighty work. What they could not

effect, British oppression and the powder and ball of Gen. Howe soon

accomplished.

When the Declaration of Independence was proposed Mr. Morris became one

of its ardent supporters. At that very time his large estate was within

the power of the enemy. He well knew that his signature to the proposed

instrument would be destructive to all his property within the reach of

British hirelings. Most faithfully was the work executed. Even his

extensive woodlands of a thousand acres were subjected to axe and

fire--his family driven from home and every species of devastation

resorted to that malice could invent, hatred design, revenge execute.

But LIBERTY was dearer to this devoted patriot than earth and all its

riches. He boldly sanctioned and fearlessly affixed his name to the

great certificate of our national birth and rejoiced in freedom

illumined by the conflagration of his own Elysian Morrisania. His family

and himself suffered many privations during the remainder of the war.

They endured every hardship with heroic fortitude without regret for the

past and with buoyant hope for the bright future.

In 1777 he resigned his seat in Congress and rendered important services

in the legislature of his native State. He also served in the tented

field and rose to the rank of major-general of militia. He was a good

disciplinarian and reduced the state troops to an excellent

organization. In every situation he ably and zealously discharged all

his duties and did not leave the service of his country until the

American arms were triumphant and the Independence of our nation

acknowledged by Great Britain. Then he retired to his desolated

plantation--converted his sword into a pruning hook--his musket into a

ploughshare and his farm into a delightful retreat where his friends

from the city often visited him to enjoy his agreeable society--talk of

times gone by and rejoice in the consolations of blood-bought Liberty.

Peacefully and calmly he glided down the stream of time until January

1798 when his immortal spirit left its frail bark and launched upon the

ocean of eternity in a more substantial vessel. He died serene and happy

surrounded by an affectionate family and kind friends. His remains were

deposited in the family vault upon his farm under the honors of an epic

and civic procession.

The private virtues and public services of Mr. Morris rendered him dear

to all who knew him. His appearance was in every way commanding. A noble

and graceful figure, a fine and intelligent face, an amiable and

agreeable disposition, a warm and ardent temperament, a benevolent and

generous heart, an independent and patriotic soul--crowned with

intelligence, refinement and goodness--he was in all respects worthy to

be admired and beloved. His examples illustrate the patriotism that

impelled to action during the Revolution. He had everything that could

be destroyed to lose if successful--if not--death was his probable doom.

Previous to the war he was a favorite of the king--his brother Staats

was a member of Parliament and a general officer under the crown. But

few made as great personal sacrifices and no one made them more

cheerfully. Like Marion--he preferred a morsel of bread, a meal of

roasted potatoes with Liberty--to all the trappings of royalty and all

the honors that could be conferred by a king. So long as this kind of

patriotism finds a resting place in the bosoms of a respectable majority

of Columbia's sons--our UNION is safe. Let this be banished by the

majority as it is by a fearful minority--the fair temple of our LIBERTY

will perish in flames kindled by its professed guardians. Freemen of

America! I warn you to preserve, in original purity, the FREEDOM

purchased with the rich blood of our fathers.

ROBERT MORRIS.

Self is the Sahara of the human heart where all the noble powers of the

soul are buried in its scorching sands. We may pour upon it floods of

human woe and streams of melting kindness without producing the least

appearance of sympathy or gratitude. The blighting sirocco of cold

indifference sweeps over this desert mind, increases the powers of

absorption--annihilates all that is cheering and lovely. The keenest

miseries of a fellow man cannot move it--the mournful obsequies of his

death cannot shame it. It is one of the foul blots imprinted on human

nature by Lucifer and should be hurled back to Pandemonium. It dwells

only in little minds and pinches them as dandy boots do the

feet--covering them with excrescences as painful as corns and

chilblains. He who is a slave to self could calmly look on the "wreck of

matter and the crash of worlds" if it would add one item to his sordid

gains.

Man was created a social being--benevolent, sympathetic, kind,

affectionate--quick to feel and prompt to alleviate the misfortunes of

his fellow man. But for the soul-killing influence of self these noble

germs of human nature, as originally cast in the mould of creative

wisdom, would bud and blossom as the rose and crown the human family

with millennial glory.

On the pages of history we find many bright spots of self sacrifice and

blooming benevolence. Individuals have lived who banished self and

devoted their lives, fortunes and sacred honors to promote the best

interests of the human race--men whose motives, impelling them to

action, were chastened by purity, who aimed to promote public good and

personal happiness.

In the history of the American Revolution we find a cheering catalogue

of such philanthropists whose memories we delight to honor. No one

among them did more to accomplish the great end in view than Robert

Morris. He was born at Liverpool, Lancashire, England on the 20th of

January 1734. His father was a respectable merchant and settled at

Oxford on the eastern shore of Maryland in 1746. He then sent for this

son who arrived at Oxford at the age of thirteen. He received only a

good commercial education. At the age of fifteen he lost his father by

death. He was then in the counting house of Charles Willing one of the

most thorough and enterprising merchants of Philadelphia. After having

served a faithful apprenticeship Mr. Willing set him up in business and

remained his fast friend and adviser. For several years he prospered

_alone_ but finding the cares of life pressing upon him he wisely

resolved to take a partner to accompany him in his pilgrimage through

this vale of tears. That partner was the meritorious Mary, daughter of

Col. White and sister to the pious and learned Bishop White. She

possessed every quality that adorns her sex and renders connubial

felicity complete. What is _now_ more than _then_ considered by too many

heartless bipeds a _sine qua non_--she brought with her--WEALTH. This

_desideratum_ is often a blighting substitute for genuine affection--too

often the corroding mildew of matrimonial happiness. No man or woman

with a good heart, clear head and sound discretion--ever married

_riches_ instead of the _person_. It is the quintessence of self.

Not so with Mr. Morris and his partner. Their richest treasure was

mutual esteem flowing from the pure fountain of their kindred hearts

anxious to promote the reciprocal happiness of each other and the

felicity of all around them. Nothing occurred to mar their refined

enjoyments until the revolutionary storm burst upon the Colonies.

Mr. Morris was a sterling patriot and did not look upon the commoving

political elements with indifference. He had inhaled the atmosphere of

inherent freedom--his soul was roused to god-like action--he resolved to

hold his life and fortune subject to the drafts of LIBERTY. If self had

held her withering sway he would have remained a loyal slave. His

interests were entirely commercial--his wealth was exposed to the

destructive power of the mother country. He amassed it only to do good.

He was not fastidious as to the manner it was distributed so that his

noble aim might be accomplished--the salvation of his country.

He was a member of the Congress of 1774 and took an unflinching stand

against British oppression. Extensively and favorably known--his

influence was of high importance to the friends of justice. Being an

able financier he was hailed as the most efficient manager of the

monetary department. To provide ways and means he was fully authorized.

Most nobly did he discharge his duty. Unfortunately no office of finance

was then created to enable him to control the disbursements. The money

he continued to provide--often from his private funds. When Congress

fled before the conquering foe to Baltimore in 1776 Mr. Morris remained

in Philadelphia some days after his colleagues left, for the purpose of

raising government funds. In so doing he periled his life, as he had

placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence--then sneeringly

called the death warrant of the signers by the Tories and their

coadjutors--the British. During his stay it became necessary for

Congress to raise a specific sum. The treasury was empty. Notice of the

wants of the army was communicated to him. Shortly after he met a member

of the Society of Friends whose confidence he had. "What news friend

Robert?" "The news is--I am in immediate want of----dollars hard money

and you are the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be my note

of hand and my word of honor." "Robert thou shall have it." The money

was promptly forwarded to Washington which enabled him to meet the enemy

at Trenton with signal success.

Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his duties

and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction of secrecy

who then had the credit of affording relief on their own account. When

Gen. Greene took command of the troops in S. C. they were deplorably

destitute of food, clothing and ammunition. To the agreeable

astonishment of the army and people Mr. Hall of that state advanced the

money to purchase supplies and enabled the General to commence vigorous

operations. After the war had closed the accounts of disbursements

showed that Mr. Hall had acted under Mr. Morris who furnished the

needful from his private purse and saved the army from dissolution. On

being made acquainted with the fact at the finance office, General

Greene was at first displeased with the act but on analyzing it

applauded the wisdom of this secrecy and said--"If I had known that I

might have drawn on Robert Morris I should have demanded larger sums and

effected no more than was accomplished with the means placed in my

hands." His advances to the Southern army nearly produced his pecuniary

ruin.

As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he found

every government resource exhausted--the credit of the infant Republic

paralyzed--the army writhing under the keenest privations--had his mind

been of ordinary calibre he would have abandoned the ship of state

amidst the breakers that were dashing over her and reported her to the

underwriters as wrecked. But he had resolved never to desert her so long

as a plank remained upon the hull or a beam retained its fastenings

upon the keel. His own resources were large and his credit upon a firm

basis. These were thrown in the breach and warded off the threatened

destruction. To save himself and his country he proposed the plan of

establishing the Bank of North America. This was sanctioned by Congress

and a charter granted on the 7th of January 1782. This bank has ever

stood firm amidst all the pecuniary panics and revolutions that have

occurred to the present time.

As astounding as the fact may appear the office of Finance was not

created until 1781. Up to that time there was no disbursing agent and

large sums of money were placed in the hands of irresponsible agents and

never reached their legitimate destination. When established it was

placed under the control of Mr. Morris who reduced the expenditures of

military operations three millions in a single year, showing that self

can convert ostensible patriots into knaves no matter how sacred the

cause engaged in or how binding the obligation to do justice. Avaunt!

thou thing infernal! Had the office of Finance been established at the

commencement of hostilities and Mr. Morris made the disbursing agent,

the means of prosecuting the war would have been ample--our army would

have been full and saved from the dreadful privations endured--our

country would have been saved from a large portion of the devastations

committed by the enemy--the struggle would probably have been terminated

in half the time and the government been able to redeem every dollar of

its paper issues. With so much concentrated talent and wisdom as were in

the Continental Congress at all times, the problem of this disastrous

omission cannot be solved by any approved rules of government or

legislation. I have ever looked at it with deep regret and surprise.

Mr. Morris was the Roman Curtius of America, pledging his own fortune to

save his country and deliver her from worse than Egyptian bondage. As a

demonstration I will particularize one other instance of supplies

furnished upon his private credit, which was the means of closing the

unequal contest.

When the expedition against Cornwallis was planned by Washington the

government treasury was empty and her credit shivering in the wind. The

army was in a destitute situation and without the means of prosecuting a

siege. Impressed deeply with the importance of the plan Mr. Morris

undertook the herculean task of providing supplies for the expedition

upon his private credit. Such confidence had Washington in this able

financier that he at once took up the line of march. In the short space

of four weeks he furnished near eighty pieces of battering cannon and

one hundred pieces of field artillery with other necessary supplies not

furnished by the South. Although aided by the patriotic Richard Peters

he gave his own notes to the amount of one million four hundred thousand

dollars which were all paid at maturity. This enabled the Americans to

triumphantly close the long and bloody struggle of the Revolution and

lay firmly the foundations of the prosperity and government we now

enjoy. There was disinterested benevolence crowned with all the majesty

of pure devotion to the interests of country and the human family--as

free from self as angels are.

Under cover of the firm in which he was a partner--Willing, Morris & Co.

many important and advantageous transactions were made for government

although apparently for the firm, the large profits of which were placed

to the credit of the public treasury. This was conclusively shown by an

investigation instituted in Congress on motion of Mr. Laurens at the

instance of Mr. Morris in order to repel base slanders put in

circulation against this pure and honest patriot.

All the accusations that have been brought against Robert Morris before

and since his death, charging him with peculation or speculation in

government funds or of any improper conduct towards his country as a

public agent are without foundation in fact and out of the record. From

the numerous documents I have examined, I am fully convinced that Robert

Morris was one of the most disinterested patriots of the Revolution and

one of the most efficient instruments in consummating that glorious

enterprise. He was so considered by the illustrious Washington--the

Continental Congress and by all who were and are properly posted on the

subject. General Greene was one of his most ardent admirers, whose

biographer--long after the SAGE and the HERO had gone where none but

slanderers dare rake up the sacred ashes of the dead, published a tirade

of abuse against Mr. Morris that has impaired his dignity as an

impartial writer so as to render his envy abortive--his malice

powerless. His extracts from public documents are garbled--his

conclusions are based on false premises--his innuendos are

ungenerous--his attack gratuitous and has justly recoiled upon the proud

escutcheon of his literary fame.

The shafts of slander can never mar the fair reputation of this

benefactor of our country although hurled like lightning thunderbolts

from the whole artillery of malice and revenge. Upon the enduring

records of our nation his acts are written. There they stand in bold

relievo, bright as the moon, clear as the sun and as withering to his

enemies as the burning sand of Sahara.

Congress elected Mr. Morris Superintendent of Finance on the 20th of

February 1781. It was only from a deep sense of duty he could be urged

to accept the office. It was at a dark and fearful period of the

Revolution. His duties were onerous and multiform. He immediately

instituted an examination of the public debts, revenue and

expenditures--reduced to economical system the mode of regulating the

finances and disbursing the public funds--executed the plans of Congress

relative to monetary affairs--superintended the action of all persons

employed in obtaining and distributing supplies for the army--attended

to the collection of all monies due the United States--held a

supervision over all the contractors for military supplies--provided for

the civil list--corresponded with the Executive of each state and with

ministers of our government in Europe and transacted business with all

the public departments. Through the agency of the Bank of North America

and with his own proverbial responsibility he improved the national

credit so far that money was obtained from Europe on loan and a brighter

prospect opened before the desponding patriots. He introduced rigid

economy through all the avenues of public operations. He boldly entered

the AEgean stable and was the Hercules to cleanse it. Corrupt agents and

corrupting speculators fled before his searching scrutiny--hissing like

serpents disturbed in their dens. Perfect system pervaded all his

transactions reducing them all to writing so that he was able to produce

a conclusive voucher for each and every public act during his term of

service. He believed system to be the ballast, main-mast and helm of

business.

At the time of his resignation he placed himself in the crucible of an

examining committee of Congress before whom he exhibited a schedule of

all his public transactions. The report of the committee placed him on a

lofty eminence as an able and skilful financier--a patriotic and honest

man. President Washington tendered him the office of Secretary of the

Treasury, which he respectfully declined. He was a member of the

convention that framed the Federal Constitution and a Senator in the

first Congress that convened under it. He seldom spoke in debate but

when he did he was eloquent, chaste and logical. He was heard with

profound attention and had great influence with his colleagues. He

possessed an inexhaustible store of useful information applicable to all

the relations of public and private life. When the peace of 1783 was

consummated Mr. Morris again entered largely into commercial business.

He favored every kind of improvement and did all in his power to promote

general good and individual happiness. He first introduced ice and

hot-houses in our country. He was a rare specimen of industry, system,

punctuality and honesty.

After spending a long life in skilfully wielding a capital of millions

he at last foundered upon the rock of land speculation and closed his

eventful career in poverty on the 8th of May 1806 at the city of

Philadelphia sincerely mourned by his country and most deeply lamented

by those who knew him best. He met the grim messenger of death with

resignation and calmness--bid a cheerful farewell to friends, the toils

of earth and all sublunary things.

Mr. Morris was a large man with an open countenance, pleasing in his

manners and agreeable in all his associations. His private character was

as pure as his public career was illustrious. Dying poor, no marble

monument is reared to his memory but his name is deeply engraved upon

the tablet of meritorious fame and will be revered by every true

American and patriot until the historic page shall be blotted from the

world--social order submerged by chaos.

JOHN MORTON.

Courage and perseverance, unaided by wisdom and sound discretion, often

lead men into unforeseen and unanticipated difficulties. Combined--they

are the fulcrum and lever of action. Guided by a wise discretion, with

talent to conceive and boldness to execute, the weak become strong and

effect wonders at which they look with astonishment after the mighty

work is accomplished. To these combined qualities of the Sages and

Heroes of the American Revolution we owe the blessings of liberty we now

enjoy more than to the physical powers of our nation at that time.

Compared with the fleets and armies of the mother country at the

eventful era when the Declaration of our Independence was adopted, the

available force of the Colonies dwindles to insignificance. The one a

giant in the pride of his glory--the other an infant just bursting into

life. The one a Goliah clad in bristling armor--the other a pioneer boy

with a puerile sling. The one with a veteran army and navy united in

panoply complete, well clothed, fed and paid--the other with scattered

fragments of raw recruits, a few light vessels--the men poorly equipped,

sparingly fed, worse clothed and seldom paid. Without referring the

successful termination of the revolutionary struggle to the wisdom and

perseverance of the patriots, who, under God conceived, planned and

executed the noble work it would be an unsolved enigma.

John Morton was proverbial for his discreet, wise, courageous and

persevering course of life. He was a posthumous child born in Ridley,

Delaware county, Pennsylvania, in 1724. His ancestors came from Sweden

at an early period and settled on the bank of the Delaware river near

Philadelphia. John's father, of the same Christian name, married Mary

Richards when he was very young and died before his majority. The widow

subsequently married with John Sketchly an intelligent Englishman who

proved a good husband and kind step-father. To him John was principally

indebted for his substantial English education, having enjoyed the

advantages of a school but three months. Being a good mathematician and

skilful surveyor, his step-son became perfect master of this important

branch of science, which, more than any other, is calculated to lead a

man into precision of thought and action. Based on invariable truth and

lucid demonstration, never resting on false premises, always arriving at

incontrovertible conclusions, it gives a tone to the mental powers

calculated to produce the most salutary results. Education is incomplete

without mastering mathematics.

Young Morton continued with his faithful guardian until manhood dawned

upon him, aiding in the business of agriculture and surveying,

constantly storing his mind with useful knowledge--testing theory by

practice. In 1764 he was commissioned a justice of the peace and shortly

after was elected to the Assembly of his native state. He soon became

conspicuous and was subsequently speaker of the House during several

sessions. He took a deep interest in the welfare of his country and was

a member of the Congress assembled at New York in 1765 to concert

measures for the repeal of the odious Stamp Act. He concurred in the

strong and bold appeals of that body which virtually kindled the fire of

the Revolution. Although smothered for a time it was never extinguished

until it consumed the last vestige of British power in America and

expired for want of fuel. In 1767 he became the sheriff of his county

which station he ably filled for three years. He was then appointed

president judge of his district and gained the admiration and esteem of

the entire community. About this time he performed a very sensible act

by marrying Anne Justis of the State of Delaware who was worthy to be

the wife of a patriot and contributed largely to his happiness through

life.

When the dread clarion of war was sounded from the heights of Lexington

the indignation of the people in his neighborhood was so roused that

they at once raised a battalion of volunteers and elected Judge Morton

colonel. He was compelled to decline the epic honor having been recently

appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. In July 1774 he

was made a member of the Congress that convened in Philadelphia the

following September. The grand object of that Congress was to make a

last and noble effort to effect a reconciliation between the two

countries and heal instead of increasing the unfortunate breach. To this

end men of cool deliberation, deep thought, matured judgment, profound

wisdom and pure patriotism were selected for this important work on

which depended the destiny of themselves and unborn millions. When the

delegates assembled a deep and awful solemnity seemed to pervade every

mind. No noise was heard but the still murmuring of the rushing blood,

the beating of anxious hearts and the quick respiration of those who had

congregated. The proceedings were opened by prayer. Every soul seemed to

commune with the spirits of another world as by vesper orisons. After

the address to the throne of grace the same awful silence reigned. Still

nothing was heard but the rush of the purple stream and the throb of

anxious hearts. Trembling tears and quivering lips told the emotions of

many a bosom--too full to be expressed, too deep to be fathomed, too

strong to be endured. At length the mighty spirit of Patrick Henry burst

forth in all the sublimity of its native majesty and broke the mighty

spell. In bold and glowing colors, shaded with dignified

sincerity--painted upon the canvas of eternal justice with the pencil of

unerring truth--he delineated American rights and British wrongs. When

he closed every patriot responded a hearty--AMEN. Their mouths were

opened, their burdens lightened--they breathed more freely.

In May 1775 Judge Morton took his seat in Congress and was re-elected in

November. In July 1776 he closed his congressional career. Before

leaving, he placed a brilliant star upon the bright escutcheon of his

name by voting for and signing the chart of our Liberty--the manifesto

of freemen against the usurpations of tyranny. During the time he was in

Congress he was highly esteemed as a cool deliberate discreet

man--purely patriotic and anxious to do all in his power to promote the

righteous cause of his bleeding country. He weighed well the

consequences of severing the bonds that bound the Colonies to the mother

country. Unsustained, the Declaration of Independence was probable death

to many--a more severe slavery for the survivors. To all human

appearance the patriots must be crushed by the physical force of their

enemies then pouring into the country by thousands and sweeping

everything before them like a mighty torrent. There were five delegates

from his colony. Two of them were bitterly opposed to the measure and

two in favor, which gave him the casting vote. On him depended the

enhanced misery or happy delivery of his country. When the final moment

arrived he cast his vote in favor of the important instrument that

should prove either the death warrant or the diploma of freedom. Some of

his old friends censured him severely for the bold act and were so

strongly tinctured with toryism that they would not be reconciled to him

when he lay upon the bed of death. Such were the strong party feelings

during the Revolution. His dying message to them was worthy the sage and

Christian. "Tell them that they will live to see the hours when they

shall acknowledge it to have been the most glorious service that I have

ever rendered to my country." The truth of his prophecy has been most

happily verified so far as his services were concerned--if the other

part has not do not go in mourning for its failure.

When the Articles of Confederation were under discussion in Congress

Judge Morton was frequently chairman of the committee of the whole and

presided with great ability and dignity. In April 1777 he was attacked

with a highly inflammatory fever which terminated his life in a few days

in the midst of usefulness with fresh honors awaiting him as time rolled

onward. His premature death was deeply mourned by his bereaved

companion, eight children, a large concourse of bosom friends, the

members of the bar, his associate judges, the State legislature,

Congress and by every patriot of his country.

As a private citizen Judge Morton possessed an unusual share of esteem.

He was endowed with all the amiable qualities that enrich the domestic

circle and social intercourse. As the crowning glory of his fair fame he

professed and adorned the religion of his Lord and Master and died

triumphing in faith. His dust reposes in the cemetery of St. James'

Church in Chester, Pa. His examples are worthy of the closest

imitation--his brief career admonishes us of the uncertainty of human

life--his happy death is an evidence of the truth of unvarnished piety.

THOMAS NELSON.

Honesty is a virtue that commands universal respect. Like many others

this term has lost much of its original force. When Pope pronounced an

honest man the noblest work of God--he included purpose, word and action

in all things, under all circumstances, at all times. He alluded to a

man whose purity of heart placed him above every temptation to violate

the original laws of integrity that emanated from the high Chancery of

Heaven. He referred to a man whose every action through his whole life

should pass the scrutiny of Omniscience unscathed and stand approved by

the great Jehovah. Such a man is a noble work indeed worthy of the

highest admiration and closest imitation. He would not take an umbrella

or a newspaper from the owner without liberty. He is honest for the sake

of this virtue--not from _policy_, the essential oil of dishonesty in

disguise. Honesty that is based only on self interest is as unsafe as a

keg of powder in the fire room of a steamboat. We have too much _policy_

in morals and religion. It is cunning without wisdom, cowardice with

hypocrisy, fear of man--not God. The devil preaches religion from policy

and the man who is honest only from _policy_ is no better. Anecdote to

the point. The Chinese philosopher Confucius met an insane woman with a

pitcher of water and faggot of fire and asked her how she intended to

use them. She replied--"With the fire I will burn up heaven--with the

water I will put out hell--we shall then know who are good for the sake

of goodness."

The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution who persevered to the

end were remarkable for integrity and freedom from self interest. None

of them were more so than Thomas Nelson, born at Yorktown, Virginia, on

the 26th of December 1738. He was the son of William Nelson whose father

came from England at an early period and located at Yorktown. The father

of Thomas was a wealthy merchant and planter. He filled many public

stations with great ability. During the interval between the

administration of Lord Bottetourt and Lord Dunmore, he presided over the

Colony _ex officio_, being then President of the Executive Council.

At the age of fourteen Thomas was placed under the tuition of Mr.

Newcomb whose school was near Hackney, England. He graduated at Trinity

College under Dr. Beilby Porteus, the bright literary ornament of that

time and afterwards Bishop of London. Guided by the master genius of

this finished scholar, accomplished gentleman and pious divine, Mr.

Nelson traced the fair lines of science and explored the avenues of

literature. The principles of strict virtue and stern integrity were

deeply impressed upon his mind and governed his actions through life.

After spending eight years at the classic fountain in England he

returned to his native home highly improved in mind and person. He

entered upon the enjoyment of a large real estate and over one hundred

and thirty thousand dollars in money. Not selfish at heart--unwilling to

enjoy so much alone, as in duty bound he led to the hymenial altar

Lucy--daughter of Philip Grimes of Brandon and settled happily and

quietly at his native place. His house became the seat of domestic

felicity and hospitality.

For a long time great intimacy existed between the leading men of

Virginia and England. This arose from consanguinity and the wealth that

enabled the most prominent men of the Old Dominion to educate their sons

in the mother country. For more than a century an interchange of good

feelings and kind offices were kept up. The sons who were educated in

Great Britain imbibed the same ideas of Independence as those which were

the boast of the noblemen of that kingdom and very properly felt

themselves entitled to as much confidence from the King as a native

resident of Albion. For this reason, when the British ministry put the

car of oppression in motion in Virginia, her wealthy and noblest sons

were the most vigorous opposers of regal power. The very fact of former

intimacy charged this opposition with stronger bitterness. The very

chivalry that the proud Britons had taught the sons of the Old Dominion

was brought to bear upon the hirelings of the crown with the force of an

avalanche.

In 1774 Mr. Nelson was elected to the House of Burgesses and took a bold

stand in favor of liberal principles. He was one of the eighty-nine

members who assembled at a tavern the day after Lord Dunmore dissolved

them and formed themselves into an association of non-intercourse with

Great Britain. At the next election he was again returned. He was a

member of the two conventions that appointed Congressional delegates in

1774-5. He supported the bold measures proposed by the daring Henry from

which many of the patriots at first recoiled with terror and amazement.

He had no ear for the siren song of peace when the shores of his country

were darkened by foreign fleets and armies. At the convention in March

1775 the following resolutions were proposed by Patrick Henry and

passed. The first germ of our militia system then burst from embryo.

"Resolved--That a well regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and

yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free

government--that such a militia in this colony would forever render it

unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of

our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always subversive

of the quiet and dangerous to the liberties of the people and would

obviate the pretext of taxing for their support. That the establishment

of such a militia is at this time peculiarly necessary by the state of

our laws, some of which have already expired and will shortly be so and

that the known remissness of government in calling us together in

legislative capacity renders it too insecure in this time of danger and

distress to rely that opportunity will be given of renewing them in

general Assembly or making any provision to secure our inestimable

rights and liberties from those further violations with which they are

threatened.

_Resolved_--That this Colony be immediately put in a state of defence

and that ---- be a committee to prepare a plan for embodying, arming and

disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that

purpose."

These resolutions were warmly supported by Mr. Nelson regardless of the

certain destruction of a large portion of his property in case of an

open rupture with mother Britain. The resolutions were carried and July

fixed for the division of the Colony into military districts. From that

time Virginia presented a bold front against the unwarranted pretensions

and insolent assumptions of power on the part of the crown officers. In

July the Convention again assembled and divided the Colony into sixteen

military districts--the Eastern to immediately raise a regiment of six

hundred and eighty men rank and file, the others to raise a battalion of

five hundred men each--all to be at once armed and held in readiness to

march at any moment. The Convention further directed the raising of two

regiments of regulars of one thousand and twenty privates each--the

first to be commanded by Patrick Henry, the other by Thomas Nelson.

Virginia stands number one in the organization of a military system

independent of mother Britain--a system that now pervades the United

States.

On the 11th of August this Convention met again and elected Mr. Nelson

and others to the Continental Congress in which he look his seat on the

13th of September following. He was an industrious and efficient member

of many important committees but rarely took part in debate. By the

following extract from his letter to Gov. Page dated 22d January 1776 it

appears he was one of those who early agitated the question of

Independence. "I wish I knew the sentiments of our people upon the grand

points of Confederation and Foreign Alliance--or in other words--of

Independence--for we cannot expect to form a connexion with any foreign

power as long we have a womanish hankering after Great Britain and to be

sure there is not in nature a greater absurdity than to suppose we can

have any affection for a people who are carrying on the most savage war

against us." On the 13th of February following he wrote to the same

gentleman in the following strong language--"Independence, Confederation

and foreign alliance are as formidable to some members of Congress--I

fear a majority, as an apparition to a weak enervated woman. Would you

think we have some among us who still expect honorable proposals from

the administration! By heavens! I am an infidel in politics for I do not

believe were you to bid a thousand pounds per scruple for honor at the

court of Great Britain that you would get as many as would make an

ounce. We are now carrying on a war and no war. They seize our property

whenever they find it either by land or sea and we hesitate to retaliate

because we have a few friends in England who have ships. Away with such

squeamishness say I."

By this language we can judge of the ardent feelings that moved this

friend of equal rights to noble and god-like action. It was the pure

fire of patriotism fanned to a brilliant flame by a just indignation

against a tyrannical and insolent foe. It was a fire that reflected a

genial heat upon those around it and increased in volume as time rolled

onward. Like separate particles of metal in a crucible, one member after

another yielded to the power of the patriotic flame until all were

united in one liquid mass and on the 4th of July 1776 the mould of

LIBERTY was filled. When opened to the admiring view of a gazing world a

new and purely original table of law and government was presented

enriched with the embossments of equal rights and equal justice. On this

fair tablet, more beautiful than mosaic work, Mr. Nelson engraved his

name in bold relievo. Here we might leave him with glory enough for one

man. But he had then just entered the vestibule of his useful career.

His whole soul and body were enlisted in the glorious cause. He worked

on, hoped on and hoped ever. He was again returned to Congress but was

compelled to retire in May in consequence of a dangerous attack of brain

fever that for a time threatened to impair his mental powers.

Fortunately for the cause of Independence his health was restored.

During the ensuing August the British fleet entered the capes for the

purpose of chastising the rebels of the Old Dominion. A general rally of

the military was the immediate consequence. Mr. Nelson was made Brig.

General and commander of all the Virginia forces. The appointment was

popular--the incumbent competent. His appearance among the people

inspired confidence. The troops rallied around him like affectionate

children around a fond parent. Learning how the land lay the fleet went

its way for that time and waited for a more convenient season. The

soldiers again became citizens.

In October of that year Gen. Nelson took his seat in the legislature of

his state and took an active part in the deliberations of that body.

During the session a bill was brought before the House sequestering

British property and authorizing those of the Colonists who were in

favor of Liberty and owed subjects of Great Britain, to pay the amount

into the public treasury. If the wives and children of such subjects

remained in the state the Governor was authorized to pay them certain

portions of this money for their support. With all his indignity against

mother Britain, his sense of justice induced him to oppose the bill

because it violated individual contracts. He became roused and made an

able and eloquent speech against the measure and closed with the

following emphatic language--"For these reasons I hope the bill will be

rejected--but whatever be its fate--_so help me God_ I will pay _my_

debts like an honest man."

On the 2d of March 1778 Congress made an appeal to the patriotism of the

wealthy young men of the several states urging them to raise a troop of

light cavalry at their own expense. When this proposition was received

in Virginia Gen. Nelson sent a circular to all the young gentlemen of

fortune in the state recommending them to rush to the rescue in person

and to open their purses to other high-minded young men who were poor in

money but rich in patriotism. A company of seventy was promptly raised

in that state and elected Gen. Nelson to command them. He proceeded with

his charge to Baltimore and reported his youthful band to the brave

Pulaski who received the young volunteers with admiration and delight.

From that place the company proceeded to Philadelphia where the General

and the young gentlemen soldiers received the applause and thanks of

Congress. As their services were not needed at that time they returned

home. Their expenses were principally paid by Gen. Nelson without any

charge to government. For his services during the war he took no pay and

expended a large portion of his fortune in the cause of freedom.

On the 18th of February 1779 he again took his seat in Congress and

labored so intensely in the committee rooms that he brought on another

attack similar to the former and was compelled to return home in April.

Relaxation from business and domestic quiet soon restored his health. In

May the British made a descent upon Virginia and marked their course

with relentless cruelty and destruction. Gen. Nelson at once took the

field and marshalled his troops near Yorktown. The enemy dared not

approach him and filed off. During that short campaign he was a father

to his soldiers and supplied them with food from his own funds. He

distributed his laborers and servants among the poor families of the

militia from his neighborhood to labor during the absence of the men. He

was as benevolent as he was patriotic and brave. For the state he raised

large sums upon his own credit for which he was remunerated but in part.

This was done freely without any noise or boasting. He was good for the

sake of goodness--honest for the sake of honesty--not from policy or to

be seen of men.

In the spring of 1781 Virginia was the scene of murder, rapine and ruin.

Judas Arnold and Lord Cornwallis were sweeping over the state like a

tornado. Gen. Nelson was constantly in the field doing all in his power

to arrest the savage career of the merciless foe. He became the hero of

the Old Dominion. In June of that year he was elected governor of the

state. He at once entered upon the duties of his office and bent his

whole energies on raising troops to resist the enemy. About that time La

Fayette arrived with a body of regulars. Gov. Nelson joined him in the

field and placed himself and his troops under command of the Marquis.

Everything in his power he grasped to aid his bleeding country. He

placed his work horses and negroes in the public service. In the midst

of these struggles a circumstance occurred that was exceedingly trying

to his noble soul. By the constitution the governor could act only in

concert with the Council. Two of that body had been taken prisoners by

Tarleton--two had resigned when most needed. A quorum could not be

raised. The crisis required prompt and decisive action. In this dilemma

he proceeded to act as if a quorum of the Council was present. Long

after he had retired to private life and at a time when he was sinking

under disease, some wretches, who would be only scavengers in

Pandemonium, made this a ground of complaint against him. A just

legislature put the matter forever at rest by passing a special law

sanctioning every act of the governor during his administration under

the circumstances alluded to. Ingratitude is the prime minister of

Satan--revenge its secretary.

By the vigilance of Governor Nelson and La Fayette Lord Cornwallis was

snugly ensconced in Yorktown. A dark cloud hovered over his military

fame. Awful forebodings haunted his blood-stained imagination.

Retributive justice pierced his guilty conscience with a thousand viper

stings. The cries of widows and orphans--the curling flames of

hospitable mansions--the sweeping destruction of villages and towns--the

dying groans of innocent victims--the damning fruits of his savage

career, preyed upon his agonized soul like a promethean vulture. The die

was cast. The siege was commenced. Washington was there. At the head of

the Virginia troops was Governor Nelson--cool, brave, fearless,

vigorous. His native town--his own mansion and properly were now to be

razed to the ground. At first he observed the American batteries

carefully avoid his house. The principal British officers had made it

their head quarters for this reason. Learning it was out of respect for

him he directed the gunners to point their cannon at his mansion. The

first discharge after this order sent several shot through it--killed

two of the officers and frightened the rest from a table well spread

with edibles and wines. They were at dinner and feared no danger. The

result of the siege was glorious and closed the war of the Revolution.

The following extract from the general orders of the illustrious

Washington of the 20th of October 1781 will best inform the reader of

the estimate placed upon the services of Governor Nelson at that

memorable siege.

"The General would be guilty of the highest ingratitude--a crime of

which he hopes he shall never be accused, if he forgot to return his

sincere acknowledgments to his excellency Governor Nelson, for the

succors which he received from him and the militia under his command, to

whose activity emulation and bravery the highest praises are due. The

magnitude of the acquisition will be ample compensation for the

difficulties and dangers they met with so much firmness and patriotism."

The fatigues of this campaign and his arduous gubernatorial duties

proved too much for the physical powers of Governor Nelson. He again

sunk under disease and resigned his office on the 20th November 1781 and

retired from the public arena to private life. He spent the remainder of

his days on a small estate he had gathered up from the wreck of his

princely fortune, situated at Offly in the county of Hanover. His health

continued to decline until the 4th of January 1789 when he was numbered

with the dead. His obituary, written by his bosom friend Col. Innes,

fully portrays the character of this devoted patriot and will best close

this annal.

"The illustrious Nelson is no more! He paid the last debt of nature on

Sunday the fourth day of the present month at his estate in Hanover. He

who undertakes barely to recite the exalted virtues which adorned the

life of this great and good man will unavoidably pronounce a panegyric

upon human nature. As a man, a citizen, a legislator and a patriot, he

exhibited a conduct untarnished and undebased by sordid and selfish

interests and strongly marked with the genuine characteristics of true

religion, sound benevolence and liberal policy. Entertaining the most

ardent love for civil and religious Liberty, he was among the first of

that glorious band of patriots whose exertions dashed and defeated the

machinations of British tyranny and gave to united America freedom and

independent empire. At a most important crisis during the late struggle

for American Liberty, when this State appeared to be designated as the

theatre of action for the contending armies, he was selected by the

unanimous suffrage of the legislature to command the virtuous yeomanry

of his country. In this honourable employment he remained until the end

of the war. As a soldier he was indefatigably active and coolly

intrepid. Resolute and undejected in misfortune, he towered above

distress and struggled with the manifold difficulties to which his

situation exposed him with constancy and courage. In the memorable year

of 1781 when the whole force of the southern British army was directed

to the subjugation of this State, he was called to the helm of

government. This was a juncture which indeed 'tried men's souls.' He did

not avail himself of this opportunity to retire in the rear of danger,

but on the contrary took the field at the head of his countrymen and at

the hazard of his life, his fame and individual fortune. By his decision

and magnanimity he saved not only his country but all America from

disgrace if not from total ruin. Of this truly patriotic and heroic

conduct the renowned commander-in-chief, with all the gallant officers

of the combined armies employed at the siege of York, will bear ample

testimony. This part of his conduct even contemporary jealousy, envy and

malignity were forced to approve and this, more impartial posterity, if

it can believe, will almost adore. If, after contemplating the splendid

and heroic parts of his character we shall inquire for the milder

virtues of humanity and seek for the MAN, we shall find the refined,

beneficent and social qualities of private life, through all its forms

and combinations, so happily modified and united in him, that in the

words of the darling poet of nature, it may be said,

'His life was gentle, and the elements

So mixed in him, that nature might stand up

And say to all the world--THIS IS A MAN.'"

JAMES OTIS.

Death is a source of terror to most persons. It should be a source of

anticipated joy to every reasonable being. Death is viewed as the great

enemy of man. He is our best friend. Many Christians tremble at the

thought of being folded in the arms of this friend who performs for us

the last--the greatest kind office that can be awarded this side of

eternity. Why should we treat death as an enemy? Is he an enemy who

delivers us from pain, disappointment, folly, error, misery and all the

ills of our earthly pilgrimage? Is he an enemy who transfers us from the

land of delusive dreams, the region of phantoms and corroding cares--to

an Elysium of substantial joys and enduring bliss? It is a _libel_ on

DEATH to call him a foe--a king of terrors--an enemy.

Frail man comes into this world crying--cries on through life and is

always seeking after some earthly object he intends to christen

happiness when obtained. When he reaches the bubble it often bursts at

the slightest touch--it never imparts unalloyed comfort. He is often

mourning over the misfortunes that lie thickly along the road of life.

He is forced to learn there is nothing pure but Heaven. Within the

restless mortal body there is an immortal soul that requires more than

earth can give to satisfy its lofty aspirations. This soul hails death

as the welcome messenger to deliver it from its ever changing decaying

prison of clay--called MAN--on which time wages an exterminating war

until DEATH breaks the carnal fetters--sets the prisoner free--opening

the door of immortality--returning the redeemed spirit to its original

abode of refulgent glory to go no more out for ever. To be terrified at

the thoughts of death is to endure unnecessary fear and add to the

discomforts of life. We should be in constant readiness to give this

friend a hearty welcome. All who are wise will do so.

It is evident the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution did not

quail at the thought of sacrificing their lives upon the altar of

LIBERTY. By the British and Tories the Declaration of Independence was

called the death warrant of the signers. Had the first open opposers of

the crown fallen into the hands of the royalists their lives would have

been terminated in a summary manner. Among these was James Otis who was

born at Barnstable, Mass. in 1725. He graduated at Harvard College when

but eighteen years of age. He read law with Mr. Gridley--settled in

Plymouth and became one of the most brilliant lights of the profession.

He was an uncompromising and fearless opposer of British wrongs--an able

and unwavering advocate of American rights. In 1761 he appeared before

the judges of the Supreme Court in defence of the people against the

writs of assistance. His logic, eloquence and boldness astonished all

who heard him. He insulated the people with patriotic fire that all the

powers of mother Britain could never extinguish. Among others he was

listened to by John Adams who often remarked--"Independence was then and

there born." By the patriots of that day he was called the originator of

the Revolution. He was the first man who placed his name to a bold and

vigorous pamphlet which he wrote and published--exposing the innovations

of the British ministry upon the chartered rights of the Colonies. He

was threatened with arrest which only roused him to more vigilant action

in defence of human rights. He was a member of the Congress that

convened in New York in 1765. During that year he wrote his "Rights of

the Colonies Vindicated"--which was a masterly production and published

in London. He was of a warm temperament--impulsive--if hard pressed was

sometimes harsh in his language. He was lashed severely by the

ministerial organs which caused him to publish pungent strictures upon

the conduct of several of the crown officers. Soon after these appeared

he was attacked in a public room by a band of British ruffians led on by

custom house commissioner Robinson, who nearly took his life. This

occurred on the 5th of September 1769. So much was he injured that his

reason soon fled for ever. He may appropriately be called the first

mover and the first martyr of the American Revolution. He obtained a

judgment of $20,000 against Robinson for the base assault and on

receiving a written apology relinquished it.

His towering mental powers broke rapidly until he became a mental wreck.

The repeated blows upon his head had permanently deranged his brain.

Occasional lucid flashes would pass over his mind like brilliant meteors

and pass as quickly away. He had often expressed a wish that he might be

killed by lightning. That desire was granted on the 23d day of May 1783

while leaning on his cane at the door of Mr. Osgood. His body was taken

to Boston and buried with every mark of respect attended by an

unprecedented concourse of sympathizing freemen.

No patriot of the Revolution merits our reverence, admiration and

gratitude more than James Otis. He commenced that opposition against

tyranny which resulted in the emancipation of the new

continent--prepared an asylum for the oppressed and set an example for

patriots worthy of imitation through all future time and over the

civilized world.

WILLIAM PACA.

Creative wisdom has not designed every man for a Demosthenes or a Cicero

but every man of common sense is designed to be good and useful. If all

were alike gifted with splendid talents the monotony would become

painful. Variety, the spice of life, would lose its original flavor. If

all our legislators were eloquent orators and were affected by the mania

of speech making as most of our public speakers are at the present day,

we should be constantly as we are frequently, overwhelmed with talk and

have but little work commenced and less completed. No one admires true

eloquence more than the writer but not too much of this good thing at

the expense of the dear people. Business is of higher importance. Like

our bodies that end in a narrow cell--the long, elaborate and in some

instances--sensible and eloquent speeches of our legislators receive

their finale in the approving--_Aye_--or the emphatic--_No_. Although

based upon the purest motives--dictated by the most enlightened

understanding--strengthened by the soundest logic--embellished with the

richest flowers of rhetoric--illumined by the most brilliant

intelligence--_Aye_ or _No_ decides the most gigantic efforts of every

speech maker. I indulge no desire to extinguish these intellectual

lights or to snuff them too closely. Their wicks should be cut shorter

and the volume of their flame diminished so as to emit less smoke.

Brevity is the soul of wit--despatch the life of business. In the

committee room every man can be useful. The responsibilities of a vote

bear equally upon all. Let the importance of no man be undervalued by

himself or compeers because he was not born with a trumpet tongue. If

his head is clear and his heart right he can do good and be useful.

Among those who rendered essential service in the cause of the American

Revolution in a retiring and unassuming manner, was William Paca born at

Wye Hall on the eastern shore of Maryland October 31st 1740. His father

was an estimable man. He gave this son a good education and planted

deeply in his mind the principles of virtue and moral rectitude. He

graduated at the college in Philadelphia and in 1758 commenced the study

of law at Annapolis in his native state. He applied himself closely to

the investigation of that branch of science that unfolds the nature and

duty of man in all the relations of life--shows what he is and what he

should be under all circumstances--unveils his passions, his

propensities and his inclinations--carries the mind back through the

abysm of lights, shadows and darkness to pristine happiness and

illuminates the understanding more than any other course of reading. Law

is a compound of all the sciences in theory and practice. An honest

lawyer who is actuated by principles of strict justice, pure ethics,

equal rights and stern integrity--can do more to sustain social order

and promote human happiness than a man pursuing either of the other

professions. A lawyer is not complete until he understands at least the

theory of all the practical sciences, professions, trades and the whole

routine of business and the nature of man. The acquisition of elementary

law is only the vestibule to a full preparation for practice.

Upon the firm basis of an honest lawyer Mr. Paca commenced a successful

business and built an enduring fame. He was esteemed for his clearness

of perception, purity of purpose, decision of character, prudence of

action and substantial usefulness--all exhibiting a clear light but not

a dazzling blaze. Upon a mind like his the oppression of the mother

country made a gradual impression that was deepened by the graver of

continued violations of right until it became so firmly fixed that all

the powers of earth could not efface, deface, erase or expunge it. As

constitutional privileges were more openly infringed his soul became

more strongly resolved on liberty or death. He was on intimate terms

with Mr. Chase who possessed all the powers to command whilst Mr. Paca

was endowed with the indispensable requisites of a sale and skilful

helmsman. With qualities thus differing these two patriots

simultaneously commenced their voyage upon the boisterous ocean of

public life destined for the same port--the haven of LIBERTY.

Soon after he commenced practice at the bar Mr. Paca was elected to the

Maryland legislature and became a very useful member. In 1771 he was one

of the committee of three that prepared a letter of thanks to Charles

Carroll for his able advocacy of the cause of freedom in a written

controversy with the royal governor and his subordinates. In that letter

the committee expressed a determination never to submit to taxation

without representation or to the regulation of taxes by the executive

authority--thus furnishing the crown with an index of the public mind in

advance of the text. Mr. Paca was a member of the Congress of 1774 which

was rendered illustrious by proceedings of propriety and wisdom

emanating from minds like his. Upon such men we can always rely in times

of peril. They view everything in the calm sunshine of reason and

justice being never overwhelmed by sudden emotions or angry passions.

Ever upon the _terra firma_ of prudence ready for action they are

prepared to render assistance to those whose loftier barks often run

into the breakers and need a cable from on shore to haul them in.

Mr. Paca was continued in Congress until 1778 and rendered valuable

service to his country. In 1775 he joined Mr. Chase in furnishing a new

military corps with rifles to the amount of nearly a thousand dollars

from their private funds. He devoted his time, talents and fortune to

the cause of freedom. His examples had a powerful influence upon

reflecting men. All had unlimited confidence in his opinions--always

deliberately formed. When the Declaration of Independence was proposed

his feelings and views were decidedly in its favor but his instructions

were opposed to it. The Maryland members of Assembly considered the

project wild--believing the power of the mother country would crush all

opposition in embryo. Redress they fondly but vainly hoped for. The

British authorities soon furnished arguments steeped in blood that

removed all restrictions and left Mr. Paca and his colleagues to act

freely. The first decided vote in favor of stringent measures was on

the 28th of May 1776 at which time the Chaplain of the Maryland Assembly

was directed not to pray for the King. As trifling as this may now

appear it then had a favorable and potent influence upon the people.

When the glorious day arrived to decide the fate of the Chart of Liberty

Mr. Paca was at his post and enrolled his name with the apostles of

FREEDOM whose fame will continue to rise in peerless majesty until the

last trump of time shall sound its closing notes and assemble the world

of mankind in one grand army for the final inspection of the great

Jehovah.

In 1778 Mr. Paca retired from Congress and was appointed Chief Judge of

the Superior Court of Maryland. In 1780 his duties were increased by his

appointment to preside over the Prize and Admiralty Court. He stood

approved as an able statesman--he was an ornament to the judiciary. The

acumen of his mind and legal acquirements made him a _strong_ judge--his

honesty and impartiality made a _popular_ one. In 1782 he was elected

governor and discharged the duties of the office with great usefulness.

He was a devoted friend to religion and education and did much to render

them prosperous. He inculcated principles of economy and morals and held

a parental supervision over every department of state that came within

the pale of his executory or advisory jurisdiction. His wise and

judicious administration rendered malice powerless, paralyzed slander

and left no loop for jealousy to hang upon.

At the end of his term he retired to private life which he enjoyed until

1786 when he was again called to direct the destinies of his native

state. In 1789 President Washington appointed him Judge of the U. S.

District Court of Maryland which office he ably filled up to 1799 when

he was summoned to appear at the Bar of God to render an account of his

stewardship. He cheerfully obeyed the summons, launched his immortal

spirit on the ocean of eternity and disappeared from earth. He had lived

the life of the righteous--his last end was like his.

Mr. Paca was a man of polished manners, plain and dignified in his

deportment with an intelligent and benignant countenance. His course in

life demonstrated clearly that moderation and mildness joined with

discretion and firmness govern more potently than authoritative

dictation. His memory is revered--let his examples be imitated.

ROBERT TREAT PAINE

Virtue affords the only sure foundation of a peaceful and happy

government. When the wicked rule corruption accumulates. Not that rulers

must be members of some visible church--but they should venerate

religion and be men of pure morals and political honesty. Disease

affects the body politic and produces dissolution with the same fearful

certainty that it destroys the physical powers of man. If the head is

disordered the whole heart is sick. If the political fountain becomes

polluted its dark and murky waters will rapidly impregnate every branch

of the body politic with their contagious miasma. The history of all

time proves the truth of this proposition. The passing events of the

present exciting era are fruitful with demonstrations of the baneful

effects of intrigue, peculation, political fanaticism and disunion.

Without virtue our UNION will become a mere rope of sand--a spoil for

knaves and the sport of kings. Self-government will be an unsolved

enigma, rational liberty a paradox, a republic the scoff of monarchs.

With Argus eyes the crowned heads of Europe are watching our career and

embracing every opportunity to weaken our government. Each year of our

prosperous existence endangers their power. The Elysian story of our

liberty is enrapturing their subjects and preparing them for freedom.

The tenure by which they hold their thrones is becoming weaker as time

rolls onward. If we are true to ourselves, if virtue predominates--if

patriotism, discretion and an enlightened honest policy guide our

rulers--the American Republic will increase in beauty, strength and

grandeur and become the nucleus of Liberty for the world. Freemen! look

to this matter in time and nobly perform your whole duty. Obey the

precepts and imitate the examples of the Sages and Heroes who wisely

conceived and boldly achieved the Independence we now enjoy. They were

virtuous, many of them devotedly pious--all of them politically honest.

Holding a conspicuous place among them was Robert Treat Paine, born at

Boston, Mass. in 1731. He was blessed with truly pious parents. His

father performed the duties of a clergyman until his health compelled

him to leave the sacred desk. He then commenced the mercantile business.

The mother of Robert was the daughter of the Rev. Robert Treat, an

eminent divine of Eastham. From these religious parents he imbibed those

virtuous principles that guided his course through life. Were there no

other blessings flowing from Christianity than its salutary influence

upon social order and harmony of society, mankind would be richly paid

for obeying its precepts. This consideration alone should close the

_mouth_ of every infidel let the conclusions of his _mind_ be what they

may with reference to its origin and reality. No other system has ever

been devised that confers as much happiness upon the greatest number.

At an early age Robert Treat was placed in the classical school of Mr.

Lovell in Boston where his embryo talents expanded into a rich and

luxuriant growth. At the age of fourteen he entered Harvard College.

When he graduated his parents had become so reduced in circumstances as

to need pecuniary aid. To provide ways and means he at once commenced

teaching a public school--an occupation of more importance and dignity

than is generally awarded to it. When Greece and Rome

flourished--teaching took the front rank in professions. For a single

course in rhetoric, one hundred Athenean scholars paid Isocrates

fourteen thousand eight hundred dollars. It is not surprising that the

highest order of talent was employed to advance literature in Greece.

The same liberality would effect wonders in our country.

From the avails of his school Mr. Paine supported his parents and a

maiden sister in poor health and at the same time pursued his

professional studies. He commenced theology but subsequently read and

entered upon a successful practice of law. For a time he continued at

the Boston Bar but ultimately settled at Taunton where he acquired a

substantial reputation as an active, sound and discreet lawyer. He

enjoyed the confidence and esteem of his numerous acquaintances and

became celebrated as an advocate. He was among the first to oppose the

innovations of the crown and promulge liberal principles. He was a

member of the Convention called by the citizens of Boston in 1768 to

devise measures for the preservation of their sacred rights and which

Governor Bernard vainly attempted to disperse before the members had

completed their deliberations. At the instance of Samuel Adams he was

employed to conduct the prosecution against Capt. Preston for ordering

his men to fire upon the people of Boston on the 5th of March 1770. Upon

that trial he exhibited great zeal and ability. During the accumulation

of the revolutionary storm he was uniformly in the conventions and upon

the important committees of the people. Many of the boldest resolutions

that were adopted came from his pen.

In 1773 he was elected to the Assembly of his Province and was one of

the members who conducted the impeachment of Peter Oliver, then Chief

Justice, who was accused of acting under the dictation of the king

instead of the Assembly. In the prosecution of that trial Mr. Paine

manifested strong talent and great professional skill. In 1774 he was

again returned to the Assembly and boldly warned the people against the

dangers to be apprehended from the appointment of Gov. Gage to succeed

Gov. Hutchinson. It was plain to his mind that the nefarious designs of

the British ministry were to be enforced by the bayonet unless the

people tamely submitted to slavery. An awful crisis was approaching. A

larger committee than at any previous time convened at Boston, which

proposed and urged the plan of a General Congress to be convened at

Philadelphia. Gov. Gage sent an order for them to disperse but his

orderly was refused admittance. Five delegates were appointed to meet

the General Congress of whom Mr. Paine was one. This measure was

originated in Massachusetts in 1765 and was strongly urged in a circular

in 1768. The set time to favor Liberty had now come. The galling yoke

had become painful--most of the colonies approved the plan. By the

originators of this proposition a separation from England was not

contemplated--a restoration of chartered rights was all that was asked

and this in the most loyal and respectful language. With this object in

view the Congress convened. When the delegates compared notes they were

astonished at the wide spread system of abuses that was on the flood

tide of advancement throughout the Colonies. Each had supposed his own

constituents most oppressed. Indignation increased but wisdom and

deliberation stamped every transaction with a manly dignity. The

proceedings were calm as a summer morning but firm as the rock of ages.

The delegates appealed to the king, to Parliament, to the British

nation, to the American people--to a gazing world for the justice of

their claims--the equity of their demands. But appeals were vain, cries

useless, remonstrances unheeded. They were answered by legions of

hireling troops in all the panoply of war with the shrill bugle grating

harshly upon the ear. They saw the glittering steel of the foe dazzling

in the sun beams. Open resistance or servile submission were the

alternatives.

Mr. Paine was a member of the Provincial Congress convened in Concord,

Mass. in October 1774. He superintended the preparation of a spirited

address to the people of England which put many in the mother country

right and did much to rouse the Colonists to a just indignation towards

the overbearing ministry. In 1775 he was a member of the Continental

Congress and was placed upon many important committees. He was chairman

of the committee on the manufacture of arms and for furnishing the army.

He was indefatigable in his labors in the glorious cause of Liberty. He

often said--"I fear we shall become slaves because we are not

industrious enough to be free." Mr. Paine was one of the committee to

prepare a constitution for his native state and had the credit of

framing that instrument. In 1776 he was a member of the Continental

Congress. He was on the committee with Messrs. Jefferson and Rutledge

who prepared the rules that governed the action of that body. He was one

of the committee to inquire into the causes of the disasters of the

campaign in Canada. When the glorious 4th of July 1776 dawned upon

Columbia's sons like smiling Heaven and the Eagle of LIBERTY soared in

peerless majesty over their blood-stained soil--Mr. Paine was at his

post. With a buoyant heart and firm hand he wrote his name upon that

matchless instrument which is the consolation of freemen--the

consternation of tyrants.

He did much to rouse his friends to action by his letters written in the

most happy style. In his native state he stood high in the temple of

fame--in Congress he was esteemed by all its members. He was continued

in that body for several years and when he could be spared served in the

legislature of his State. In 1777 he was speaker of the House of

Representatives. The same year he was appointed attorney-general by the

unanimous vote of both branches of the legislature. He was a prominent

member of the committee that formed the Act reducing the price of labor

and goods to a standard of equality. In 1779 he was elected to the

Executive Council. The numerous duties imposed upon him he discharged to

the satisfaction of his constituents. He was continued in the office of

attorney-general until 1790. He then declined in order to pursue some

more lucrative business to provide for the increasing wants of a large

and destitute family. He had expended all his earnings in the cause of

freedom but a scanty support. He was then appointed a judge of the

Superior Court. He continued on the bench until 1804 when ill health

compelled him to resign. He discharged his judicial duties with justice

and ability and did much to advance the interests of religion, social

order and a sound state of society. On his resignation he was appointed

a counsellor of the commonwealth and continued to impart his salutary

advice and shed around him a benign influence until the king of terrors

closed his useful career on the 11th of May 1814. Calm and resigned he

slept in death. He entered Jordan's flood with a full assurance of being

hailed with the joyful sentence--"Well done good and faithful servant,

enter thou into the joys of thy Lord." If the bright examples here

presented fail to benefit the reader his virtue and patriotism are

paralyzed.

In the life of Judge Paine we have a picture which the Christian,

patriot, jurist and statesmen may contemplate with delightful pleasure.

Because he administered the laws strictly some called him harsh but no

one dared accuse him of injustice. His integrity was beyond the reach of

slander and the assaults of malice. From his solicitude to direct a

wayward son in the paths of rectitude he was reported unkind to his

family. The tale was as false as the heart was base that originated it.

He was all kindness and affection. His anxiety for the welfare and

usefulness of this very son is proof of the deepest paternal regard. He

was a friend to common school education and the sciences. He was the

founder of the American Academy of Massachusetts in 1780. The degree of

LL.D. was conferred upon him by the Cambridge University.

Mr. Paine was a striking example of the happy results of perseverance

and industry. He became greatly useful and acquired his fame without the

aid of patrons in early life--rising by his own exertions and supplying

the wants of his destitute and aged parents to the day of their death.

His career in public and private life was marked with the purest

integrity, the loftiest patriotism, the strictest morality, the most

refined consistency and the most exemplary piety. His life was a

continued round of usefulness--his labors a blessing to mankind--his

death a loss that was keenly felt by his personal friends and the nation

at large. A review of his bright examples affords the highest eulogy

that can be pronounced upon his character. They will be held in

veneration to the remotest period of truth-telling time by all who

revere virtue and love Liberty.

JOHN PENN.

A federal republican government is an unlimited partnership of the

noblest character. Based upon an equality of original representative

stock, an equality of interest in the welfare of the firm devolves upon

each individual of the compact. Unlike monopolizing corporations that

often make the poor poorer and the rich richer--each stockholder has a

right to speak, vote and act upon all questions in primary meetings

irrespective of the number of shares held. The specie of the firm

consists in equality of representation, natural rights, protection in

person, properly and freedom. These precious coins cannot be diminished

in quantity or reduced in quality by alloy without courting danger. To

aid in preserving them pure is the duty of _all_ and should not be

entrusted to the aspiring _few_. Separately and collectively each and

the whole are solemnly bound to pursue all honourable means to advance

the general good. Each one is bound to bring every talent into use--to

leave none in the dark quarry of ignorance, the quagmire of negligence

or to rust by inertness. The unfaithful steward that had but one talent

was condemned because he did not put it to use. Who can tell what his

talents are until he brings them to the light? Rich ores often lie deep.

Many men have passed their majority without rising to mediocrity in

point of developed intellect and have then suddenly risen, like a

blazing meteor and illuminated the world. By several of the signers of

the Declaration of Independence this was beautifully demonstrated.

Among these was John Penn, born in Caroline county, Virginia, the 17th

of May 1741. He was the only child of Moses Penn who married Catharine,

the daughter of John Taylor. The education of the son was confined to

the commonest of common schools--the only kind then in his

neighbourhood. A little learning has been called a dangerous thing but

the amount taught in some common schools at the present era of light is

too small to be dangerous--too limited to do much good. The most

important branch of the education of that era his parents attended to

themselves. By example and precept they taught him the principles of

religion, social virtue and moral honesty. Upon a farm young Penn

labored with his sire who had but few books and did not desire more.

When John was but eighteen years of age his father died and left him a

small fortune. He had an increasing thirst for knowledge but no library

fountain at which he could drink and drink again until he should have

within himself a living stream of mental light. He communicated his

ardent desire to improve his education to his neighbor and relative,

Edmund Pendleton who was a profound lawyer and an able statesman.

Convinced that young Penn possessed strong native talent he made him

welcome to his valuable library and became deeply interested in his

improvement. After exploring the fields of general science this young

philomath commenced the study of law with his relative and brought out

mental ores from his long neglected intellectual quarry of a rare and

rich variety. Mr. Pendleton was delighted with his pupil and the _pupil_

delighted in pleasing him.

Mr. Penn surmounted the barriers that lay before him with an astonishing

rapidity. Before some of his friends supposed he had mastered the

elementary principles of Blackstone he presented himself at the court

for examination--was admitted to the Bar and at once exhibited the

bright plumage of a successful lawyer. But three years previous his now

soaring talents were buried deep in their native quarry--unknown and

unsuspected--a strong admonition to every reader under similar

circumstances to examine closely the quarry of his own immortal mind.

The professional eminence of Mr. Penn rose as rapidly as his appearance

in the forum was surprising. He gained the confidence of the community,

the respect of the courts and the esteem of his senior brethren. In 1763

he doubled his original stock in the firm of the social compact by

leading to the hymenial altar the amiable and accomplished Susannah

Lyme--thus avoiding the hyemal frost that creeps chillingly over lonely

bachelors.

In 1774 Mr. Penn removed to North Carolina. Carrying with him a high

legal reputation he soon obtained a lucrative practice. He had

participated largely in the patriotic feelings that were spreading over

the Colonies like an autumn fire on a prairie. He had fully imbibed the

principles of his venerable preceptor who was one of the boldest of the

bold Virginians in the vindication of chartered rights and was a member

of the general Congress of 1774. The liberal views and splendid talents

of Mr. Penn were soon appreciated by his new acquaintances. On the 8th

of September 1775 he was appointed to the Continental Congress and

repaired to the post of duty and honor the ensuing month. He became an

active and prominent member of that venerated assembly of sages whose

wisdom, sagacity and intelligence emblazoned the historic page with a

new and more brilliant lustre. He served on numerous committees and

acquitted himself with great credit in the discharge of every duty that

devolved upon him. In the committee room, in the House, among the

people--in every situation in which he moved he made the cause of

liberty his primary business. So highly were his services appreciated by

his constituents that they continued him in Congress until the

accumulating dangers that were threatening his own state induced him to

decline a re-election in 1779. He was an early and warm supporter of the

Declaration of Independence. When the joyful day arrived to take the

final question he most cheerfully and boldly sustained it by his vote

and signature--enrolling his name with the brightest constellation of

illustrious statesmen that ever illuminated a legislative chamber.

South Carolina had been devastated by Lord Cornwallis who was preparing

to carry destruction to North Carolina. Emissaries from the British were

already within its precincts to prepare the way for the triumphant entry

of the cruel foe. Already had the friends of royal power received

instructions to seize the most prominent whigs and the military stores

with an assurance of immediate support. The cruelties that had been

practised in South Carolina carried terror to all but hearts of oak.

The sacrifice of Col. Hayne at Charleston in that state, will give the

reader a faint idea of the spirit of demoniac revenge that characterized

some of the refined and christianized British officers.

When that city fell into his hands, Lord Cornwallis issued a

proclamation promising all who would desist from opposing the authority

of the king the most sacred protection of person and property on

condition that each should sign an instrument of neutrality which

obligated the signers not to take up arms against the mother country and

exonerated them from serving against their own. Being a prisoner and

separated from his wife and six small children then residing in the

country--his lady confined with the small pox--Col. Hayne finally signed

the fatal instrument with great reluctance upon the solemn assurance of

the highly civilized and professedly christianized English officers and

James Simpson--intendant of British police, that he should never be

required to bear arms in support of the crown. Like Bishop Cranmer, Col.

Hayne subscribed to that which his soul detested that he might fly to

the relief of his suffering family. As in the case of Bishop Cranmer his

enemies pursued him with a relentless persecution that nothing but death

could allay--a persecution that would have made the untutored Indian

shudder at broken faith and weep tears of blood over violated vows. It

was a total disregard of law, justice and humanity.

Soon after his return to his dying wife and little ones the British

called at his house and ordered him into the army of the mother country

and threatened him with close confinement if he refused. In vain he

referred them to the conditions upon which he so reluctantly signed the

article of neutrality. In vain he claimed protection under the

provincial militia law that imposed a fine when a citizen chose not to

render personal service. To his relentless oppressors all was a dead

letter. He pointed them to the wife of his bosom--the mother of his

children--sinking under the small pox and rapidly approaching another

world. Their sympathy was sealed--their compassion frozen up. In a few

short hours Mrs. Hayne closed her eyes in death. She rested in peace. A

different fate was in reserve for the afflicted husband. The order to

enter the British army must be obeyed or immediate imprisonment would

follow. By the violation of the pledges made to him on their part he

correctly considered himself absolved from all obligations to the

officers of the crown. He at once entered the American army, preferring

death to the ranks of the invaders. A brilliant but short career in the

service of his country awaited him. He was soon made a prisoner and sent

to Charleston where Lord Rawdon, a general of his most _Christian_

majesty, loaded him with irons--submitted him to a mock trial--_ex

parte_ in its proceedings and conclusions--based on revenge and cruelty,

resolved on the speedy and ignominious death of his victim. Col. Hayne

was sentenced to be hung. Amazement and dismay, indignation and surprise

were strongly manifested by all classes. A large proportion of the

friends of the crown deemed the transaction a species of murder. A

petition--headed by the royal governor and numerously signed by persons

of high standing who still adhered to the mother country was presented

to Lord Rawdon in behalf of the unfortunate prisoner but all in vain.

"Still revenge sat brooding on his dark and sullen brow

And the grim fiends of hell urged his soul on to murder."

The ladies of Charleston--wives and daughters of royalists and whigs,

then united in a petition couched in the most moving language--praying

that the life of Col. Hayne might be spared. This met with a cold

reception and peremptory refusal. As a last effort to rescue their

father from the gallows--his infant children, dressed in deep mourning

and bathed in tears, were led before Lord Rawdon. Upon their knees, with

their suffused eyes fixed upon him, they addressed the monster in a

strain of heart-moving eloquence that none but infant innocents can

express--none but fiends resist. "_Our mother is dead--spare! O! spare

our dear father!!!_

"But still he stood unmoved,

Hard as the adamantine rock,

Dark as a sullen cloud before the sun."

So melting was this scene that veteran soldiers wept aloud and all were

astounded at the demoniac course of the blood thirsty and relentless

Rawdon. A request was then made that Col. Hayne might be permitted to

die as a military officer and not hung as a felon. This was also denied.

As a devout Christian the martyr resigned himself to his cruel fate and

prepared his mind for the approaching crisis. His little son was

permitted to visit him in prison. When he saw his father loaded with

irons he burst into tears. The parent remarked to him, "Why will you

break my heart with unavailing sorrow? Have I not often told you that we

came into this world to prepare for a better? For that better life, dear

boy, your father is prepared. Instead of weeping, rejoice with me that

my troubles are so near an end. To-morrow I set out for immortality.

When I am dead bury me by the side of your mother." No imagination can

fully conceive--no fancy can truly paint--no pen clearly portray, no

language can half express the heart rending reality of that last sad

interview between the father and his son. When upon the fatal drop with

the accursed halter around his neck--Col. Hayne shook hands with his

friends--bade them an affectionate farewell--urged them to persevere in

the glorious cause of freedom--recommended his children to the

protection of three gentlemen present and the next moment was struggling

in death. The sight was too much for his son--his brain became

disordered--his reason fled--he died insane. With his expiring breath he

faintly whispered--"_My mother is dead!--Spare! O! spare my dear

father!!!_"

The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution · 第 9 / 14 章