the expression as simply equivalent to buried.
[711] This phrase is sometimes, though very rarely, inadvertently
used in Christian epitaphs, as also the expression, Τὸν ἀγρήγορον
ὕπνον καθεύδει--“Sleeps the sleep that knows no waking.” Of
somewhat pagan form is the following epitaph of Cardinal
Porto-Carero at Toledo, _Hic jacet pulvis cinis et nihil_--“Here
lies dust and ashes, and nothing more.”
[712] Omnibus a suprema die eadem quæ ante primum, nec magis a
morte sensus ullus aut corporis aut animæ, quam ante natalem.
[713] Si quis piorum manibus locus, si non cum corpore
extinguuntur magnæ animæ, placide quiescas.--_Vit. Agric._
[714] Esse aliquid manes et subterranea regna,
Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum ære lavantur.
--_Sat._, ii, 149.
[715] See that saddest but most beautiful of the odes of
Horace--To Delium, II, 3.
... Et nos in æternum
Exilium impositura cymbæ.
[716] In a similar spirit the dying emperor Augustus inquired if
he had played his part well in the farce of life, and asked the
applause of his courtiers.
Δότε κρότον
Καὶ πάντες ὑμεῖς μετὰ χαρᾶς κτυπήσατε.
[717] The Swedish poet Georg St. Jernhjelm ordered to be written
on his tomb the pagan sentiment, VIXIT DVM VIXIT LAETVS--“While
he lived he lived merrily.”
[718] “God counts even the bristles of the swine,” says
Tertullian, “much more the hairs of his children.”
[719] The following proposes a practical test of the existence of
spirits: TV LEGIS ET DVBITAS MANES ESSE SPONSIONE FACTA INVOCA
NOS ET INTELLIGES--“You who read this epitaph and doubt whether
spirits exist, invoke us, and by our answer you will know.”
[720] Thus in Rock’s _Hierurgia_, a standard Romanist authority,
such expressions as REQ IN PACE are explained sometimes in
defiance of the grammatical construction of the context, as
signifying “Mayest thou rest,” as if REQVIESCAS, instead of, in
analogy with numerous other examples, “he rests,”--REQVIESCIT.
Sometimes the cardinal word is entirely omitted, as in the
expression, IN PACE ET BENEDICTIONE, which is quite unwarrantably
translated, “May you rest in peace and benediction.”
[721] Sometimes the modernized form of the language indicates the
late origin of _graffiti_ found on ancient monuments, as in the
following, PREGA ILA PER SILVINA, VIVI ILA NEL DIO CRISTO.
[722] The adoring love of Cicero for his daughter found
expression in the building of a temple to her memory.
[723] Rock quotes them as “_proof_” that the primitive Christians
believed that the soul of the deceased might be in an
intermediate state, where the efficacy of such aspirations could
reach him, and his spirit could be refreshed and benefitted by
the supplications of his surviving brethren.--_Hierurgia_, p.
322. He gives several examples similar to the above; but no
accumulation of such evidence affords the slightest warrant for
the corrupt practice of the Church of Rome.
[724] Burgon.
[725] _Ibid._
[726] Ut ex recordatione eorum proficiamus.--_Orig._ in _Rom._,
xii. These commemorations of the departed were generally
celebrated on the anniversaries of their death--their birthday as
it was called--Oblationes pro defunctis pro natalitiis, annua die
facimus--Tertul., _De Coron. Mil._, c. 3; cf. _De Monogam._,
c. 10.
[727] Quando isthinc excessum fuerit, nullus jam locus
poenitentiæ est, nullus satisfactionis effectus.--Cypr. _ad
Demet._, § 16; cf. Greg. Naz., _de Rebus suis_, and Hieron. in
_Galat._, c. 6. The modern Greek church offers prayers for the
dead without believing in the doctrine of purgatory.
[728] The doctrine of purgatory was first preached by Gregory the
Great; and this fiery realm, so rich in revenue of tears and
blood, was afterward formally annexed to the papal dominions by a
bull.
[729] See the barbarous Latinity of the inscription, p. 426.
[730] Some of the examples of alleged invocation of saints given
by Romanist writers are altogether gratuitous assumptions. Thus
the letters P. T. PR. N. S. have been, without the slightest
warrant, expanded thus, _Pete pro nobis_, “Pray for us.” Others
are merely requests to be remembered by the dear departed, as
ΔΙΟΝΥϹΙΝ ΕΙϹ ΜΝΙΑΝ ΕΧΕΤΕ--“Have ye in remembrance Dionysius.”
The _graffiti_ of the pilgrims at the shrines of the more
celebrated martyrs, in which are occasional invocations of the
dead, are no criteria of primitive belief and practice, for these
are of every age down to comparatively late mediæval times. The
example in the text is from Burgon.
[731] Qui lumine Christi
Cuncta et operta vides, longeque absentia cernis.
--Paulin., _Nat._ vi.
See also the Litany of the Saints in Romish Missal.
[732] Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ προσκυνοῦμεν τοὺς δὲ μάρτυρας
ἀγαπῶμεν.--_Euseb._, iv, 35.
[733] Nec ... sacrificemus martyribus, sed uni Deo et martyrum et
nostro.--_De Civ. Dei_, 22, 10.
[734] Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum.--_De Ver.
Relig._, c. 55.
[735] Ὁ διάβολος τὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων ἐπεισήγαγε.--_Hom._, 9.
[736] Οὐ δεῖ Χριστιανοὺς ἀγγέλους ὀνομάζειν.--_Can._, 35. The
“saints” of the primitive church, says Schaff, were the whole
body of believers, and not a narrow spiritual aristocracy, as in
the Romish church. The Council of Constantinople, A. D. 712,
decreed that “Whosoever will not avail himself of the
intercession of the Virgin Mary, let him be accursed.” “May God
Almighty forgive your sin by the merits of Our Lady,” said
Gregory VII. to Beatrice and Matilda.--_Harduin_ vi, 1235.
[737] We have frequent evidence of the zeal of the early
Christians in the study of the Scriptures. The Bible was not the
sealed book that it is in modern Rome. Jerome counsels that it be
frequently read and scarcely ever laid aside, that it be studied
not as a task but for delight and instruction, and that some of
it be learned by heart every day.--Divinas Scripturas sæpius
lege, imo nunquam de manibus tuis sacra lectio deponatur.--_Ep.
ad Nepotian._, 7. Non ad laborem, sed ad delectationem et
instructionem animæ.--_Ep. ad Demetriad._, 15. Nec licebat cuiquam
sororum ignorare psalmos, et non de Scripturis sanctis quotidie
aliquid discere.--_Ep. ad Eustoch._, 19.
We find no traces in the early period of the church of the fierce
intolerance and dreadful anathemas that mark modern Romanism.
Tertullian in golden words asserts that liberty of conscience
which a Dominic and Torquemada afterward so ruthlessly trampled
under foot. “It is a fundamental human right,” he exclaims, “that
every man should worship according to his own conviction. It is
no part of religion to compel religion.”--_Ad Scap._, 2. Compare
also the wise words of Cassiodorus: “Cum divinitas patiatur
multas religiones esse, nos unam non audemus imponere. Retinemus
enim legisse, voluntarie sacrificandum esse domino, non cujusquam
cogentis imperio.”
[738] The pagan Lucian satirizes the Christian doctrine of the
Trinity, “one in three and three in one”--Ἓν ἐκ τριῶν, καὶ ἐξ ἑνὸς
τρία.--_Philopatr._, ad fine. Pliny mentions the Christian
worship of Christ as God, “Carmenque Christo quasi Deo.”--_Ep. ad
Had._ In response to the heathen accusation of worshipping a mere
man, a crucified impostor--ἀνεσκολοπισμένον σοφιστὴν, (Luc., _de
Mort. Pereg._,) the Christians reply that he is also God: Υἱος καὶ
πατὴρ εἷς ἄμφω κύριος--Clem., _Paed._, iii, 12; “Deus est
et Dei Filius, et unus ambo.”--Tertul., _Apol._, 30. In contrast
to Christian monotheism, Tertullian ridicules the polytheism of
the heathen, and compares the contests of the gods in Homer to
those of gladiators.--_Ad. Nat._, 10. Imitating the keen irony of
Isaiah, he exclaims, “You make a cooking pot of Saturn, a frying
pan of Minerva. Even the mice gnaw, the spiders defoul your
gods.”--_Ibid._, ii, 12. The trinity of Plato and the Hindoo
sages was a mere speculative subtlety. Tertullian spurned the
fusion of philosophy and Christian doctrine. “Away with such
mottled Christianity,” he exclaims.--_De Præscrip. Hæret._, c. 7.
Compare his noble confession of faith in God, the eternal Spirit,
an incorporeal essence, the true Prometheus who gave order to the
world, concluding with the noble words, “We say, and before all
men we say, and torn and bleeding under your tortures we cry out,
‘We worship God through Christ.’”--_Apol._, 17-22.
[739] Bryant’s _Thanatopsis_.
CHAPTER III. 453
CHRISTIAN LIFE AND CHARACTER AS READ IN THE CATACOMBS.
The inscriptions of the Catacombs give us many interesting indications
of the social position, domestic relations, and general character of
the primitive Christians, as well as of their religious belief. They
lift the veil of ages from the buried past and cause it to live again,
lit up with a thousand natural touches which we seek in vain from
books. They bridge the gulf of time, and make us in a sense
contemporaries of the early church. They give us an insight into the
daily life and occupations of the ancient believers, of which no
mention is made in the crowded page of history. The winding Catacombs
are the whispering gallery of the bygone ages. Their humble epitaphs
are echoes thrilling with a deep and tender meaning, too low and
gentle to be heard across the strife of intervening years. In their
touching pathos we seem to hear the sob of natural sorrow for the
loved and lost, “the fall of kisses on unanswering clay,” the
throbbings of the human heart in the hour of its deepest emotion, when
the parting pang unseals the founts of feeling in the soul. We read of
the yearnings of an affection that reaches beyond the grave, and
hungers for reunion with the dear departed above the skies; the
expression of an inextinguishable love that death itself cannot
destroy. We see the emblematic palm and crown rudely scratched upon
the grave wherein the Christian athlete, having fought the fight
and kept the faith, has entered into dreamless rest. We read, too, the 454
records of the worldly rank of the deceased--sometimes exalted, more
often lowly and obscure--frequently accompanied by the emblems of
their humble toil.
The very names written on these marble slabs are often beautifully and
designedly expressive of Christian sentiment or character. Sometimes
the correspondence of name and character is indicated, as in the
following: ΣΙΜΠΛΙΚΙΑ Η ΚΑΙ ΚΑΛΩΝΥΜΟΣ--“Simplicia who was also rightly
so-called;” HIC VERVS QVI SEMPER VERA LOCVTVS--“Here lies Verus, who
ever spoke verity.” These names were frequently assumed in adult age,
when the convert from paganism laid aside his former designation,
often of an idolatrous meaning, in order to adopt one more consistent
with the Christian profession. Thus we have such beautifully
significant names as INNOCENTIA, “Innocence;” CONSTANTIA, “Constancy;”
PRVDENTIA, “Prudence;” DIGNITAS, “Dignity;” DECENTIA, “Comeliness;”
PEREGRINVS, “A pilgrim;” SABBATA, “Rest;” ANASTASIA, “The
resurrection;” ΠΙΣΤΙΣ, “Faith;” ΕΛΠΙΣ and SPES, “Hope;” ΑΓΑΠΗ, “Love;”
ΕΙΡΗΝΗ, “Peace;” ΑΓΑΘΗ, “Good;” ΕΥΣΕΒΙΟΣ, “Pious;” ΕΥΚΑΡΠΙΑ, “Good
fruit;” PROBVS, “Just;” FELIX, “Happy;” FIDELIS, “Faithful;”
FORTVNATA, “Fortunate;” VERVS, “True;” DIGNVS, “Worthy;” CASTA,
“Pure;” BENIGNVS, “Kind;” NOBILIS, “Noble;” AMABILIS, “Amiable;”
INGENVA, “Sincere;” VENEROSA, “Venerable;” GAVDIOSA, “Rejoicing,”
GRATA, “Pleasing;” CANDIDVS, “Frank;” DVLCIS and ΓΛΥΚΥΣ, “Sweet;”
SEVERA, “grave;” with the comparatives, FELICIOR, NOBILIOR, etc., and
the superlatives, FELICISSIMA, “most happy;” NOBILISSIMA, “most
noble;” FIDELISSIMA, “most faithful;” DIGNISSIMA, “Most worthy;”
DVLCISSIMA, “Most sweet;” and the like.[740] 455
Sometimes, too, a pious word or phrase was used as a proper name, as
among the ancient Hebrews and the English Puritans. Thus we have such
examples as, QVOD VVLT DEVS, “What God wills;” DEVS DEDIT, “God gave;”
ADEODATVS[741] and ADEODATA, “Given by God;” ΘΕΟΤΟΚΟΣ, “God-born;”
ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑ, “God-given;” DEO GRATIA, “Thanks to God;” ΘΕΟΦΙΛΟΣ,
“God-beloved;”[742] RENATVS, “Born again;” REDEMPTVS, “Redeemed;”
ACCEPTISSIMA, “Very well pleasing;” BONIFACIVS, “Well-doer;”
ΕΥΠΡΟΣΔΕΚΤΟΣ, “Accepted” or “Acceptable;” and ΣΩΖΟΜΕΝΗ, “Saved.”[743]
De Rossi thinks that the expressions, ANCILLA DEI, “Handmaid of God;”
and SERVVS DEI, “Servant of God,” are sometimes proper names.
Some of the names in these inscriptions were probably given by the
heathen in reproach and contempt, and were afterward adopted by the
Christians in humility and self-abasement. It is difficult to account
otherwise for such names as, CONTVMELIOSVS, “Injurious;” CALAMITOSA,
“Destructive;” PROIECTVS, “Cast out;” SERVILIS, “Servile;” and 456
especially such opprobrious epithets as FIMUS and STERCORIA, “Dung”
and “Filth.” In the last there may be an allusion to the words of St.
Paul, (1 Cor. iv, 13,) “We are made as the filth of the world, and are
the offscouring of all things unto this day.” Thus the primitive
believers bound persecution as a wreath about their brows, exulted in
the glorious infamy, and made the brand of shame the badge of honour.
A few Scripture names occur, and have a strangely foreign look amid
those of Greek or Latin origin by which they are surrounded. Thus we
have Petrus, Joannes, Paulus, Stephanus, Rebecca, Elizabeth, Susanna,
and Maria. The extreme rarity of the last, however, since so popular
throughout Christendom, is an indication that the homage of the Virgin
Mary is the growth of later times.
The names of animals were often applied to both Christians and pagans,
as Aper, Leo, Leopardus, Porcella, Muscula, Tigris, Ursus, and Ursa;
and some of these we have seen pictorially represented on the
tombs.[744] Other names were derived from the months, as Januarius,
Aprilis, December, etc.; and even from the appellations of the pagan
deities, as Mercurius, Apollinaris, etc. Sometimes the pet name by
which the deceased was familiarly known in life is recorded, as
Agnella, “Little Lamb;” Lepusculus and Leporilla, “Little Hare;”
Rosula, “Little Rose;” Jocundilla, “Merry Little Thing,” etc.[745]
Most of the names, as might be expected, were of classic origin, 457
sometimes indicating alliance with families of senatorial, consular,
or even imperial rank. We find also indications of the custom of
adopting the names of the reigning dynasty. The modern Victorias and
Alberts find their analogues in the Aurelias and Constantias of the
Aurelian and Constantinian periods. The lofty prænomen, nomen, and
cognomen of the pagan epitaphs rarely appear in this Christian series.
Only two or three examples of these triple names occur. Even two names
become uncommon, and persons undoubtedly entitled to these
distinctions of rank were recorded only by a single name. Having
renounced the pride of birth, and place, and power, they laid aside
their worldly titles for the new name given in Christian baptism.
Sometimes the names of the deceased are not recorded in the epitaphs
at all, perhaps, as Fabretti suggests, because they wish them to be
written only in the Book of Life.[746] For the same reason probably,
or from poverty or ignorance, most of the funeral tiles and slabs bear
no inscription whatever.
These inscriptions frequently give intimations of the social rank and
occupations of the deceased. Sometimes the enumeration of titles
indicates exalted position and the holding of important offices of 458
trust. Especially was this the case after the public establishment of
Christianity. Many of the later inscriptions recount in pompous and
inflated terms, strongly contrasting with the brevity and simplicity
of the earlier examples, the civil dignities and distinctions of the
departed. We have already seen the epitaph of an Imperial
Procurator.[747] The following are examples of later date.
IVN BASSVS · |V| · C · QVI VIXIT ANNIS · XLII MEN · II IN IPSA
PRAEFECTVRA VRBI NEOFITVS IIT AD DEVM--“Junius Bassus, a most
distinguished man, who lived forty-two years, two months. Whilst
holding the office of Præfect of the City, he, a neophyte, went
to God.” (A. D. 359.) ADVENIT HOSPES ROMANVS PRINCEPS IN VRBEM
CVI FVIT HIC PRIMVM IVRISCONSVLTOR AMICVS--“The Roman Emperor
(Constantine) came a stranger to the City, whose first friend was
this lawyer.” HIC REQVIESCINT (_sic_) IN PACE PRAETEXTATVS |VI| ·
EX QVESTOR |SCP| ET FILIA EIVS PRAETEXTATA CF--“Here rest in
peace Prætextatus, an illustrious man, ex-quaestor of the Sacred
Palace, and his daughter Prætextata, a most distinguished woman.”
(A. D. 486.) IVLIVS FELIX VALENTINIANVS · VC · ET (SP ·) EX
SILENTIARIO SACRI PALATII EX COM · CONSISTORII · COM ·
DOM--“Julius Felix Valentinianus, a man of the highest
distinction and consideration,[748] ex-Silentiary of the Sacred
Palace, ex-Count of the Consistory, Count of the Household
Troops.” (A. D. 519.)
MAIORVM LONGA VENIENS DE STIRPE SENATOR
AVXISTI MENTIS NOBILITATE GENVS
IVDICIS IMPERIVM SERVANS BONITATE MAGISTRA
CVM TIBI SVBIECTIS TV QVOQVE MILES ERAS
VRBANOS FASCES GAVDENS TIBI ROMA PARABAT. (A. D. 533.)
A Senator, coming from a long line of ancestors, thou didst
dignify thy family by nobility of mind, preserving the authority
of the judge by the power of goodness. Thou wast also a soldier
with those subject to thee, and Rome rejoicing, was preparing for
thee the fasces of the city.
We have also such examples as SCRINARIVS PATRICIAE SEDIS, “Secretary 459
of the Patrician order;” PRIMICERIVS MONETARIORVM, “Chief of the
bankers;” ARGENTARIVS, “A money dealer;” VIATOR AD AERARIVM, “Sergeant
to the Exchequer;” PRAEFECTVS ANNONAE, “Prefect of the market;”
VESTITOR IMPERATORIS, “Master of the imperial wardrobe;” MAGISTER
SCOLAE TERTIAE, “Master of the Third School;” MEDICVS, “A physician,”
etc.
The great body of the Christians, however, were of lowly rank, many of
them probably slaves, as most of the arts of life were carried on by
that oppressed class. It was the sneer of Celsus that “wool-workers,
leather-dressers, cobblers, the most illiterate of mankind, were
zealous preachers of the Gospel;” but Tertullian retorts that every
Christian craftsman can teach truths loftier than Plato ever
knew.[749] The inscriptions of the Catacombs indicate that not many
wise, not many mighty, joined that phalanx of heroic souls; but they
teach, too, that the lowliest toil may be dignified and ennobled by
being done to the glory of God. We have seen represented on the tombs
emblems of the occupation of the carpenter, mason, currier,
wool-comber, shoemaker, vine-dresser, and fossor. We find also such
records of trade as PISTOR REGIONIS XII, “A baker of the Twelfth
District;” ORTVLANVS, for _hortulanus_, “A gardener;” PATRONVS
CORPORIS PASTILLARIORVM, “Patron of the Corporation of Confectioners;”
PRIMICERIVS CENARIORVM, “Chief of the cooks;” HORREARIVS, “A 460
granary-keeper;” CARBONARIVS, “A charcoal seller;” POPINARIVS, “A
victualler;” BVBVLARIVS DE MACELLO, “A flesher from the shambles;”
CAPSARARIVS (_sic_) DE ANTONINIA, “A keeper of clothes at the Antonine
Baths;” QVADRATARIVS, “A stone-dresser;” POLLICLA QVI (H)ORDEVM BENDIT
(_sic_) DE BIA NOBA (_sic_,) “Pollicla, who sells barley in the New
Street;” IOHANNES VH. OLOGRAFVS (_sic_) PROPINE ISIDORI, “John, a
respectable man, a book-keeper in the tavern of Isidorus;” also, less
reputable still, VRBANVS VH. TABERNARIVS, “Urban, a respectable man, a
tavern keeper.” This, however, was in the year A. D. 584, when purity
of faith and practice had greatly degenerated. These lowly records are
preserved and studied with interest, when many of Rome’s proudest
monuments have crumbled away.[750]
Very often some phrase expressive of the Christian character or 461
distinguished virtues of the deceased is recorded in loving
remembrance by his sorrowing friends. These testimonies are calculated
to inspire a very high opinion of the purity, blamelessness, and
nobility of life of the primitive believers; all the more striking
from its contrast with the abominable corruptions of the pagan society
by which they were surrounded. With many points of external
resemblance to heathen inscriptions there is in these Christian
epitaphs a world-wide difference of informing spirit. Instead of the
pomp and pride of pagan panegyric, we have the celebration of the
modest virtues, of lowliness, gentleness, and truth. The Christian
ideal of excellence, as indicated by the nature of the praises
bestowed on the departed, is shown to be utterly foreign to that of
heathen sentiment. The following are characteristic examples:
FELIX SANCTAE FIDEI VOCITVS (_sic_) IIT IN PACE
CVIVS TANTVS AMOR ET CARITAS RETENETVR AB AMICIS IN AEVO
QVI CVM ESSET FVIT SOLACIVS MISERICORS OMNIBVS NOTVS.
Felix of sacred honour, when called away went in peace, whose
love and affection are so warmly cherished by his friends; who,
when he was in life was known to all for sympathy with the 462
afflicted and compassion toward the distressed.
IN SIMPLICITATE VIXIT AMICVS PAVPERVM INNOCENTIVM MISERICORS
SPECTABILIS ET PENITENS--“He lived in simplicity, a friend of the
poor, compassionate to the innocent, a man of consideration and
penitent.” INFANTIAE AETAS VIRGINITATIS INTEGRITAS MORVM GRAVITAS
FIDEI ET REVERENTIAE DISCIPLINA--“Of youthful age, of spotless
maidenhood, of grave manners, well disciplined in faith and
reverence.”
More frequent than any other expression was the phrase, common also to
pagan epitaphs, BENE MERENTI,--“To the well-deserving,” generally
indicated by the letters B. M. But many others of a more distinctively
Christian character occur, as, SERVVS DEI, FAMVLVS DEI, “Servant of
God;” ΔΟΥΛΟϹ ΠΙϹΤΟϹ ΘΕΟΥ, “Faithful Servant of God;” ΑΓΙΟϹ · ΘΕΟϹΕΒΕϹ,
“A holy worshipper of God;” ΓΛΥΚΕΡΑΝ ΑΓΙΑΝ, “An amiable and
holy person;” SANCTISSIMVS, “A most holy person;” ANIMA DVLCIS ET
INNOCENS, “Sweet and innocent soul;” AMICVS OMNIVM, “Friend of all
men;” ΠΑϹΙΦΙΛΟϹ ΚΑΙ ΟΥΔΕΝΙ ΕΧΘΡΟϹ, “Friend of all and enemy of
none;” SEMPER SINE CVLPA, “Ever without fault;” AMATOR PAVPERVM, “A
lover of the poor;” HOMO BONVS, “A good man;” STVDIOSVS, “Zealous;”
SPIRITO SANCTO, “To a holy soul;” INNOCENTISSIMVS, “A most innocent
person;” and the like. Others are of a more general character, as
HONESTES RECORDATIONES (_sic_) VIR, “A man worthy to be remembered
with honour;” ΑΕΙΜΝΗϹΤΟϹ, “Ever to be remembered;” ΘΕΟΦΙΛΕϹΤΑΤΟϹ,
“The most devout or God-loving;” MIRE (_sic_) SAPIENTIAE, “Of
wonderful wisdom;” LAVDABILIS FEMINA, “A praiseworthy woman;” CONIVX
DIGNISSIMA, “A most worthy wife;” CASTISSIMAE ADQVE PVDICISSIMAE 463
FEMINAE, “To a most chaste and modest woman;” MIRAE PVLCHRITVDINIS
ATQVE IDONEITATIS, “Of wonderful beauty and ability;” MIRAE
INTEGRITATIS ET FIDEI ATQVE CONSTANTIAE, “Of wonderful integrity,
faith, and steadfastness;” SAPIENS PIVS ATQVE BENIGNVS, “Wise, pious,
and kind;” HOMO FIDEI ET INTEGRITATIS OPINIONIS BONAE MENTIS INTEGRAE
AMICVS AMICORVM, “A man of sound faith and integrity, of good
judgment, of a sound mind, a friend of his friends;” SVABIS (_sic_)
SEMPERQVE PVDICA VERA LOQVENS, “Agreeable and ever modest, speaking
the truth;” BONITATIS EXIMIAE ET MIRAE VERECVNDIAE ET VLTRA AETATEM
SAPIENTIAE, “Of remarkable goodness and wonderful modesty, and wise
beyond her years;” ANIMA DVLCIS, INNOCVA (_sic_) SAPIENS ET PVLCHRA,
“A sweet spirit, guileless, wise, beautiful;” AMATRIX PAVPERORVM
(_sic_) ET OPERARIA, “A lover of the poor, and attentive to her work;”
FIDELIS IN |XPO| EIVS MANDATA SERVANS MARTYRVM OBSEQVIIS DEVOTA,
“Faithful in Christ, keeping his commands, devoted in attention to the
martyrs;” PVRVS AMICITIAE CVLTOR SERVATOR HONESTI ELOQVIO MISEROS
PIETATE IVVANS, “A guileless preserver of friendship and observer of
honour, helping the wretched by words and by affectionate care;” TE
CARVM SVVOLES TE FIXVM SENSIT AMICVS TE LEVITAS TORVVM DVLCEM COGNOVIT
HONESTVS, “Thee thy son felt beloved, thy friend attached, thee the
frivolous found stern, but the upright knew to be gentle;” ΕΥΤΕΡΠΕ Η
ΤΩΝ ΜΟΥϹΩΝ ϹΥΝΤΡΟΦΟϹ ΒΙΩϹΑϹΑ ΑΠΛΟϹ ΟϹΙΩϹ ΚΑΙ ΑΜΕΜΠΤΩϹ, “Euterpe, a
companion of the Muses, having lived simply, piously, and
irreproachably.” The last is from Sicily, the others are from Rome.
Other examples will be given in treating the domestic and 464
ecclesiastical relations of the primitive Christians.
In these memorials of the departed we have a striking portraiture of
the Christian graces and domestic virtues of the early believers. The
existence of such a pure and blameless community in a base and sensual
age is one of the noblest chapters in the history of the race. It was
also an eloquent protest, a living testimony against the abominations
of pagan society and the manifold corruptions which were in the world
through lust. From these the Christian community recoiled with utter
abhorrence, and, in the early centuries, lived unspotted amid
surrounding pollution.[751]
Although some of the pagan epitaphs betray a light and sportive
epicurean vein even in the solemn presence of death, yet others
indicate an appreciation of the domestic and civic virtues, as in the
following example: MIRAE BONITATIS ADQVE INIMITABILIS SANCTITATIS
TOTIVS CASTITATIS RARI EXEMPLI FEMINA CASTE BONE BITE ET PIETOSE
(_sic_) IN OMNIBVS ... VIXIT SINE LESIONE ANIMI MEI MECVM ANNOS XV.
FILIOS AVTEM PROCREAVIT VII--“Of wonderful goodness and inimitable
piety, of entire modesty, a woman of rare example, of a chaste,
virtuous, and pious life in all things. She lived with me without any
annoyance of my mind fifteen years, and bore me seven children.”
Often they are expressed with admirable brevity, as, TANTIS VIRTVTIBVS
NVLLVM PAR ELOGIVM, “Of so great virtue there is no equal praise;”
MORIBVS PARITER ET DISCIPLINA CAETERIS FEMINIS EXEMPLVM, “She was 465
equally in manners and education an example to other women;” DE CVIVS
PVDORE NEMO DICERE POTVIT, “Against whose modesty no one could say
aught;”[752] and this noble testimony to a magistrate, QVID ESSET
MALEDICERE NESCHT NON TANQVAM, “What it was to speak evil he did not
even know.”
But it is especially in the domestic relations that the tender and
pure affections of the Christians are most beautifully exhibited. His
heart must be callous indeed, who can read without emotion these
humble records of love and sorrow, which have survived so many of the
proudest monuments of antiquity. In the hour of tearful parting from
the dearly loved, the richest affections of the soul are breathed
forth, as the flower when crushed exhales its sweetest fragrance.
These rude inscriptions speak to our hearts with a power and pathos
all their own. Their mute eloquence sweeps down the centuries, and
touches chords in every soul that thrill with keenest sympathy. The
far severed ages are linked together by the tale of death and
sorrow--old as humanity yet ever new. The bleaching skeletons in their
stony beds seem clothed again with human flesh and warm with living
love. The beauty and tenderness of Christian family life is vividly
exhibited--the hallowing influence of religion making earthly love the
type of love eternal in the skies. The tie that knits fond hearts
together becomes the stronger as death smites at it in vain. The
language of affection becomes more fervent as the barrier of the grave
is interposed.
Especially is this the case when sorrowing parents mingle their tears 466
at the tiny _loculus_ of their babe, consigned to earth’s cold keeping
from their loving arms--their bud of promise blighted, and hope’s
blossom withered to bloom only in the skies. The warmest expressions
of endearment are lavished on the tombs of little children. Thus we
have such tender epithets as DVLCIOR MELLE, “Sweeter than honey;”
ΓΛΥΚΥΤΕΡΟϹ ΦΩΤΟϹ ΚΑΙ ΖΩΗϹ, “Sweeter than light and life;” AGNELLVS
DEI, “God’s little lamb;” PALVMBVLVS SINE FELLE, “Little dove without
gall;” PARVVLVS INNOCENS, “Little innocent;” MEAE DELICIAE, “My
delight;” DVLCISSIMVS CARISSIMVS, “Most sweet, most dear;” ΕΙΡΗΝΗ ΣΟΙ
ΦΟΡΤΟΥΝΑΤΗ ΘΥΓΑΤΡΙ ΓΛΥΚΥΤΑΤΗ, “Peace to thee, O Fortunata, our very
sweet child;” INNOCENTISSIMO PAVLO QVI · VIX · M · X · D · XIIII, “To
the most innocent Paul, who lived ten months, fourteen days;” ANIMA
DVLCIS INNOCVA SAPIENS ET PVLCHRA, “A sweet spirit, guileless, wise,
and beautiful,” (a child aged three years); MIRAE INNOCENTIAE AC
SAPIENTIAE PVERO, “A boy of wonderful innocence and intelligence,”
(aged four years.) Sometimes a reference is made to the brief sojourn
of the little pilgrim to life’s shores, as PARVM STETIT APVD NOS, “He
stayed but a short time with us.”
The following is from Sicily: ΕΝΘΑΔΕ ΚΙΤΕ (_sic_) ΕΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗ ΜΑΡΙΑ
ΕΖΗϹΕΝ ΕΤΗ ΜΙΚΡΟΝ ΠΡΟϹ Β (ΚΑΙ) ΕΤΕΛΕΙΩΘΗ, “Here lies Mary in peace:
she lived a little more than two years (and) finished her course.” Of
another it is said, that she died INTER MANVS PARENTVM, “In the arms
of her parents.” In an epitaph at Naples is the exquisite utterance of
a sorrowing heart: IN SOLIS TV MIHI TVRBA LOCIS, “In lonely places
thou art crowds to me.” Generally, however, the grief of the parents
is speechless, and we read merely, PARENTES FECERVNT FILIAE, “The 467
parents made (this tomb) for their child,” or perhaps, MATER
INCOMPARABILI FILIAE PECIT, “The mother made this for her incomparable
daughter.”
Sometimes the praise of the deceased is more elaborate, as in the
following, which is probably of late date; DALMATIO FILIO DVLCISSIMO
TOTIVS INGENIOSITATIS AC SAPIENTIAE PVERO QVEM PLENIS SEPTEM ANNIS
PERFRVI PATRI INFELICI NON LICVIT QVI STVDENS LITTERAS GRAECAS NON ·
MONSTRATAS SIBI LATINAS--“To Dalmatius, a very sweet son, of the
utmost genius and wisdom, whose unhappy father was not permitted to
enjoy him for seven full years, who, while studying the Greek
language, acquired Latin without being taught.”[753]
Sometimes a natural expression of sorrow occurs, as PARENTES DOLENTES,
“The parents grieving;” PATER INFELIX, “The unhappy father;” CONTRA
VOTVM, “Regretfully;” PARENTES MISERI FVNEBRIS ACERVITATE (_sic_)
PERCVSSI TITVLVM ERIGI IVSSERVNT, “The wretched parents, smitten by
the bitterness of her death, commanded this tablet to be set up,” (A.
D. 464;) EREPTA EX OCVLIS GENITORIS, “Snatched from the eyes of her
parent;” QVIS NON DOLVIT AETATI TVAE PIASQVE LACRIMAS FVDIT IN TE SPES
FVTVRA EXPECTABATVR PER TE PER TE GLORIA PERENNIS CELERINE FILI,
FIDELIS QVIESCIS IN PACE QVI VIXIT ANN. I. M. VIII--“Who did not
grieve for thy (immature) age and pour affectionate tears? In thee was
future hope. Through thee, through thee, O son Celerinus, perennial
glory was expected. Faithful one, thou restest in peace, who lived one
year eight months,” (A. D. 381).
In the following, of later date, the expressions of grief are more
elaborate and artificial, and indicate the influence of pagan thought 468
and diction, especially in the last line:
QVOD DVLCES NATI QVOD CARA PIGNORA PRAESTANT
ABSTVLIT ATRA DIES ET FVNERE MERSIT ACERVO
HAEC MATER ET GENITOR CONSCRIBVNT CARMINA BVSTO
QVO LEGENTI SIMVL REDEAT SVB CORDE FIGVRA
ET SICCATA SAEPE MADESCANT LVMINA FLETV
SIC MEDICATVR AMOR NEC CVRANT CARMINA MANES.
“What sweet children, what dear pledges promise, a dire day has
borne away, and plunged in bitter death. The father and mother,
together, write these verses on the tomb, in order that to any
one reading, the image may at once return to the soul, and the
eyes, long dry, may moisten with tears. Thus love administers
relief, nor do the spirits care for songs.”
No less fervent expressions of affection are employed toward their
adult offspring by surviving parents. Indeed they are, if possible,
still more intense, as if wrung from the bleeding heart by grief for
the fallen column of the house--the broken staff of their declining
years. In the following, from the Lapidarian gallery, the epithets of
endearment are lavishly heaped upon the beloved object: ADSERTORI
FILIO KARO DVLCI INNOCO ET INCOMPARABILI QVI VIXIT ANNIS XVII · M ·
VII · DIEBVS VIII · PATER ET MATER FECER(VNT)--“To Adsertor, our dear,
sweet, guileless, and incomparable son, who lived seventeen years,
seven months, eight days. His father and mother made this.”
Of similar character are the following: PAVLA CLARISSIMA FAEMINA
DVLCIS BENIGNA GRATIOSA FILIA--“Paula, an illustrious woman, a sweet,
kind, and gracious daughter;” NIMIVM CITO DECIDISTI CONSTANTIA MIRVM
PVLCHRITVDINIS ATQVE IDONEITATIS--“Too soon hast thou fallen,
Constantia, wonderful (example) of beauty and ability.”
Similar evidences of parental affection and grief occur in pagan
inscriptions, though often overshadowed by a deep and dark despair. 469
Thus we read such tender epithets of little children as FILIAE
DVLCISSIMAE IAM GARRVLAE BIMVLAE NONDVM--“To a very sweet daughter now
prattling, not yet two little years of age;” OBSEQVENTISSIMAE
FILIAE--“To a most obedient daughter;” MATER MOERENS FILIO EX QVO
NIHIL VNQVAM DOLVIT NISI CVM IS NON FVIT--“The grieving mother to her
son, from whom she never received any pain but when he was not,”--that
is, when he died; PARVAE BVSTA PVELLAE THREPTVS PATER FECIT QVIS NON
VVLTVM RIGAT LACRIMIS MAERORE COACTVS QVIS NON TRISTITIAM PECTORE
CONCIPIT--“Her foster-father made this tomb of a little girl. Who does
not moisten his face with tears, compelled by grief? Who does not
cherish sorrow in his bosom?” ADOLESCENTVLAE DVLCISSIMAE PATER
PIISSIMVS ET INFELICISSIMVS FECIT--“To a most sweet young maiden, her
most affectionate and unhappy father gave this tomb;” FLEVIT ET
ASSIDVO MAESTVS VTERQVE PARENS--“Both the sorrowful parents wept
incessantly.”
We have also such examples as, MATER AD LVCTVM ET GEMITVM RELICTA EVM
LACRIMIS ET OPOBALSAMO VDVM HOC SEPVLCHRO CONDIDIT--“His mother, left
to sorrow and groaning, buried him, moist with tears and balsam, in
this tomb;” QVAE OB DESIDERIVM FILI SVI PIISSIMI VIVERE ABOMINAVIT ET
POST DIES XV FATI EIVS ANIMO DESPONDIT--“Who, on account of her
yearning for her most affectionate son, hated life, and, fifteen days
after his death, also died.”
Sometimes in their passionate grief the heathen parents reproach
themselves for surviving their children, as in the following.
CRVDELIS IMPIA MATER CARIS SVIS DVLCISSIMIS ... INFELICISSIMA
MATER QVI (_sic_) VIDIT FVNVS SVVM CRVDELISSIMVM QVAE SI DEVM
PROPITIVM HABVISSET HOC DEBVERA (_sic_) EOS PATI.
The cruel, impious mother, to her dear, most sweet children. The 470
most unhappy mother, who saw (in theirs) her _own_ most
cruel death, who, if she had had a propitious deity, ought to
have suffered this for them--(that is, have died in their stead.)
HIC IACET EXTINCTVS CRVDELI FVNERE NATVS
VLTIMA VIVENDI QVI MIHI CAVSA FVIT.
Here lies, destroyed by cruel fate, a son, who was my only reason
for living.
Often the expressions in Christian epitaphs of filial affection to
deceased parents are exceedingly tender and beautiful, as for example:
PATRI DVLCISSIMO BENEMERENTI IN PACE--“To our sweetest father,
well-deserving, in peace,” (A. D. 356); TIGRITI BENEMERENTI.... FILIVS
FECI MATRI--“To the well-deserving Tigris.... I, her son, made this
for my mother,” (A. D. 393;) HOC TVMVLVM PATRIS FILIVS FIERI VOLVIT
CAVSA AMORIS PATERNI RECORDATIONIS--“This tomb of his father the son
wished to be made on account of his remembrance of paternal
affection;” TE PARENS SOBOLES CONIVNXQVE FIDELIS TE MIXTIS LACRIMIS
LVGET AMATA DOMVS--“Thee thy parent, thy offspring, thy faithful
consort, thee a loved home, with mingled tears, lament,” (A. D. 533.)
HEV MEMORANDE PATER LONGI MIHI CAVSA DOLORIS
OPTASTI IN MANIBVS FILIORVM SAEPE TVORVM
SVMERE ET AMPLEXV DVLCI TENVARE NEPOTVM.
ADFVIT HIS VOTIS EXCELSI GRATIA CHRISTI
FELIX VITA FVIT FELIX ET TRANSITVS IPSE. (A. D. 534.)
Alas, O father, ever to be remembered, cause of long grief to me,
thou didst often desire to die in the arms of thy children, to
gently pass away in the sweet embrace of thy offspring. These
wishes the grace of the exalted Christ fulfilled. Happy was thy
life, and happy also thy passing away.
We find also the epitaphs of foster-parents and adopted children,
showing the exercise, under the influence of Christian sentiment, of 471
the beautiful charity of rescuing foundlings and orphans[754] from
poverty, infamy, or death. The following example is of date A. D. 392:
PERPETVAM SEDEM NVTRITOR POSSIDES IPSE
HIC MERITVS FINEM MAGNIS DEFVNCTE PERICLIS
HIC REQVIEM FELIX SVMIS COGENTIBVS ANNIS
HIC POSITVS PAPASANTIMIO QVI VIXIT ANNIS LXX.
“You yourself who reared (us) now occupy a lasting resting-place.
Here you have reached the end that you deserved, of a course
fraught with great perils. Here, in happiness, you take the
repose that age compels. Here is laid foster-father Antimio, who
lived seventy years.”[755]
The conjugal affections especially have their beautiful and tender
commemoration. The mutual love of husband and wife finds in these
inscriptions affecting record, which attests the happiness of the
marriage relation among the primitive Christians. Frequently the
bereaved husband recounts with grateful recollection the fact that his
wedded life was one of perfect harmony, unmarred by a single jar or 472
discord--SEMPER CONCORDES SINE VLLA QVERELA.
The posthumous praise of these Christian matrons recalls the inspired
portraiture of the virtuous woman of Scripture. The intensity of
conjugal grief is shown by the expressions, MALE FRACTVS CONIVX--“The
sore broken husband;” and GEMITV TRISTI LACRIMIS DEFLET--“He bewails
in tears with bitter lamentation.” Often occurs the phrase
INCOMPARABILIS CONIVX--“Incomparable wife,” frequently with the
addition, OPTIMAE MEMORIAE--“Of most excellent memory.” Sometimes
we find the tender expression, with such depth of meaning in its
simple words, QVI AMAVIT ME--“Who loved me;” also the phrase,
CARVS SVIS--“Dear to his friends;” or, PERDVLCISSIMO CONIVGI
SVO--inadequately rendered, “To her most dearest husband.” The
utterance of a grief into the secret of which none can enter but those
who have known its bitterness, is often extremely pathetic.
The spirit of these inscriptions will be best seen in the concrete.
The following are characteristic examples: DEO FIDELIS DVLCIS MARITO
NVTRIX FAMILIAE HVMILIS CVNCTIS AMATRIX PAVPERVM--“Faithful to God,
endeared to her husband, the nurse of her family, humble to all, a
lover of the poor;” BIXIT MECVM ANNIS XXII · MENS · IX · DIES V IN
QVIBVS SEMPER MIHI BENE FVIT CVM ILLA--“She lived with me for
twenty-two years, nine months, five days, during which time it ever
went well with me in her society;” CONIVGE VENERANDE BONE INNOCVA
FLORENTIA DIGNA PIA AMABILIS PVDICA (_sic_)--“To my wife Florentia,
deserving of honour, good, guileless, worthy, pious, amiable, modest.”
HIC REQVIESCIT IN PACE TERTVRA CF DVLCIS PETRONII CONIVX
DEO SERVIENS VNICAE FIDEI AMICA PACIS CASTIS MORIBVS ORNATA 473
COMMVNIS FIDELIBVS AMICIS FAMILIAE GRATA NVTRIX NATORVM
ET NVMQVAM AMARA MARITO.
“Here reposes in peace Tertura, an illustrious woman, the sweet
wife of Petronius, serving God, of matchless faith, a friend of
peace, adorned with modest manners, affable toward the faithful
friends of her family, a loving nurse of her children, and never
bitter to her husband.”
HIC MIHI SEMPER DOLOR ERIT IN AEVO
ET TVVM BENERABILEM VVLTVM FVAT VIDERE SOPORE
CONIVNX ALBANAQVE MIHI SEMPER CASTA PVDICA
RELICTVM ME TVO GREMIO QVEROR
QVOD MIHI SANCTVM TE DEDERAT DIVINITVS AVCTOR.
“This grief will always weigh upon me. May it be granted me to
behold in sleep your revered countenance. My wife Albana, always
chaste and modest. I grieve over the loss of your support, whom
our divine author had given to me as a sacred (boon.)”
In the following a disconsolate husband mourns the wife of his youth
with the pleasing illusion that such love as theirs the world had
never known before: DOMNINAE INNOCENTISSIMAE ET DVLCISSIMAE CONIVGI
QVAE VIXIT ANN · XVI · M · IIII · ET FVIT MARITATA · ANN DVOBVS · M ·
IIII · D · VIIII CVM QVA NON LICVIT FVISSE PROPTER CAVSAS
PEREGRINATIONIS NISI · MENSIB · VI · QVO · TEMPORE · VT EGO SENSI ET
EXHIBVI AMOREM MEVM MVLLIS VALII (_sic_) SIC DELIXERVNT--“To Domnina,
my most guileless and sweet wife, who lived sixteen years and four
months, and was married two years, four months, and nine days; with
whom I was not able to live on account of my travelling more than six
months: during this period as I felt and showed my affection no others
ever loved.”[756]
Similar expressions of affection are applied by bereaved wives to 474
their deceased husbands. In the following a widowed heart dwells with
fond complacency on the thought that no rankling recollection of
estranged regard embitters her remembrance of the lost: AGRIPPINA
FECIT · DVLCISSIMO SVO MARITO CVM QVEM VIXIT SINE LESIONE ANIMI ·
ANNOS III ET M · X.--“Agrippina made this to her very sweet husband,
with whom she lived, without jarring, three years and ten months.” Of
similar import is this also: DIGNO MERITOQVE IVGALI MEO TETTIO
FILICISSIMO DIACONO · MARCIA DECENTIA DVLCISSIMO MIHI DIEM
DEPOSITIONIS LAPIDEMQVE DESCRIPSI · MERITO VIXIT ANNVS NON MINVS
LXX--“To my husband, Tettius Felicissimus, worthy and deserving, a
deacon. I, Marcia Decentia, inscribed this stone to him (who was) most
sweet to me, on the day of his burial. He lived in honour not less
than seventy years.”
Similar language of mingled love and grief occurs in pagan 475
inscriptions, but without the chastening influence of Christian
resignation. The domestic life of the Romans, especially in the days
of republican simplicity, seems to have been remarkably free from
discord or strife. Thus we find frequent record of over half a century
passed in marriage, SINE IVRGIO, SINE AEMVLATIONE, SINE DISSIDIO, SINE
QVERELA--“Without contention, without emulation, without dissension,
without strife.” With ceaseless iteration the virtues of the deceased
are lovingly recorded, as in the examples which follow: CONIVGEM
FIDELISSIMAM--“Most faithful wife;” OPTIMA DOMINA SANCTISSIMA--“Best
and most revered lady;” MARITAE PIISSIMAE DVLCISSIMAE RARISSIMAE--“To
a most pious and sweet wife of rarest excellence;” OPTIMA ET
PVLCHERRIMA LANIFICA PIA PVDICA CASTA DOMESEDA--“Best and most
beautiful, a spinner of wool, pious, modest, chaste, home-abiding;”
VXORI OBSEQVENTISSIMAE--“To a most obedient (or obsequious) wife;” T.
FL. CAPITO CONIVGI CASTISSIMAE PIISSIMAE ET DE SE OPTIME MERITAE DE
QVA NVLLVM DOLOREM NISI ACERBISSIMAE MORTIS EIVS ACCEPERAT--“Titus
Flavius Capito, to his most chaste and pious wife, deserving well of
him, from whom he received no cause of grief, except that of her most
bitter death;” TEMPIVS HERMEROS CONIVGI CARISSIMAE ... CVIVS DESIDERIO
IVRATVS EST SE POST EAM VXOREM NON HABITVRVM--“Tempius Hermeros, to
his most dear spouse, on account of his love for whom he swore that he
would have no other wife.” Once we meet the strange remark by a
husband of his wife, CVIVS IN DIE MORTIS GRATIAS MAXIMAS EGI APVD DEOS
ET APVD HOMINES--“On the day of whose death I gave the greatest thanks
to gods and men.” It was probably on account of her release from
suffering.
In the accompanying epitaph a bereaved widow laments her irreparable 476
loss: CONIVGI DESIDERATISSIMO ... NVNC NEQVE TE VIDEO NEC AMOR
SATIATVR AMANTIS ET CONIVX MISERA FINEM DEPOSCO DOLORI--“To my most
deeply regretted husband.... For neither do I now see thee, nor is the
affection of thy loving spouse satisfied; and I, a miserable wife,
implore an end of my sorrow.”
Such examples of conjugal affection recall to mind the immortal love
of Alcestis in the Greek myth, dying for her bosom’s lord; and of
Arria, in Roman story, refusing to survive her husband, and having
plunged the dagger into her own breast, with dying smile exclaiming,
_Pæte, non dolet_--“It hurts not, my Pætus.”[757]
Another interesting class of Christian inscriptions are those
commemorating fraternal affection. The following are typical examples:
IOVIANO KARISSIMO FECIT (_sic_) FRATRES PIENTISSIMAE (_sic_)--“To
dearest Jovianus, his most affectionate brothers made this;” ΤΩ
ΜΑΚΑΡΙΩ ΠΑΥΛΩ ΗΔΥΛΑΛΟϹ ΑΔΕΛΦΟΣ--“To the blessed Paul, his brother
Hedulalos.”
In the accompanying poetical tribute to a sister the melancholy
consolation of mourning the lost is beautifully referred to:
SVME SOROR CARMEN SOLATIA TRISTA (_sic_) FRATRIS
QVI SOLVS GEMITV HEC (_sic_) TIBI VERBA DEDIT
QUAE TEGITVR TVMVLO SI VIS COGNOSCERE LECTOR
SVBLIMES GESSIT SANGVINIS HAEC TITVLOS
MORIBVS HEC CRISTVM SEMPER COMITATA SVPERSTES
QVEM POST FATA SIBI CREDIDIT ESSE DVCEM.
Sister, take these verses, the sad comfort of your brother, who,
in lonely lamentation, has given these words to you. Reader, if
you desire to know who is covered by this tomb, she bore names 477
which told her high descent. She, when alive, always followed, in
her conduct, Christ, who she believed would be her guide after
death.
Frequently members of the same family were buried in the same
grave--lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in their death not
divided. Thus we read of a brother and sister who died in one day, and
were buried together--VNA DIE MORTVI ET PARITER TVMVLATI SVNT; of a
certain Antigonus who occupied the same tomb with his sister--LOCVM
HABET CVM SORE (_sic_) SVA; and of a mother who shared her daughter’s
grave--FELICIA CVM FILIA IN PACE; also of Claudia and Julia, who had
secured their places by the side of their sweet friend Calpurnia. The
same custom sometimes obtains in pagan sepulture, as indicated by the
following epitaph of a husband and wife who, not to be divorced even
in death, mingled their ashes in one urn:
PARATO HOSPITIO CARA IVNGVNT CORPORA
HAEC RVRSVM NOSTRAE SED PERPETVAE NVPTIAE.
In a prepared rest they join their dear bodies. These are our
second but our perpetual nuptials.[758]
Sometimes the funeral tablet was erected by the hand of friendship,
probably when there were none of kin to pay this last sad tribute of 478
affection. De Rossi thinks that which follows one of the most ancient
in Rome: DORMITIONI T. FLA. EVTYCHIO. HVNC LOCVM DONABIT M. ORBIVS
AMICVS KARISSIMVS KARE BALE--“As a resting place for Titus Flavius
Eutychius, his dearest friend, Marcus Orbius, gave this spot.
Farewell, beloved.” One fair friend thus commemorates the loss of
another: AELIA VICTORINA POSVIT AVRELIAE PROBAE--“Ælia Victorina
erected this stone to Aurelia Proba.” We find also such expressions
as, “Best friend,” “Dear and faithful companion,” “Constant in love
and truth.” Sometimes a lowly servant or freedman records a master’s
virtues, as in the epitaph of Gordianus, erected by his handmaid
Theophila--ΥΘΦΗΛΑ ΑΝCΗΛΛΑ ΦΕCΙΤ (_sic_); and that of Prosenes,
which Ampelius, his freedman, wrote--SCRIPSIT AMPELIVS LIB. Another
was buried by her sweet and holy nurse in Christ--ΘΡΕΠΤΕΙΡΑΝ ΓΛΥΚΕΡΗΝ
ΑΓΙΑΝ ΕΝ |XPÔ|.
The duration of sickness, or cause of death, is sometimes, though very
rarely, mentioned in Christian inscriptions. Thus we have such
particulars as PERIT IN DIES V--“He died in five days;” ΕΝΟϹΗϹΕΝ
ΗΜΕΡΑϹ ΙΒ--“He was ill twelve days.” A pagan epitaph complains of the
death of the deceased by magical incantations: CARMINIBVS DEFIXA
IACVIT PER TEMPORA MVTA VT EIVS SPIRITVS VI EXTORQVERETVR QVAM NATVRAE
REDDERETVR--“Overcome by charms she lay at times dumb, so that her
spirit was torn from her by force rather than given back to nature.”
Another was snatched away while she too sedulously nursed a sick
husband--DVM FOVIT NIMIA SEDVLITATE VIRVM. Another died of internal
burnings, which medical skill was powerless to cope with--ARDENTES
INTVS VINCERE QVOS MEDICAE NON POTVERE MANVS. Of another we read that 479
after long and various infirmities she is freed from human
things--POST LONGAS ET VARIAS INFIRMITATES HVMANIS REBVS EXEMPTA
EST.[759] Like this is the expression in a Christian epitaph--POST
VARIAS CVRAS POST LONGAE MVNERA VITAE--“After various cares, after the
duties of a long life.”
The same spirit which thus commemorated the departed would lead also
to the decoration of their sepulchres with pious frescoes or elaborate
sculpture, limned or carved often as a last offering of love by the
hand of affection or of friendship--now for fifteen centuries kindred
dust with that whose resting-place it so fondly sought to beautify.
We should do scant justice, however, to the blameless character,
simple dignity, and moral purity of the primitive Christians, as
indicated in these posthumous remains, if we forgot the thoroughly
effete and corrupt society by which they were surrounded. It would
seem almost impossible for the Christian graces to grow in such a
fetid atmosphere. Like the snow-white lily springing in virgin purity
from the muddy ooze, they are more lovely by contrast with the
surrounding pollutions. Like flowers that deck a sepulchre, breathing
their fragrance amid scenes of corruption and death, are these holy
characters, fragrant with the breath of heaven amid the social
rottenness and moral death of their foul environment.
It is difficult to imagine, and impossible to portray, the abominable
pollutions of the times. “Society,” says Gibbon, “was a rotting,
aimless chaos of sensuality.” It was a boiling Acheron of seething
passions, unhallowed lusts, and tiger thirst for blood, such as never
provoked the wrath of heaven since God drowned the world with water, 480
or destroyed the Cities of the Plain by fire. Only those who have
visited the secret museum of Naples, or that house which no woman may
enter at Pompeii, and whose paintings no pen may describe; or who are
familiar with the scathing denunciations of popular vices by the Roman
satirists and moralists and by the Christian Fathers, can conceive the
appalling depravity of the age and nation. St. Paul, in his epistle to
the church among this very people, hints at some features of their
exceeding wickedness. It was a shame even to speak of the things which
were done by them, but which gifted poets employed their wit to
celebrate. A brutalized monster was deified as God, received divine
homage,[760] and beheld all the world at his feet and the nations
tremble at his nod, while the multitude wallowed in a sty of
sensuality.[761]
Christianity was to be the new Hercules to cleanse this worse than
Augean pollution. The pure morals and holy lives of the believers were
a perpetual testimony against abounding iniquity, and a living proof
of the regenerating power and transforming grace of God. For they
themselves, as one of their apologists asserts, “had been reclaimed
from ten thousand vices.”[762] And the Apostle, describing some of the
vilest characters, exclaims, “Such were some of you, but ye are
washed, ye are sanctified.” They recoiled with the utmost abhorrence
from the pollutions of the age, and became indeed “the salt of the 481
earth,” the sole moral antiseptic to prevent the total disintegration
of society.
The Christians were daily exposed to contact with idolatry. The whole
public and private life of the heathen was pervaded with the spirit of
polytheism. Idolatrous usages were interwoven with almost every act.
The courts of justice, the marts of trade, the highways and gardens,
the fountains and rivers, the domestic hearth, and the very doors and
hinges, were under the protection of their respective deities. The
implements of labour, the household utensils, the military ensigns,
the achievements of art, the adornments of beauty, were all
consecrated to idol worship. The daily meals and rites of hospitality,
the social banquets and public amusements, the common language and
salutations of friendship, had all a religious significance.
The Christians were therefore especially exhorted to “keep themselves
from idols.” They believed that their images were the abodes of dæmons
who delighted in the reek of blood and the fetid odour of sacrificial
flesh.[763] Against image-makers the severest ecclesiastical censures
were denounced. They were the foster fathers of devils,[764] to whom
they offered not the sacrifice of a beast, but immolated their mind,
poured the libation of their sweat, kindled the torch of their
thought, and slew the richer and more precious victim of their
salvation.[765] The believers might not wreath their gates, nor
illuminate their houses, nor attend the public festivals, nor witness
a sacrifice, nor accept a heathen salutation, nor sell incense, nor
eat meat polluted with idolatrous lustration.[766] Thus amid pagan 482
usages and unspeakable moral degradation the Christians lived: a holy
nation, a peculiar people. “We alone are without crime,” says
Tertullian; “no Christian suffers but for his religion.” “Your prisons
are full,” says Minutius Felix, “but they contain not one Christian.”
And these holy lives were an argument which even the heathen could not
gainsay. The ethics of paganism were the speculations of the
cultivated few who aspired to the character of philosophers. The
ethics of Christianity were a system of practical duty affecting the
daily life of the most lowly and unlettered. “Philosophy,” says Lecky,
“may dignify, but is impotent to regenerate man; it may cultivate
virtue, but cannot restrain vice.”[767] But Christianity introduced a
new sense of sin and of holiness, of everlasting reward, and of
endless condemnation. It planted a sublime, impassioned love of Christ
in the heart, inflaming all its affections. It transformed the
character from icy stoicism or epicurean selfishness to a boundless
and uncalculating self-abnegation and devotion.[768]
This divine principle developed a new instinct of philanthropy in the
soul. A feeling of common brotherhood knit the hearts of the believers
together. To love a slave, to love an enemy! was accounted the
impossible among the heathen; yet this incredible virtue they beheld
every day among the Christians. “This surprised them beyond measure,”
says Tertullian, “that one man should die for another.”[769] Hence, in 483
the Christian inscriptions no word of bitterness even toward their
persecutors is to be found. Sweet peace, the peace of God that passeth
all understanding, breathes on every side.
One of the most striking results of the new spirit of philanthropy
which Christianity introduced is seen in the copious charity of the
primitive church. Amid the ruins of ancient palaces and temples,
theatres and baths, there are none of any house of mercy. Charity
among the pagans was, at best, a fitful and capricious fancy. Among
the Christians it was a vast and vigorous organization, and was
cultivated with noble enthusiasm. And the great and wicked city of
Rome, with its fierce oppressions and inhuman wrongs, afforded amplest
opportunity for the Christ-like ministrations of love and pity. There
were Christian slaves to succour, exposed to unutterable indignities
and cruel punishment, even unto crucifixion for conscience’ sake.
There were often martyrs’ pangs to assuage, the aching wounds
inflicted by the rack or by the nameless tortures of the heathen to
bind up, and their bruised and broken hearts to cheer with heavenly
consolation. There were outcast babes to pluck from death. There were
a thousand forms of suffering and sorrow to relieve, and the
ever-present thought of Him who came, not to be ministered unto but to
minister, and to give his life a ransom for many, was an inspiration
to heroic sacrifice and self-denial. And doubtless the religion of
love won its way to many a stony pagan heart by the winsome spell of
the saintly charities and heavenly benedictions of the persecuted
Christians. This sublime principle has since covered the earth with
its institutions of mercy, and with a passionate zeal has sought out 484
the woes of man in every land, in order to their relief. In the
primitive church voluntary collections[770] were regularly made for
the poor, the aged, the sick, the brethren in bonds, and for the
burial of the dead. All fraud and deceit was abhorred, and all usury
forbidden. Many gave all their goods to feed the poor. “Our charity
dispenses more in the streets,” says Tertullian to the heathen, “than
your religion in all the temples.”[771] He upbraids them for offering
to the gods only the worn-out and useless, such as is given to
dogs.[772] “How monstrous is it,” exclaims the Alexandrian Clement,
“to live in luxury while so many are in want.”[773] “As you would
receive, show mercy,” says Chrysostom; “make God your debtor that you
may receive again with usury.”[774] The church at Antioch, he tells
us, maintained three thousand widows and virgins, besides the sick and
poor. Under the persecuting Decius the widows and infirm under the
care of the church at Rome were fifteen hundred. “Behold the treasures
of the church,” said St. Lawrence, pointing to the aged and poor, when
the heathen prefect came to confiscate its wealth. The church in
Carthage sent a sum equal to four thousand dollars to ransom Christian
captives in Numidia. St. Ambrose sold the sacred vessels of the church
of Milan to rescue prisoners from the Goths, esteeming it their truest
consecration to the service of God. “Better clothe the living temples
of Christ,” says Jerome, “than adorn the temples of stone.”[775] “God
has no need of plates and dishes,” said Acacius, bishop of Amida, and
he ransomed therewith a number of poor captives. For a similar purpose
Paulinus of Nola sold the treasures of his beautiful church, and it is 485
said even sold himself into African slavery.[776] The Christian
traveller was hospitably entertained by the faithful; and before the
close of the fourth century asylums were provided for the sick, aged,
and infirm. During the Decian persecution, when the streets of
Carthage were strewn with the dying and the dead, the Christians, with
the scars of recent torture and imprisonment upon them, exhibited the
nobility of a gospel revenge in their care for their fever-smitten
persecutors, and seemed to seek the martyrdom of Christian charity,
even more glorious than that they had escaped.[777] In the plague of
Alexandria six hundred Christian _parabolani_ periled their lives
to succour the dying and bury the dead.[778] Julian urged the pagan
priests to imitate the virtues of the lowly Christians.
Christianity also gave a new sanctity to human life, and even
denounced as murder the heathen custom of destroying the unborn child.
The exposure of infants was a fearfully prevalent pagan practice,
which even Plato and Aristotle permitted. We have had evidences of the
tender charity of the Christians in rescuing these foundlings from
death, or from a fate more dreadful still--a life of infamy.
Christianity also emphatically affirmed the Almighty’s “canon ’gainst
self-slaughter,” which crime the pagans had even exalted into a
virtue. It taught that a patient endurance of suffering, like Job’s,
exhibited a loftier courage than Cato’s renunciation of life.
Out of eleven thousand Christian inscriptions of the first six
centuries, scarce half a dozen make any reference to a condition of
servitude, and of these, as Dr. Northcote remarks, two or three are 486
doubtful. Yet of pagan epitaphs at least three fourths are those of
slaves or freedmen. The conspicuous absence of recognition of this
unhappy social distinction is no mere accident. We know that the
Christians were largely drawn from the servile classes, but in the
church of God there was no respect of persons. The gospel of liberty
smote the gyves at once from the bodies and the souls of men. In
Christ Jesus there was neither Jew nor Greek, bond nor free. The
wretched slave, in the intervals of toil or torture, caught with joy
the emancipating message, and sprang up enfranchised by an
immortalizing hope. Then “trampled manhood heard and claimed his
crown.” The victim of human oppression exulted in a new-found liberty
in Christ which no wealth could purchase, no chains of slavery fetter,
nor even death itself destroy. To him earth’s loftiest palace was but
a gilded prison of the soul, his lowly cot became the antechamber of
the skies, and his emancipated spirit passed from his pallet of straw
to the repose of Abraham’s bosom.
In the Christian church the distinctions of worldly rank were
abolished.[779] The highest spiritual dignities were open to the
lowliest slave. In the ecclesiastical hierarchy were no rights of
birth, and no privileges of blood. In the inscriptions of the
Catacombs no badges of servitude, no titles of honour appear. The
wealthy noble--the lord of many acres--recognized in his lowly servant
a fellow-heir of glory. They bowed together at the same table of the
Lord, saluted each other with the mutual kiss of charity, and side by
side in their narrow graves at length returned to indistinguishable
dust. The story of Onesimus may have often been repeated, and the 487
patrician master have received his returning slave, “not now as a
servant, but above a servant--a brother beloved.” Nay, he may have
bowed to him as his ecclesiastical superior, and received from his
plebeian hands the emblems of their common Lord. The lowly arenarii
and fossors, the rude Campagnian husbandmen and shepherds, and they
“of Cæsar’s household,” met in common brotherhood, knit together by
stronger ties than those of kinship or of worldly rank, as heirs of
glory and of everlasting life.
The condition of the slave population of Rome was one of inconceivable
wretchedness. Colossal piles built by their blood and sweat attest the
bitterness of their bondage. The lash of the taskmaster was heard in
the fields, and crosses bearing aloft their quivering victims polluted
the public highways. Vidius Pollio fed his lampreys with the bodies of
his slaves. Four hundred of these wretched beings deluged with their
blood the funeral pyre of Pedanius Secundus. A single freedman
possessed over four thousand of these human chattels. They had no
rights of marriage nor any claim to their children. This dumb,
weltering mass of humanity, crushed by power, led by their lusts, and
fed by public dole, became a hot-bed of vice in which every evil
passion grew apace. The institution of slavery cast a stigma of
disgrace on labour, and prevented the formation of that intelligent
middle class which is the true safeguard of liberty. Christianity, on
the contrary, dignified, ennobled, and in a sense hallowed labour by
the example of its Divine Founder. It consecrated the lowly virtues of
humility, obedience, gentleness, patience, and long-suffering, which
paganism contemned. It did not, indeed, at once subvert the political
institution of slavery, but it mitigated its evils, and gradually led 488
to its abolition.
One of the noblest triumphs of Christianity was its suppression of the
bloody spectacles of the amphitheatre. The early Christians had good
reason to regard with shuddering aversion those accursed scenes within
that vast Coliseum which rears to-day its mighty walls, a perpetual
monument of the cruelty of Rome’s Christless creed. Many of their
number had been mangled to death by savage beasts or still more savage
men, surrounded by a sea of pitiless faces, twice eighty thousand
hungry eyes gloating on the mortal agony of the confessor of Christ,
while not a single thumb was reversed to make the sign of mercy.[780]
There the maids and matrons, the patricians and the “vile plebs” of
Rome, enjoyed the grateful spectacle of cruelty and blood. Even
woman’s pitiful nature forgot its tenderness, and the honour was
reserved for the vestal virgin to give the signal for the mortal
stroke that crowned the martyr’s brow with fadeless amaranth. These
hateful scenes, in which the spectacle of human agony and death became
the impassioned delight of all classes, created a ferocious thirst for
blood and torture throughout society.[781] They overthrew the altar of
pity, and impelled to every excess and refinement of barbarity. Even
children imitated the cruel sport in their games, schools of
gladiators were trained for the work of slaughter, and women fought in
the arena, or lay dead and trampled in the sand.
From the very first Christianity relentlessly opposed this horrid 489
practice, as well as all theatrical exhibitions. The mingled cruelty,
idolatry, and indecency of the performances were obnoxious alike to
the humanity, the piety, and the modesty of the Christians.[782] They
were especially included in the pomps of Satan which the believer
abjured at his baptism. Hence their abandonment was often regarded as
a proof of conversion to Christianity. The theatre was the devil’s
house, and he had a right to all found therein.[783] Christianity,
soon after it ascended the throne of the Cæsars, suppressed the
gladiatorial combats. The Christian city of Constantinople was never
polluted by the atrocious exhibition. A Christian poet eloquently
denounced the bloody spectacle, and a Christian monk, at the cost of
his life, protested, amid the very frenzy of the conflict, against its
cruelty. His heroic martyrdom produced a moral revulsion against the
practice, and the laws of Honorius, to use the language of Gibbon,
“abolished forever the human sacrifices of the amphitheatre.”
It is remarkable that so few references to military life occur in
Christian epitaphs, whereas they form a prominent feature in those of
heathen origin. In ten thousand pagan inscriptions analyzed by M. Le 490
Blant, over five hundred, or, more precisely, 5·47 per cent., were of
military character; while in four thousand seven hundred of Christian
origin, most of which were after the period of Constantine, only ·57
per cent., were military, or one tenth the proportion of those among
the pagans. But even if in the army, the Christians, whose higher
dignity was that of soldiers of Christ, would be less likely than the
heathen to mention it in their epitaphs. Although Tertullian inveighs
against the military service,[784] he yet admits that the Christians
engaged in that as well as in other pursuits,[785] and asserts that
they were found even in the camps.[786] It is probable, however, that
the number in the army was insignificant, and these, it is most
likely, were converted after their enlistment. There could be little
affinity between the bronzed and hardened ruffians who were the
instruments of the reigning tyrant’s cruelty, and the meek and gentle
Christians. We know that the latter had often to choose between the
sword and the gospel; and many resigned their office, and even
embraced martyrdom, rather than perjure their consciences.[787] They
could not take the military oath, nor deck their weapons with laurel,
nor crown the emperor’s effigy, nor celebrate his birthday, nor observe
any other idolatrous festival. Hence they were accused of the dreaded 491
crime of treason, and announced as the enemies of Cæsar and of the
Roman people.[788] Tertullian repels the charge, and demonstrates
their loyalty to the emperor and to their country.[789]
Feeling that their citizenship was in heaven, the Christians took no
part in the troubled politics of earth. “Nothing is more indifferent
to us,” says Tertullian, “than public affairs.”[790] If only their
religious convictions were unassailed they would gladly live in quiet,
unaffected by civic ambition or by worldly strife. “Themselves half
naked,” sneered the heathen, “they despise honours and purple
robes.”[791] But although accused of being profitless to the
state,[792] they were nevertheless diligent in business while fervent
in spirit. “We are no Brahmins or Indian devotees,” says their great
apologist, “living naked in the woods, and banished from civilized
life.”[793] They were no drones in the social hive, but patterns of
industry and thrift. Inspired with loftier motives than their heathen
neighbours, they faithfully discharged life’s lowly toils, sedulously
cultivated the private virtues, and followed blamelessly whatsoever
things were lovely and of good report.
In nothing, however, is the superiority of Christianity over paganism
so apparent as in the vast difference in the position and treatment of
woman in the respective systems. It is difficult to conceive the
depths of degradation into which woman had fallen when Christianity
came to rescue her from infamy, to clothe her with the domestic 492
virtues, to enshrine her amid the sanctities of home, and to employ
her in the gentle ministrations of charity. The Greek courtesan, says
Lecky, was the finest type of Greek life--the one free woman of
Athens. But how world-wide was the difference between the Greek
_hetæra_--a Phryne or an Aspasia, though honoured by Socrates and
Pericles--and the Christian matrons Monica, Marcella, or Fabiola. So
much does woman owe to Christianity! In Rome her condition was still
worse. The heathen satirists paint in strongest colours the prevailing
corruptions, and the historians of the times reveal abounding
wickedness that shames humanity. The vast wealth, the multiplication
of slaves, the influx of orientalism with its debasing vices, had
thoroughly corrupted society. The relations of the sexes seemed
entirely dislocated. The early Roman ideas of marriage were forgotten;
it had no moral, only a legal character. Woman, reckless of her “good
name,” had lost “the most immediate jewel of her soul.” The Lucretias
and Virginias of the old heroic days were beings of tradition. A
chaste woman, says Juvenal, was a _rara avis in terra_. The Julias and
Messalinas flaunted their wickedness in the high places of the earth,
and to be Cæsar’s wife was _not_ to be above suspicion. Alas, that in
a few short centuries Christianity should sink so low that the
excesses of a Theodora should rival those of an Agrippina or a Julia!
Even the loftiest pagan moralists and philosophers recklessly
disregarded the most sacred social obligation at their mere caprice.
Cicero, who discoursed so nobly concerning the nature of the gods,
divorced his wife Terentia that he might mend his broken fortunes by
marrying his wealthy ward. Cato ceded his wife, with the consent of
her father, to his friend Hortensius, taking her back after his death. 493
Woman was not a _person_, but a _thing_, says Gibbon. Her rights and
interests were lost in those of her husband. She should have no
friends nor gods but his, says Plutarch. It was the age of reckless
divorce. In the early days of the Commonwealth there had been no
divorce in Rome in five hundred and forty years. In the reign of Nero,
says Seneca, the women measured their years by their husbands, and not
by the consuls. Juvenal speaks of a woman with eight husbands in five
years;[794] and Martial, in extravagant hyperbole, of another who
married ten husbands in a month.[795] We must also regard as an
exaggeration the account given by Jerome of a woman married to her
twenty-third husband, being his twenty-first wife.[796]
Nevertheless, God did not leave himself without a witness in the
hearts of the people; and we have seen many illustrations of conjugal
happiness in previous inscriptions.[797] But Christianity first taught
the sanctity of the marriage relation, as a type of the mystical union
between Christ and his church; and enforced the reciprocal obligation
of conjugal fidelity, which was previously regarded as binding on
woman alone. In their recoil from the abominable licentiousness of the
heathen, the Christians regarded modesty as the crown of all the
virtues, and against its violation the heaviest ecclesiastical
penalties were threatened. This regard was at length intensified into
a superstitious reverence for celibacy.[798]
The absolute sinfulness of a divorce was maintained by the early 494
councils.[799] The Fathers admit of but one cause, that which Christ
himself assigns, as rendering it lawful.[800] They also denounced
second marriage, or bigamy, as it was called, which excluded from the
clerical order, and from a share in the charities of the church.[801]
The marriage relation was regarded as the union of two souls for time
and for eternity.[802]
The church, following the principle laid down by St. Paul, strongly 495
opposed mixed marriages with the heathen; and the Fathers denounced
them as dangerous and immoral. Cyprian regards them as a prostitution
of the members of Christ.[803] Tertullian also designates them
spiritual adultery.[804] Where conversion occurred after marriage, the
Christian partner was exhorted, in the spirit of the apostolic
counsel, to strive by gentleness and love to win the unbelieving
companion to Christ. Thus Monica, the mother of Augustine, and
Clotildis, the wife of Clovis, both brought their heathen husbands to
embrace Christianity.
The rites and benedictions of the church were early invoked to give
sanction to Christian marriage;[805] and doubtless in the dim recesses
of the Catacombs, and surrounded by the holy dead, youthful hearts
must have plighted their troth, and been the more firmly knit together
by the common perils and persecutions they must share. Here, too, the
wedded pair may have paced the silent galleries, by holy converse
inspired with stronger faith and more fervent love. How sweet must
discourse of heaven have been in those sunless depths of earth! How 496
thrilling those partings when before another meeting each might win a
martyr’s crown.
When the church emerged from the Catacombs the marriage rites assumed
a more festive character, and were frequently attended with nuptial
processions, songs, music, and feasting. Some of the gilded glasses
previously described seem to commemorate these occasions. Thus we
occasionally find representations of the man and woman standing with
clasped hands before the marriage altar, while Christ crowns the newly
wedded pair. Sometimes the glass used in the marriage rite was
immediately broken, as if to denote the transient nature of even the
highest human bliss. The innocent festivities of these occasions
gradually degenerated into convivial excesses; and, in conformity to
heathen usages, were contaminated by licentiousness of speech and
action unbecoming to Christian modesty. These abuses called for the
strong denunciations of the Fathers and the early councils, and at
length the clergy were forbidden to attend such festivals. The early
Christians were required, in all their entertainments and festivals,
by temperance,[806] by purity, by piety, to adorn the doctrines of the
Gospel. Prayer hallowed their daily lives, and every act was done to
the glory of God.
In their apparel and households the primitive believers were patterns
of sobriety and godliness. The pomps and vanities of the world were
renounced at their baptism. They eschewed all sumptuous and gaudy
clothing as unbecoming the gravity and simplicity of the Christian
character. Although many by social rank were entitled to wear the 497
flowing Roman toga, yet by most it was regarded as too ostentatious in
appearance; and, disdaining all assumption of worldly honour, they
wore instead the common pallium or cloak. They rejected also, as the
epicurean enticements of a world the fashion whereof was passing away,
the luxurious draperies, the costly cabinets and couches, the golden
vessels and marble statuary that adorned the abodes of the wealthy
heathen.
The strong instinct of the female mind to personal adornment was
suppressed by religious convictions and ecclesiastical discipline; and
Christian women cultivated rather the ornament of a meek and quiet
spirit than the meretricious attractions of the heathen. “Let your
comeliness be the goodly garment of the soul,” says Tertullian. “Be
arrayed in the ornaments of the apostles and prophets, drawing your
whiteness from simplicity, your ruddy hue from modesty, painting your
eyes with bashfulness, your mouth with silence, implanting in your
ears the word of God, fitting on your neck the yoke of Christ. Clothe
yourself with the silk of uprightness, the fine linen of holiness, the
purple of modesty, and you shall have God himself for your lover and
spouse.”[807]
“Let woman breathe the odour of the true royal ointment, that of
Christ, and not of unguents and scented powders,” writes Clement of
Alexandria, warning the faithful against another heathen practice.
“Let her be anointed with the ambrosial chrism of industry, and find
delight in the holy unguent of the Spirit, and offer spiritual
fragrance. She may not crown the living image of God as the heathen 498
do dead idols. Her fair crown is one of amaranth, which groweth not on
earth, but in the skies.”[808] The simple and modest garb of the
Christian matron is exhibited in many of the representations of
_oranti_, or praying figures, in the chambers of the Catacombs. See
one beautiful example from a sarcophagus in Fig. 88.
With the corruption of the church and decay of piety under the
post-Constantinian emperors came the development of luxury and an
increased sumptuousness of apparel. The refined classic taste was
lost, and barbaric pomp and splendour were the only expression of
opulence. The mosaics in the vestibules of the more ancient basilicas,
and an occasional representation from the Catacombs of the period of
their latest occupation, illustrate the increased luxury of dress. The
primitive simplicity has given place to many-coloured and embroidered
robes. The hair, often false, was tortured into unnatural forms, and
raised in a towering mass on the head, not unlike certain modern
fashionable modes, and was frequently artificially dyed. The person
was bedizened with jewelry--pendents in the ears, pearls on the neck,
bracelets and a profusion of rings on the arms and fingers. St. Jerome
inveighs with peculiar vehemence against the attempt to beautify the
complexion with pigments. “What business have rouge and paint on a
Christian cheek?” he asks. “Who can weep for her sins when her tears
wash bare furrows on her skin? With what trust can faces be lifted to
heaven which the Maker cannot recognize as his workmanship?”[809] The
mosaic portrait of St. Agnes is richly adorned with gems, and even the 499
earliest examples of the Madonna is bedizened in Byzantine style with
a necklace of pearls.[810] The following engraving from D’Agincourt
illustrates the tasteless drapery and coiffure which awakened such
intense patristic indignation.
[Illustration: Fig. 129.--Bellicia fedelissima virgo qve vixit annos
xviii, (_sic._)
Belicia, a most faithful virgin who lived eighteen years.]
The simplicity of the funeral rites of the primitive Christians is
indicated by the character of the sepulchral monuments of the
Catacombs. No “storied urn or animated bust,” nor costly mausolea,
were employed to commemorate those who slept in Christ. A narrow
grave, undistinguished from the multitude around save by the name of
the deceased, or by the emblem of his calling, or symbol of his faith,
and most frequently not even by these, sufficed, in the earlier and 500
purer days of the church, for the last resting-place of the saints. As
wealth increased and faith grew cold, more attention was given to the
external expression of grief or regard for the departed; and the
chambers, at first rudely hewn from the tufa, became ornamented with
stucco and frescoes, and lined with marble slabs, and the inscriptions 501
became more turgid and artificial. The superstitious veneration paid
to the relics of the saints in later days led to the adornment of
their sepulchres; and during the period of the temporal supremacy of
Christianity, the posthumous ostentation of the rich was manifested in
their costly sarcophagi and funeral monuments.[811]
All immoderate grief for the departed was regarded as inconsistent
with Christian faith and hope. “Our brethren are not to be lamented
who are freed from the world by the summons of the Lord,” says
Cyprian, “for we know they are not lost, but sent before us. We may
not wear the black robes of mourning while they are already clothed
with the white raiment of joy. Nor may we grieve for those as lost
whom we know to be living with God.”[812] Nay, the day of their death
was celebrated as their _Natalitia_, or their true birthday--their
entrance into the undying life of heaven. The primitive believers were
not, however, insensible to natural affection, as many of the
inscriptions already given fully prove; but they were sustained by a
lofty hope and serene confidence in God.
The early Christian burial rites were entirely different from the pomp
and pageantry of grief which characterized pagan funerals. When the
spirit had departed, the body was washed with water and robed for the
grave in spotless white, to represent, Chrysostom suggests, the soul’s
putting on the garment of incorruption. In later times costly robes of 502
silk and cloth of gold were employed for the burial of the wealthy,
against which practice Jerome strongly inveighs. “Why does not your
ambition cease,” he exclaims, “in the midst of mourning and tears?
Cannot the bodies of the rich return to dust otherwise than in
silk?”[813] The body was also frequently embalmed, or at least
plentifully enswathed with myrrh and aromatic spices, after the manner
of the burial of Our Lord. This was especially necessary in the
Catacombs on account of the frequent proximity of the living to the
dead. We find frequent allusions to this practice in the Fathers.[814]
It was a pagan reproach that the Christians bought no odours for their
persons nor incense for the gods.[815] “It is true,” says Tertullian,
“but the Arabs and Sabeans well know that we consume more of these
costly wares for our dead than the heathen do for the gods.”[816]
The nearest relatives or pious friends bore the corpse to the grave,
and committed it as the seed of immortality to the genial bosom of the
earth, often strewing the body with flowers, in beautiful symbolism of
the resurrection to the fadeless summer of the skies.[817] In times of 503
persecution the privilege would often be purchased with money of
gathering the martyrs’ mangled remains, and bearing them by stealth,
along the pagan “Street of Tombs,” to the silent community of the
Christian dead.[818] Instead of employing the pagan _nænia_, or
funeral dirge, and _proeficæ_, or hireling mourners, the Christians
accompanied the dead to their repose with psalms and hymns,[819]
chanting such versicles as, “Return to thy rest, O my soul;” “I will
fear no evil, for thou art with me;” “Blessed are the dead that die in
the Lord.”[820] Frequently, as will be hereafter seen, the _agape_ or
eucharist was celebrated at the grave.
The heathen buried their dead by night on account of the defilement
the very sight of a funeral was supposed to cause. The Christians
repudiated this idolatrous notion, and, except when prevented during
times of persecution, buried openly by day, that the living might be
reminded of their mortality and led to prepare for death.
We have thus seen the immense superiority, in all the elements of
true dignity and excellence of primitive Christianity to the corrupt 504
civilization by which it was surrounded. It ennobled the character and
purified the morals of mankind. It raised society from the ineffable
slough into which it had fallen, imparted tenderness and fidelity to
the domestic relations of life, and enshrined marriage in a sanctity
before unknown. Notwithstanding the corruptions by which it became
infected in the days of its power and pride, even the worst form of
Christianity was infinitely preferable to the abominations of
paganism. It gave a sacredness previously unconceived to human life.
It averted the sword from the throat of the gladiator, and, plucking
helpless infancy from exposure to untimely death, nourished it in
Christian homes. It threw the ægis of its protection over the slave
and the oppressed, raising them from the condition of beasts to the
dignity of men and the fellowship of saints. With an unwearied and
passionate charity it yearned over the suffering and sorrowing
every-where, and created a vast and comprehensive organization for
their relief, of which the world had before no example and had formed
no conception. It was a holy Vestal, ministering at the altar of
humanity, witnessing ever of the Divine, and keeping the sacred fire
burning, not for Rome, but for the world. Its winsome gladness and
purity, in an era of unspeakable pollution and sadness, revived the
sinking heart of mankind, and made possible a Golden Age in the future
transcending far that which poets pictured in the past. It blotted out
cruel laws, like those of Draco written in blood,[821] and led back 505
Justice, long banished, to the judgment seat. It ameliorated the
rigours of the penal code, and, as experience has shown, lessened the
amount of crime. It created an art purer and loftier than that of
paganism; and a literature rivaling in elegance of form, and
surpassing in nobleness of spirit, the sublimest productions of the
classic muse. Instead of the sensual conceptions of heathenism,
polluting the soul, it supplied images of purity, tenderness, and
pathos, which fascinated the imagination and hallowed the heart. It
taught the sanctity of suffering and of weakness, and the supreme
majesty of gentleness and ruth.
[740] Some of these occur also on pagan tombs.
[741] This, it will be remembered, was the name of Augustine’s
son, whose early death he so pathetically laments.
[742] Compare also the classic names Diodorus, Herodotus,
Athenadorus, Heliodorus, Apollodorus, Isidorus--the gift of Zeus,
of Here, of Athene, of the Sun, of Apollo, of Isis; and Diogenes,
Hermogenes--born of Zeus, of Hermes; also the beautiful German
names Gottlieb, Gottlob--Beloved of God, Praise God, etc.
[743] Compare the Puritan names: Accepted, Redeemed, Called, More
Fruit, Kill Sin, Fly Debate, and even lengthy texts of Scripture.
See Neal’s _Puritans_, ii, 133, third foot note. In New England
graveyards may still be found such names as Assurance, Faith,
Hope, Charity, Patience, Perseverance, and all the cardinal
virtues, together with Tribulation, and others still more
ominous. Mr. Wellbeloved is the name of a living person. See also
the French _Bien Aimé_, etc.
[744] Compare the funeral totems, the beaver, the bear, or eagle,
of the American Indians. The Greeks also had similar names:
Lycos, a wolf; Moschos, a calf; Corax, a raven; Sauros, a lizard,
etc.
[745] Sometimes a sort of pun or play upon words occurs, as the
following: HIC IACET GLYCONIS DVLCIS NOMINE ERAT ANIMA QVOQVE
DVLCIOR VSQVE--“Here lies Glyconis. She was sweet by name,
her disposition also was even sweeter.” HEIC EST SEPVLCHRVM
PVLCRVM PVLCRAE FEMINAE--“Here is the beautiful tomb of a
beautiful woman.” Much of the paronomasia is lost in translation.
Another conceit is giving the name of the deceased acrostically
in the initial letters of the lines, an invariable symbol of
degraded taste. See De Rossi, No. 677, A. D. 432.
A few examples of Gothic names occur, as Bringa, Uviliaric,
Erida, (is it Freda?) Ildebrand. In Gaul these are more striking,
as Ingomir, Hagen, and the like.
[746] Quia solum in libro vitæ describi avebant.--_Inscrip.
Antiq._, p. 545.
[747] See chap. ii, p. 419.
[748] Various titles of honour occur in these epitaphs, generally
applied to the Consuls, occasionally to the deceased, and
indicated by initial letters as above, and as follows: VI., _Vir
Illustris_, “An Illustrious Man;” VD., _Vir Devotus_, or
_Devotissimus_, “A Devout, or Very Devout Man;” VC., _Vir
Clarissimus_, FC., _Femina Clarissima_, “A Most Distinguished Man
or Woman;” VH., _Vir Honestus_, FH. _Femina Honesta_, “An
Honourable Man or Woman;” VSP., _Vir Spectabilis_, “A Very
Notable Man;” VP., _Vir Perfectissimus_, “A Most Eminent Man;”
VD., _Vir Doctissimus_, “A Most Learned Man.”
[749] _Apol._, 46.
[750] It may not be uninteresting to notice some of the trades
and occupations mentioned in pagan epitaphs. They are of a much
wider range than those of the Christians, indicating that the
latter were a “peculiar people,” excluded from many pursuits on
account of their immoral or idolatrous character. Besides
occupations like those above mentioned, we find such examples as
QVADRIGARIVS, “A charioteer;” CVRSOR, “The runner;” MAGISTER
LVDI, “Master of the Games;” MINISTER POCVLI, “Toast master;”
DOCTOR MYRMILON, “Teacher of the gladiators,” DERISOR, or SCVRRA
CONVIVIORVM, “Buffoon, or clown of the revels;” STVPIDVS GREGIS
VRBANAE, “Clown of the city company of mountebanks.” We have also
official titles, as NABICVLARIVS CVR. CORPORIS MARIS HADRIATICI,
“Commissioner of the Hadriatic Company;” CVRATOR ALVEI ET RIPARVM
MARIS, “Curator of the river channel and sea banks;” MENSOR
PVBLICVS, “Public measurer;” VILICVS SVPRA HORTOS, “Steward over
gardens;” CAESARIS PRAESIGNATOR, “Imperial Notary;” INVITATOR,
“Agent.” We notice, too, others, as NVMVLARIVS, “A banker;”
MEDICVS IVMENTARIVS, “Mule doctor;” MEDICVS OCVLARIS, “Oculist;”
EXONERATOR CALCARIVS, “Lime dealer;” LANARIVS, “Wool-worker;”
PECTINARIVS, “Comb-seller;” NEGOTIANS SALSAMENTARIVS ET VINEARIVS
“Salt and wine merchant;” CVBICVLARIVS, “Keeper of the Couch;”
GRAMMATICVS LECTORQVE, “Grammarian and reader;” COMPARATOR MERCIS
SVTORIAE, “Shoemaker’s furnisher;” FVNARIVS, “Rope maker;”
NEGOTIATOR LENTIC · ET CASTRENIAR · “A Camp Grocer and Sutler;”
REDEMPTOR AB AERE, “Contractor in Brass;” FABER FERRARIVS, “Iron
Worker;” NEGOTIATOR LVGDVNENSIS ARTIS, “A Dealer in Lyons wares,”
not silks, as the phrase would now mean, but pottery; EXACTOR
TRIBVTORVM, “Tax gatherer;” and the FANATICVS in the temple of
Isis, _i. e._, one hired to stimulate the zeal of the votaries by
wild and frantic gestures, attributed to the inspiration of the
deity. We find also epitaphs of actors, dancers, pantomimists, of
one of whom, a young girl, it is said, CVIVS IN OCTAVA LASCIVIA
SVRGERE MESSE COEPERAT--a horrible circumstance to mention on her
tomb.
[751] Tertullian bases his apology for the Christians on the
blamelessness of their character, refutes the accusations against
them, and challenges proof. The unworthy members of the
community, he says, are only as moles or freckles on the body, or
as a fleecy cloud on a sunny sky, affecting not its general
character.--_Ad Nationes_, 5.
[752] Compare, in Propertius’ elegy on Cornelia, the line
Viximus insignes inter utramque facem.
“I lived spotless from the kindling of my marriage torch to that
which lit my funeral pyre.”
[753] The text and translation are as given by Burgon.
[754] Dr. Northcote indeed asserts that “there are actually more
instances of _alumni_ among the sepulchral inscriptions of
the Christians than among the infinitely more numerous sepulchral
inscriptions of the pagans.” (Page 136.) The accompanying Greek
examples are characteristic of the class: ΠΡΟΚΛΗ ΘΡΕΠΤΗ, “To
Procla, an adopted daughter;” ΠΕΤΡΟϹ ΘΡΕΠΤΟϹ ΓΛΥΚΥΤΑΤΟϹ ΕΝ ΘΕΩ,
“Peter, a most sweet adopted son, in God.”
The titles _mamma_ and _tata_, sometimes in their diminutive
forms _mamula_ and _tatula_, equivalent to our mamma and papa,
occur in Christian and pagan epitaphs.
[755] The expression _papasantimio_ was erroneously translated
“most holy Pope” by Paoli and Fea, but their mistake was long
since pointed out. Maitland, and Bishop Kip who followed him,
fell into the same error. De Rossi severely criticises the former
as “most ignorant of the whole controversy, known even to
blear-eyed and barbers.”--Totius controversiæ, vel lippis ac
tonsoribus notæ, ignarissimus.--_Inscrip. Antiq._, p. 177. The
translation above given is that of Dr. McCaul.
[756] This example and translation are from Maitland. It will be
observed that Domnina must have been married before her
fourteenth birthday. Several notices of early marriages occur, as
e.g.
VISCILIVS NICENI · COSTAE · SVAE QVAE FVIT ·
ANNOR · P · M · XXXI · EX QVIBVS DVRABIT · MECVM ANNOS XV--
“Viscilius to Nice, his rib, who was of thirty-one years (of age)
more or less, of which she passed with me fifteen years.” The use
of _costa_ for _uxor_ is doubtless an allusion to Genesis ii, 21.
We read also of Felicissima, QVAE VIXIT ANNVS LX · QVAE FECIT CVM
VIRO SVO ANNVS XLV--“Who lived sixty years, who passed with her
husband forty-five years;” and of Januaria, L · F · QVAE VIXIT PL
· M · ANN · XXVIII · C · MARITV · FEC ANN XV · M · XI · D · X--“A
praiseworthy woman, who lived twenty-eight years, more or less;
she passed with her husband fifteen years, eleven months, ten
days.” She was, therefore, married when about twelve years of
age. The earliest date of marriage we have noticed is the
following: CONSTANTIAE BENEMERENTI BERGINIVS CASTAE CONPARAE ·
CVM QVA · FECIT ANNIS VIII. QVE VICSIT (_sic_) ANNIS XVIII ·
MENSES VIIII · DIES XVII.--“Virginius, to the well-deserving
Constantia, his chaste consort, with whom he lived eight years,
who lived eighteen years, nine months, seventeen days.” She was
less than eleven years old when married. It must be borne in
mind, however, that marriage still occurs at a very early age in
these southern latitudes, as both sexes attain nubile years much
sooner than in northern climates. But this precocious maturity is
followed, especially in females, by a premature decline. Like the
brilliant flowers of their own fervid clime, they early bloom and
quickly fade.
[757] We have also illustrations of the fatal facility of divorce
under the Empire, and of the domestic strife and crime resulting
therefrom. In the following epitaph a discarded wife laments the
murder of her child by the usurper of her rights: MATER FILIO
PIISSIMO MISERA ET IN LVCTV ETERNALL VENEFICIO NOVERCAE--“To her
most affectionate son, the wretched mother, plunged in perpetual
grief by the poison of his step-mother, (raised this slab.)”
There is also a curious inscription, written jointly by two
living husbands to the same deceased wife, in which she is
designated, CONIVX BENE MERENTA (_sic_)--“A well-deserving
consort.” Another slab is dedicated to both the wife and the
concubine--VXORI ET CONCVBINAE--of a Roman lictor.
[758] In like manner, with more tender sentiment than we would
have expected in the stolid monarch, George II. was, in
accordance with his own request, laid in death beside his good
and gentle consort long deceased, and the partition between them
removed, “that their dust might blend together.”
[759] Several of these examples are translated from Kenrick.
[760] While yet alive, Domitian was called, Our Lord and
God--_Dominus et Deus noster_.
[761] A licentious poet, recognizing this moral corruption as the
cause of national decay, exclaims:
Hoc fonte derivata clades
In patriam populumque fluxit.
[762] Origen, _Contra Cels._, i, 67. Cf. Jus. Mar., _Apol._, ii,
61, and Tert. _Apol._, and _Ad. Nat._, passim.
[763] Tertul., _Apol._, 22.
[764] Fabri deorum vel parentes numinum.--Prudentius,
_Peristeph._, Hymn x, 293.
[765] Tertul., _De Idol._, vi.
[766] The martyr Lucian chose to die rather than to eat things
offered to idols.
[767] _Hist. of Eur. Morals_, ii, 34.
[768] The _Pædagogus_ of Clement of Alexandria was prepared
as a guide or “Instructor” to those who were striving to free
themselves from pagan customs, and to conform their lives to the
Christian character.
[769] _Apol._, c. 39.
[770] Nemo compellitur, sed sponte confert.--_Apol._, c. 39.
[771] _Ibid._, 42.
[772] _Ibid._, 14.
[773] _Pædag._, ii, 13.
[774] _Hom._ in 2 Tim.
[775] _Epitaph. Paulæ._
[776] Greg., _Dial._, iii.
[777] _Vita Cypr._
[778] Euseb., _H. E._, ix, 8.
[779] Apud nos inter pauperes et divites, servos et dominos,
interest nihil.--Lactant., _Div. Inst._, v. 14, 15.
[780] The arena, once crimson with human gore, is now consecrated
by the cross of Christ, and a Christian service is weekly
celebrated on the spot where a pagan emperor sought to crush the
infant church.
[781] Under Trajan, renowned for his clemency, ten thousand men
fought in the games which lasted one hundred and twenty-three
days. To stimulate the jaded minds of the spectators men were
impaled, crucified, and burned to death.
[782] The _De Spectaculis_ of Tertullian is an elaborate argument
concerning the idolatrous origin and character of the theatre. He
describes, in language applicable to much of the “sport” of
modern times, the human wild beasts, passion-blind, agitated by
bets, and out of themselves with excitement. “You have nobler
joys,” he says to the Christians. “Be startled at God’s signal,
roused at the angel’s trump, glory in the palms of martyrdom.
Would you have blood too? There is Christ’s,” (sec. 29.) “He
expatiates on the grandeur of the spectacle when the world, hoary
with age, shall be consumed; contrasts with the theatre the sight
of poets, players, philosophers, and kings in agonies and flames;
and exults in the triumph of Christ,” (sec. 30.)
[783] Tertul., _De Spectac._, sec. 26.
[784] _De Idol._, c. 19.
[785] Navigamus ... et militamus, et rusticamus, et
mercamur.--_Apol._ c. 42.
[786] Implevimus ... castra ipsa.--_Ibid._, c. 37. The story of
the Thundering Legion, composed entirely of Christians, is unable
to withstand the destructive criticism of modern times. The
following is the epitaph of a military commander: VITALIANVS
MAGISTER MILITVM, QVIESCIT IN DOMINO. We have already seen that
of an officer--DVX MILITVM--who suffered martyrdom under Adrian.
[787] Euseb., _H. E._, viii, 4. No one in either the civil
or military service of the emperor was eligible for ordination
even as a deacon.--Bingham, _Orig. Eccl._, iv, 3, sec. 1.
[788] Hostes Cæsarum, hostes populi Romani.--_Celsus_, lib.
viii.
[789] Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum imperatoris.--_Ad
Scapulum_, i.
[790] Nec ulla res aliena magis quam publica.--_Apol._, c. 38.
[791] Honores et purpuras despiciunt ipsi seminudi.--In _Munic.
Felix_, viii.
[792] Infructuosi in negotiis dicimur.--Tert., _Apol._, 42.
[793] _Ibid._
[794] Sat., vi, 20.
[795] Epig., vii, 6.
[796] Epist., cxi.
[797] The names of Penelope, Andromache, Alcestis, and Antigone
will be forever illustrious types of the domestic virtues.
[798] The Fathers frequently contrasted the few heathen vestal
virgins with the multitude of Christian celibates. The Christian
emperors and the early councils resolutely repressed harlotry,
drunkenness, wanton dancing, and immodest plays and books.
[799] Conc. Nic., 8; Ancyra, 19; Laodic., 1; Neo Caes., 3.
[800] Tertul., _Contr. Marc._, iv, 34, etc.
[801] Tertullian wrote a special treatise on the subject--_De
Monogamia_. The injunction that a bishop should be the husband of
_one_ wife was regarded as a prohibition of a second marriage.
Some of the Fathers, however, dissented from this view, as
Hermes, (_Pastor_, ii, 4); Augustine, (_De Bono Viduitatis_, 12).
On many pagan tombs occurs the word _univiræ_--“Once married.”
There are several examples of wives in the prime of their youth
and beauty devoting themselves to retirement on the death of
their husbands, as the wives of Pompey, of Drusus, and of Lucan.
[802] The beauty and dignity of Christian wedlock are nobly
expressed by Tertullian in the following passage, addressed to
his own wife: “How can I paint the happiness,” he exclaims, “of a
marriage which the church ratifies, the sacrament confirms, the
benediction seals, angels announce, and our heavenly Father
declares valid! What a union of two believers--one hope, one vow,
one discipline, one worship! They are brother and sister, two
fellow-servants, one spirit and one flesh. They pray together,
fast together, exhort and support one another. They go together
to the house of God, and to the table of the Lord. They share
each other’s trials, persecutions, and joys. Neither avoids nor
hides any thing from the other. They delight to visit the sick,
succour the needy, and daily to lay their offerings before the
altar without scruple or constraint. They do not need to keep the
sign of the cross hidden, nor to express secretly their Christian
joy, nor receive by stealth the eucharist. They join in psalms
and hymns, and strive who best can praise God. Christ rejoices at
the sight, and sends his peace upon them. Where two are in his
name he also is; and where he is, their evil cannot come”--_Ad
Uxorem_, ii, 8. He thus describes the difficulties which a
Christian woman married to an idolater must encounter in her
religious life: “At the time for worship the husband will appoint
the use of the bath; when a fast is to be observed he will invite
company to a feast. When she would bestow alms, both safe and
cellar are closed against her. What heathen will suffer his wife
to attend the nightly meetings of the church, the slandered
supper of the Lord, to visit the sick even in the poorest hovels,
to kiss the martyr’s chains in prison, to rise in the night for
prayer, to show hospitality to stranger brethren?”--_Ibid._
[803] Jungere cum infidelibus vinculum matrimonii prostituere
gentilibus membra Christi.
[804] _Ad Ux._, ii, 2-9. Jerome says that women married to
heathen become part of that body whose ribs they are.--_Cont.
Jovin._, i, 5.
[805] Secret marriages were forbidden, nor might this union take
place without the approbation of the earthly as well as of the
heavenly parent.--Tert., _Ad. Ux._, ii, 9.
[806] “Guard against drunkenness as against hemlock,” says
Clement of Alexandria, “for both drag down to death.”--_Pædag._,
i, 7.
[807] _De Cultu Feminarum_, ii, 3-13: “The wife should weave
her own apparel,” says Clement of Alexandria, referring to Prov.
xxxi, 10-31. This is also the etymological meaning of the English
word wife.
[808] _Pædag._, ii, 8.
[809] _Ep._ 54: “Polire faciem purpurisso” he exclaims, “et
cerusa ora depingere, ornare crinem, et alienis capillis turritam
verticem struere.” Cyprian suggests that the Almighty might not
recognize them at the resurrection. They should not dye their
hair or clothes, as violating the saying that “thou canst not
make one hair white or black;” and God had not made sheep scarlet
or purple.--_De habitu Virginum_, 14-16. “Nevertheless,” says
Clement, “they cannot with their bought and painted beauty avoid
wrinkles or evade death.” Tertullian denounces their
flame-coloured heads, “built up with pads and rolls, the slough
perhaps of some guilty wretch now in hell.”--_De Velendis
Virginibus_, ii, 17. “One delicate neck,” he says, “carries about
it forests and islands”--_saltus et insulæ_; that is, their
price.--_Ibid._, i, 9. At the court of the Eastern Empire,
effeminacy and oriental luxury still further degraded the
Christian character. Clement of Alexandria denounces with
indignation the extravagance and vice of the so-called Christian
community of that city. The wealth that should have been devoted
to the poor was expended in gilded litters and chariots, splendid
banquets and baths, in costly jewelry and dresses. Wealthy
ladies, instead of maintaining widows and orphans, wasted their
sympathies on monkeys, peacocks, and Maltese dogs.--_Pæd._, iii,
4. “Riches,” he adds, “is like a serpent which will bite unless
we know how to take it by the tail.”--_Ibid._, 6. He compares the
Alexandrian women to “an Egyptian temple, gorgeous without, but
enshrining only a cat or crocodile: so beneath their meretricious
adorning were concealed vile and loathsome passions.” The
sumptuary laws of the Theodosian code prohibited the use of gold
brocade or silken tissue, (x, tit. 20; xlv, 10.)
[810] See Fig. 90. See also _oranti_ in Fig. 82.
[811] This lapidary extravagance was censured, as seeming to
imply that the sepulchres were the receptacles of the souls
rather than of the bodies.--Ambr., _De Bono Mortis_.
[812] Cypr., _De Mortal._, 20. See also Augustine’s pathetic
account of the death of his mother, Monica--Premebam oculos ejus
et confluebat in præcordia moestitudo ingens,
etc.--_Conf._, ix, 12.
[813] Father Marchi found, along with some charred bones,
supposed to be relics of St. Hyacinth, some threads of gold
tissue, as if the martyr’s remains had been wrapped in this
costly material. He also perceived an aromatic odour on opening
some graves. Occasionally large lumps of lime have been found
bearing the marks of the linen in which they were wrapped. Its
caustic nature would hasten the destruction of animal tissue.
[814] An cadavera divitum nisi in serico putrescere
nesciunt.--_Vit. Pauli._ Arringhi has a chapter on the
subject, (lib. i, c. 23,) Cadavera unguentis et aromatibus
condiuntur.
[815] Non corpus odoribus honestatis.--Ap., _Minuc._, p. 35.
Jerome urges the substitution of the balsam of alms-deeds and
charity.
[816] Thura plane non emimus, etc.--_Apol._, 42. “You expect
your women will bury your body with ointments and spices,” said
the heathen judge to the martyr Tarachus; to prevent which he
condemned him to be burned.
[817] In later times similar rites were paid to the tomb. “We
will adorn the hidden bones,” sings Prudentius, “with violets and
many a bough; and on the epitaphs and the cold stones we will
sprinkle liquid odours.”--_Cathem._, x.
[818] See Euseb., _H. E._, vii, 16 and 22. They were often
denied the privilege.--_Ibid._, v, 1. Eutychianus, a Roman
Christian, is said to have buried three hundred and forty-two
martyrs with his own hands.
[819] Ψάλλοντες προπέμπετε αὐτοὺς, κ. τ. λ.--_Constit. Apos._,
vi, 30. Hymnos et Psalmos decantans, etc.--Hieron., _Vit. Pauli_.
[820] Chrys., _Hom._, 4, _in Hebr._ The following inscription
indicates that the corpse was sometimes brought to the Catacombs
some time before burial; probably immediately after death, as in
Italy it is now taken to the church. _Pecora dulcis anima benit
in cimitero Marturorum, vii, idus Jul. Dp. Postera die_--“Pecora,
a sweet soul, came (was brought) to the cemetery of the martyrs
on the 9th of July; was buried the following day.”
[821] The Christian emperors prohibited the branding of felons on
the forehead on the ground “that the human countenance, formed
after the image of heavenly beauty, should not be defaced.” They
also exempted widows and orphans from taxation, and contributed
to their support.
CHAPTER IV. 506
THE MINISTRY, RITES, AND INSTITUTIONS OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
We gain from the testimony of the Catacombs most important information
as to the organization of the church during the early Christian
centuries. We see on every side records of an efficient ministry of
different grades and dignities, yet wholly unlike that vast
hierarchical system which claims to be its lineal descendant. We
discern also evidences of a well-ordered administration of the
sacraments and ordinances of religion, simple and unadorned, yet
instinct with spiritual life and power, compared with which the
gorgeous ritual and lifeless pomp of Romanism are more akin, in
outward form at least, to the pagan homage of the Bona Dea, or to the
mysteries of Mithras, than to Christian worship. So complete is this
testimony as to the ministry and rites of the primitive church, that
Dr. Northcote remarks that, “even if all the writings of the Fathers
had altogether perished, we might almost reconstruct the whole fabric
of the ecclesiastical polity from the scattered notices of these
sepulchral inscriptions.”[822]
The somewhat complex ecclesiastical organization which we discover was
probably a gradual development with the growth of the church, and not
in its entirety the creation of the earliest times; the inscriptions
referring to the subject, it must be remembered, being all or chiefly 507
of post-Constantinian origin. The earlier books of the Apostolical
Constitutions, which are probably of the second century, say almost
nothing about the different grades of the ministry; but in the later
ones, probably of the fifth century, a full blown sacerdotalism
appears. Cornelius, bishop of Rome in the middle of the third century,
records the existence of a graduated clergy like that indicated in the
inscriptions of the Catacombs,[823] whose gradations Clement of
Alexandria compares to the different ranks of the hierarchy of
heaven.[824]
The highest office in the church of the Catacombs was that of the
bishop--the chief pastor[825] or overseer of the flock of Christ. But
this position was rather a preeminence of toil and peril than of
dignity and honour. The supreme head of the Roman hierarchy, who lays
claim to the attributes of deity himself, and sits in the seat of God
as his vicegerent and infallible representative on earth, finds no
precedent for his lofty assumptions in his humble predecessors of the
primitive ages. These were in reality what he is only in
name--_servi servorum Dei_. Even the title of bishop occurred but
seldom. Neither Bosio, Fabretti, Boldetti, nor any other of the early
explorers of the Catacombs, found a single example of it. The tomb of
the first Roman bishop bore simply the name LINVS. In the so-called
“papal crypt” the title first appears, but in the contracted form, 508
ΕΠΙ and ΕΠΙϹ, and without any symbol of superior dignity whatever. The
name of a bishop was first made a note of time in the latter part of
the fourth century, as in the epigraphic formulæ _Sub Liberio
Episcopo_--_Sub Damaso Episcopo_--During the episcopate of Liberius,
(A. D. 350-366,) of Damasus, (A. D. 366-384.) But this distinction was
also conferred on other bishops than those of Rome. Thus, in the year
A. D. 397, we find the expression _Pascasio Episcopo_. Now, as there
was no Roman bishop of that name, Pascasius must have presided over
some of the adjacent sees, of which we know that there were many
independent of Rome.[826]
The word _papa_, or pope, does not occur in the Catacombs till at 509
least the latter part of the fourth century. It appears first spelled
_pappas_, and applied to Damasus, in the margin of an inscription by
that bishop, in honour of Eusebius.[827] But De Rossi admits that this
is a badly executed reproduction, of the sixth or seventh century, of
a previous inscription; so this title may very well belong to that
late period. This is all the more probable from the phraseology of the
very first line of this inscription: DAMASVS EPISCOPVS FECIT EVSEBIO
EPISCOPO ET MARTYRI--“Damasus, bishop, (not pope,) to Eusebius, bishop
and martyr.” Hilary (461-467) calls himself bishop and servant of
Christ--“_Episcopus et famulus Christi._” In an epitaph of A. D. 523,
Hormisdas is called merely DOMINVS PAPA--that is, “honoured father,”
or “pope,” which is probably the first application of this phrase in
Christian epigraphy. In another, of date A. D. 563, John III. is
designated as the “most blessed father John”--_Beatissimus papa
Joannes_.[828]
But even this title, invested with such awful dignity and supreme
authority in later days, was at first only an expression of familiar
and affectionate respect, not peculiar to the bishop of Rome, nor
indeed first applied to him. Its earliest use is attributed to
Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, in the latter part of the third 510
century.[829] The Roman clergy address the bishop of Carthage in their
letters as “the blessed pope Cyprian.”[830] Tertullian applies the
name to any Christian bishop.[831] Jerome addresses Augustine, bishop
of the little African diocese of Hippo, as the _Beatissimus papa
Augustinus_,[832] and applies the same phrase to the superior of a
monastery.[833]
The rapid extension of Christianity in the metropolis of the empire
enhanced the influence and dignity of the Roman bishops.[834] With the
increase of wealth and decay of piety these dignitaries became
ambitious and worldly, arrogant and aspiring, and laid the foundations
of that vast system of spiritual despotism which for centuries crushed
the civil and religious liberties of Europe. Nevertheless, as late as
the end of the sixth century, Gregory the Great, although zealous for
the episcopal dignity, resents the claim of John of Constantinople
to the title of oecumenical bishop in the striking words: “This I 511
declare with confidence, that whoso designates himself universal
priest, or, in the pride of his heart, consents to be so named, he is
the forerunner of Antichrist.”[835] His successors of Rome have not
shrunk from this malediction, but, in assumption of this universal
supremacy, have placed their feet on the neck of kings, parcelled out
empires, and conferred crowns at their pleasure.[836]
The next rank in ecclesiastical dignity was that of the Presbyters.[837]
There was not that distinction in the primitive ages between their
office and that of the bishops that afterward arose. Bishop Pearson 512
represents their power and dignity as greater the nearer we ascend to
the apostolic times. Their principal functions were the administration,
in association with the bishops, of the sacraments, the enforcement of
discipline, the preaching of the word, and the pastorate of the
church. Their epitaphs in the Catacombs and basilicas are frequently
very brief, as the following: LOCVS GERONTI PRESB--“The place of
Gerontus, a presbyter;” POSITVS EST HIC LEONTIVS PRESBITER
(_sic_)--“Here is placed Leontius, a presbyter.” Sometimes the title
is expressed in a contracted form, thus: HIC QVIESCIT ROMANVS PBB. QVI
SEDIT PBB · ANN · XXVIII · M · X.--“Here reposes Romanus, a presbyter,
who sat a presbyter twenty-eight years ten months.”[838] Boldetti
gives the epitaph of ACATIVS PASTOR, who was probably a presbyter, his
title expressing his pastoral office. The following, of date A. D.
471, which is more elaborate than usual, is of some historical
interest:[839]
PRESBYTER HIC POSITVS FELIX IN PACE QVIESCIT
CVIVS PVRA FIDES PROBITAS VIGILANTIA SOLLERS
PONTIFICVM CLARO PLACVIT SIC NOTA LEONI
POST LABSVM VT REPARANS VENERANDI CVLMINA PAVLI
HVIC OPERIS TANTI RENOVANDAM CREDERET AVLAM.
Felix, the presbyter, placed here, reposes in peace, whose pure
faith, probity, sagacious vigilance, when known, so pleased the
illustrious Leo of the pontiffs,[840] that, repairing the roof of 513
the venerable St. Paul’s after its fall, he trusted to him the
renewal of the hall of so great a work.
It appears that sometimes the primitive presbyters engaged in secular
callings. Thus, an inscription from the Catacomb of Callixtus reads,
ΔΙΟΝΥϹΙΟϹ ΠΡΕϹΒΥΤΕΡΟϹ ΙΑΤΡΟϹ--“Dionysius, presbyter and physician.”
Another, of date A. D. 533, commemorates a deacon, who was also,
perhaps before ordination, a senator and soldier. One found in Galatia
mentions ΘΕΟΔΩΡΟϹ ΠΡΕϹΒΥΤΕΡΟϹ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΓΥΡΟΚΟΠΟϹ--“Theodorus, a
presbyter and silversmith.” Hyacinthus, a Roman presbyter of the third
century, was also an officer of the imperial household. Tertullian
complains that some engaged in idolatrous trades were promoted to
ecclesiastical offices.[841] Eusebius mentions a presbyter of Antioch
who was head-master of one of the principal schools of the city.[842]
Sozomen tells of bishops Zeno and Spiridion, who continued, the one to
weave linen, the other to keep sheep, after elevation to the episcopal
office.[843] Indeed, the fourth council of Carthage (A. D. 398)
decreed that the clergy might devote their leisure to trade or
husbandry, that the church might have greater resources for
charity.[844]
The next grade in ecclesiastical rank was that of the deacons. They 514
acted generally as assistants of the bishops and presbyters,
especially in the distribution of the charities of the church.[845]
They also took part in the administration of the eucharist, but not in
its consecration. Before the appointment of lectors they read, and
occasionally expounded, the Scriptures to the congregation, like the
modern lay preachers. They also acted as instructors or catechists of
the catechumens of the church. They are frequently designated
_Levitæ_,[846] from the fancied analogy of their functions to those of
the Levitical order among the Jews. In the church at Rome there were
only seven deacons, in accordance with the number originally appointed
in the church at Jerusalem; but in other cities the number was not
thus limited.[847] Of inferior dignity were the ὑποδιάκονοι, or
sub-deacons, who assisted the deacons in the discharge of their lower
functions, as the care of the sacramental vessels, and the like.
Several epitaphs of both these classes have been found among the early
Christian inscriptions. They are generally very brief, as the
following: IVL DIACONVS--“Julius, the deacon;” DEPS · FELIX · 515
DIAC--“Felix, the deacon, buried (Mar. 11, A. D. 435);” LOCVS
EXVPERANTI DIACON--“The place of Exuperantus, the deacon.” Beneath the
church of Sts. Cosmo and Damien was found the following: HIC
REQVIESCIT |SCVS| HABVNDANTIVS DIAC ET MARTYR--“Here reposes holy
Abundantius, deacon and martyr.”[848]
The following are characteristic epitaphs of sub-deacons: HIC QVIESCIT
APPIANVS SVBDIACONVS QVI VIXIT ANNVS XXXII DIES XXVIIII--“Here rests
Appianus, a sub-deacon, who lived thirty-two years, twenty-nine days;”
LOCVS MARCELLI SVBD · REG · SEXTAE CONCESSVM (_sic_) SIBI ET POSTERIS
EIVS A BEATISSIMO PAPA IOANNE QVI VIXIT ANN · PLM · LXVIII--“The place
of Marcellus, a sub-deacon of the sixth district,[849] conceded to him
and his posterity by the most blessed Father John,[850] who lived
sixty-eight years, more or less.” (A. D. 564.)
The first rank of the inferior officers of the church was that of the
lectors or readers. It was their duty to read in the congregations the
appointed lessons from the Holy Scriptures.[851] The office was held
in peculiar honour, young men of noble family, especially, aspiring to
its dignity. Thus the Emperor Julian, in his youth, was a reader of
the church at Nicomedia, as was also his brother Gallus.[852]
Candidates for the office were ordained by the ceremony of delivering 516
the Gospels into their hands. According to one of the Novels of
Justinian,[853] they were required to be not less than eighteen years
of age, but examples occur of their appointment as early as seven or
eight years old.[854] Probably the latter were dedicated by their
parents, like Samuel, to the service of God from their infancy,[855]
and graduated through the inferior offices to those of greater dignity
and influence. In the Western church they soon ceased as a distinct
rank, but they lingered in the conventual orders till a comparatively
late period.
The following are epitaphs of lectors from the Catacombs and
basilicas: EQ HERACLIVS QVI FVIT IN SAECVLVM ANN · XVIIII · M · VII ·
D · XX · LECTOR R · SEC · FECERVNT · SIBI ET FILIO SVO BENEMERENTI ·
INP--“Equitius Heraclius, who was in this world nineteen years, seven
months, twenty days, a reader of the second district. (His parents)
made this for themselves and their well-deserving son, in peace;”
CINNAMIVS OPAS LECTOR TITVLI FACIOLI AMICVS PAVPERVM--“Cinnamius Opas,
a reader of the church of Faciolus, a friend of the poor;” MIRAE
INNOCENTIAE ADQ · EXIMIAE BONITATIS HIC REQVIESCIT LEOPARDVS LECTOR DE
PVDENTIANA QVI VIXIT ANN. XXIIII--“Here rests Leopardus, of wonderful
innocence and remarkable goodness, a reader of the church of
Pudentiana, who lived twenty-four years;” HIC REQVIESCIT IN SOMNO
PACIS CAELIVS LAVRENTIVS LECTOR SANCTAE ECCLESIAE AECLANENSIS QVI 517
VIXIT ANNOS PLM · XLVIII--“Here rests, in the sleep of peace, Cælius
Laurentius, a reader of the holy church of Æclanum, who lived
forty-eight years, more or less.”
The acolytes were another class which is discontinued in the
protestant communion. As the name implies,[856] they were the
servitors of the church, and had charge of the lamps and other
ecclesiastical furniture. They were probably the offspring of the
increasing pomp and dignity of the bishops, to whom they acted as
personal attendants, especially in public processions and religious
festivals. The only dated epitaphs of acolytes extant are of a
comparatively late period. De Rossi thinks the following of the sixth
or seventh century.[857] The simplicity of the primitive church had
long since passed away. (P)ACE ABVNDANTIVS |ACOL| · REG · QVARTAE |TT|
VESTINAE QVI VIXIT ANN · XXXIII |DEP| · |INP| · D |NAT| · |SCI|
MARCI--“In peace, Abundantius, an acolyte of the fourth district,
of the church of Vestina, who lived thirty-three years. Buried in
peace on the birthday of St. Mark.”
The office of exorcist, from the occult and mysterious nature of its
functions, was one that from the first was liable to abuse. It appears
to have been known in the synagogue, and even there to have been
usurped for base and venal purposes.[858] A battle between supernal
and infernal powers seems to have been coincident with the conflict 518
between Christianity and paganism. The Christians believed the oracles
and idols of the gods to be animated by dæmons, who frequently usurped
possession also of human beings. Tertullian,[859] Origen,[860] and
others of the Fathers, claim that any private Christian could exorcise
these dæmons by faith and prayer. It was probably a spiritual gift
like that of “tongues,” which was granted for a special purpose and
afterward withdrawn, perhaps on account of its abuse. This mysterious
function did not become a distinct office till the latter part of the
third century, when the exorcists were set apart by special ordination,
and furnished with special forms of adjuration. This rite was then
generally performed with solemn ceremonial before the baptism of
converts from paganism. It was accompanied by prayer, insufflation,
imposition of hands, and the sign of the cross, in order to deliver
the subject from the dominion of the Prince of Darkness, and to
consecrate him to the service of God. In later days this office became
subject to frightful abuse, and all the grotesque and horrible
adjuncts of exorcism of the Roman church--the charms, conjurations,
wearing of scapulars and relics, incensings and sprinklings, were
introduced--rites which find their analogues only in the magical
incantations of the medicine-men of the Caffre Kraal or the Indian
lodge.[861] “The best exorcism,” says Tertullian, “is by watchfulness 519
and prayer to resist the devil, and cast out evil thoughts.” The
following are epitaphs of exorcists: IANVARIVS EXORCISTA--“Januarius
the exorcist;” HIC REQVIESCIT · IN · SOMNO · PACIS · CAELIVS ·
IOHANNIS EXHORCISTA (_sic_)--“Here rests, in the sleep of peace,
Cælius John, an exorcist.”
The energumens, or possessed persons, were committed to the especial
care of the exorcists, who employed them in the secular service of the
sanctuary, as sweeping and cleaning the church, “lest idleness should
become a temptation for Satan to molest them.” There is no indication
of the existence of this unhappy class of persons in the church of the
Catacombs, at least so far as monumental evidence is concerned.
A very numerous class in the economy of the primitive church was that
of the fossors, or grave-diggers, by whose labours these vast
labyrinths were excavated. They seem to have had especial charge of
the subterranean cemeteries, and we have had numerous examples of the
transfer and sale of graves under their authority.[862] They had also
a quasi-ecclesiastical rank, and were subject to ecclesiastical
discipline. “The first order of the clergy,” says Jerome, “is that of
the fossors, who, after the manner of holy Tobit, are employed in
burying the dead.”[863] They probably also assisted the regular clergy 520
in the celebration of the funeral rites. The melancholy office of this
pious confraternity, always a sad necessity of humanity, was
particularly so to the persecuted church of the Catacombs.