Affecting memorials of domestic affection are found in the toys and

trinkets of little children enclosed in their graves or affixed to the

plaster without. The dolls in the following engraving strikingly

resemble those with which children amuse themselves to-day. They are

made of ivory, and some are furnished with wires, by which the joints

can be worked after the manner of the modern marionettes. The object 387

in the upper left hand corner is a terra cotta vase with a narrow slit

for receiving money, like the common children’s savings banks. Beneath

it is an ivory ring. The other objects are small bronze bells, forming

part of a child’s rattle. In the Catacomb of St. Sebastian was also

found a small terra cotta horse of rude design, dappled with coloured

spots.

[Illustration: Fig. 120.--Children’s Toys found in the Catacombs.]

The human affections are the same in every age. These simple objects

speak more directly to the heart than “storied urn or animated bust.”

As we gaze upon these childish toys in the Vatican Museum the

centuries vanish, and busy fancy pictures the weeping Roman mother

placing these cherished relics of her dead babe in its waxen hands or

by its side, as it is laid from her loving arms in the cold embrace of

the rocky grave, and then, with tear-dimmed eyes, taking a last, long,

lingering farewell of the loved form about to be closed from her sight

forever.

Numerous toilet articles have also been found in the Catacombs,

generally in the graves of the dead or cemented by the plaster to the

tombs. Many of these have been plundered and lost; but still a very

interesting collection exists in the Vatican Library. Among its 388

contents are long silver or ivory bodkins for the hair, combs of box

or ivory, scent-bottles and boxes of perfume, broaches, earrings,

bracelets, sometimes with keys to unlock the clasps, and other

ornaments in bronze, silver, or gold.[654] The simpler manners of the

Christian women, as compared with those of pagan faith around them, is

indicated by the conspicuous absence of the rouge pots and jars of

cosmetics, and many other articles of luxury, which formed so

important a part of the toilet requisites of Rome’s proud dames, and

which are so frequently found in the ruins of Pompeii. The Christian

ornaments, moreover, even after the departure from the primitive

simplicity of manners, were of a very different character from those

of the corrupt civilization of paganism. Instead of the abominable

representations of heathen art, suggesting every evil thought and

stimulating every vile passion, of which so many examples occur in the

Museum of Naples, only chaste and modest figures are found; and even

the articles of the toilet are frequently adorned with pious mottoes.

Thus, on a bodkin for a lady’s hair, probably a love-gift to a wife or

betrothed bride, is engraved the beautiful sentiment, ROMVLA

SEMPER VIVAS IN DEO--“Romula, may you ever live in God.” Such a

religious art seems an anticipation of the day when “Holiness to the

Lord” shall be written upon the bells of the horses.

Small caskets of gold or other metal for containing a portion of the

gospels, generally part of the first chapter of John, which were worn 389

on the neck, have also been found. They seem to have been introduced

in the decline of primitive piety in imitation of the Jewish

phylactery or pagan amulet, and were probably worn for the same

superstitious purpose, to avert danger or to cure disease. They were

condemned by Irenæus, Augustine, Chrysostom, and by the Council of

Laodicea, as a relic of heathenism.[655] On a carved figure of a fish,

with a hole drilled through it for suspending it from the neck, and

probably intended for an amulet, is engraved the word, ϹΩϹΑΙϹ--“Mayest

thou save us.” Medals, coins, and what are described as tessaræ of

hospitality, by which the early Christians recognized travelling

members of distant churches as sharers of the same faith, and admitted

them to their assemblies and their homes, have likewise been found. So

also have articles of domestic economy, as spoons, knives, keys,

drinking-cups and shells used as such, and even a metallic kettle for

cooking. Certain articles employed in religious service, as a

baptismal font, altars, chairs, etc., will be hereafter described.

This practice of burying with the dead the objects which they had

employed in life was common to the pagans from the earliest Etruscan

times to the most recent heathen sepulture. They interred in the tombs

of the departed every kind of utensil and implement of trade, and even

articles of food. M. Rochette perceives herein a notion, confused and

gross though it may be, of the immortality of the soul, and a proof of

that instinct of man which recoils from the thought of annihilation.[656]

In like manner, the Christians, although animated by a loftier hope, 390

and inspired with an assurance of eternal deathlessness, long followed

this ancient custom, even to the extent sometimes of putting the piece

of money in the mouth of the deceased, intended by the heathen for the

payment of Charon.[657] This was most probably, in many instances a

mere unthinking conformity to ancient use and wont. Milman asserts

that the practice of burying money, often large sums, with the dead,

was the cause of the very severe Roman laws against the violations of

the tombs, inasmuch as the government wished to reserve to itself that

source of revenue.[658]

[Illustration: Fig. 121.--Statue of the Good Shepherd.]

In the Christian Museum of the Vatican is a marble statue of the Good

Shepherd, figured in the accompanying engraving, which is believed to

be from the Catacombs. Although the execution is coarse, yet from the

general style Rumohr thinks it probably the oldest extant specimen of 391

Christian statuary.[659] Sculpture seems to have bowed less willingly

than painting to the new religion, and was much more tardy in laying

its offerings on the altar of Christianity. It retained also much of

the spirit of paganism, and never became thoroughly imbued with

Christian sentiment. The colossal figure of the Galilean fisherman

beneath the mighty dome of his proud mausoleum--that stateliest fane

in Christendom--if not indeed the identical statue of the Capitoline

Jove, is copied from a heathen model. The majestic Moses of Michael

Angelo seems rather the embodied conception of the cloud-compelling

Phidian Zeus than of the Hebrew patriarch, described as the meekest of

men. Even Thorwaldsen’s sublime figures of Christ and the apostles

exhibit more of the majesty of antique pagan art than of the meek and

tender grace of Christianity. Sculpture, as M. Rochette well remarks,

struck its roots deeply into the soil of heathenism, and was with the

utmost difficulty transplanted therefrom. It is essentially pagan in

its character, and is especially adapted for the expression of the

severer virtues. Painting is more instinct with Christian spirit, and

is the better fitted for the representation of the softer graces.

Moreover, the profession of the sculptor was held in abhorrence on

account of its connexion with idolatry. Tertullian stigmatizes the

makers of images as the foster-fathers of devils and the procurers 392

of idols.[660] Prudentius calls Mentor and Phidias the makers and

parents of the heathen gods.[661] All who were in any wise connected

with this unhallowed craft were rejected from the ordinance of baptism

and denied the holy eucharist.[662] “The ancient Christians,”

Buonarotti truly remarks, “always kept aloof from these arts, by which

they might have run a risk of polluting themselves with idolatry; and

hence it arose that few or none of them devoted themselves to painting

or to sculpture, which had as their principal object the

representations of the gods or the myths of the heathen.”[663] Hence

the almost entire absence of Christian statuary from the Catacombs.

Even the sculptured bas reliefs of the sarcophagi before described

were for the most part the product of that later period, when

Christianity, coming forth from these subterranean crypts, walked in

the light of day and basked in the favour of princes.

This brief notice of early Christian sculpture would be incomplete

without some reference to the statue of the celebrated Hippolytus,

bishop of Portus, the most remarkable known specimen of that class. It

was discovered by some workmen digging near the church of _San

Lorenzo fuori le mura_ in the year 1551, and probably originally

stood in the adjacent Catacomb of Hippolytus. The martyr bishop is 393

represented as seated in a sort of episcopal chair. The figure is

modelled with a classic grace and dignity superior to any examples of

the Constantinian period. Indeed, the distinguished art critic,

Winckelmann, declares it to be the finest specimen of early Christian

sculpture extant. It was considerably mutilated, but has been

skilfully restored, and now stands in the Lateran Museum. On the base

of the chair is engraved a list of the published writings of

Hippolytus,[664] and also the table which he constructed for

determining the true period of the Easter festival. The discovery of

an error in this table deprived it of much of its value; and the date

of this monument is probably prior to that discovery, or the early

part of the third century.

Passing allusion should also be here made to the early Christian

diptychs, specimens of which are found in almost every antiquarian

museum. These were formed after the model of the imperial and consular

diptychs, or registers of the public officers of Rome. They consisted

of tablets of ivory, wood, or metal, folded together,[665] and bore 394

the names of the bishops, officers, or distinguished patrons of the

church, and memorials of the martyrs and holy dead. These memorials

were frequently read in the religious assemblies of the primitive

church, especially on the anniversaries of the martyrs’ death. This

practice led in course of time to the invocation of their aid in the

Litany of the Saints, and to other errors of Romanism. The diptychs

had also frequently elaborate bas reliefs of scenes from the biblical

cycle, and in the age of image-worship bore the figures of the saints

to whom a corrupt Christianity had begun to pay an idolatrous

veneration. They became thus the prototype of the illuminated missal

of the Middle Ages.

[614] _Vetri ornati di figure in oro trovati nei cimiteri dei

Cristiani primitivi di Roma raccolti e spiegati da Raffaele

Garrucci._--Roma, 1858.

[615] _Osservazioni sopra alcuni frammenti di vasi antichi di

vetro ornati di figure trovati nei cimiteri di

Roma._--Firenze, 1716.

[616] Transtyberinus ambulator,

Qui pallentia sulphurata fractis

Permutat vitreis.--_Epig._, i, 42.

[617] Sicche volendo i fedeli adornar con simboli devoti i loro

vasi, erano forzati per lo più a valersi di artefici inesperti, e

che professavano altre mestieri.--_De’ Vetri Cemeteriali._

[618] _Rom. Sott._, p. 283.

[619] _Ibid._

[620] “Unde dignationem sumeret.”--_Conf._, vi, 2. Compare with

the expression DIGNITAS in the previous inscription.

[621] Pastor quem in calice depingis.--_De Pudicit._, c. 7.

Ipsæ picturæ calicum vestrorum, si vel in illis _perlucebit_

interpretatio,... et ego ejus pastoris scripturam haurio _qui

non potest frangi_.--_Ibid._, 10.

[622] Glass chalices are common, indeed it is said universal, at

the present day in the Coptic churches of Egypt. The _San

Greal_, or reputed vessel of the institution of the Lord’s

Supper, preserved in the Cathedral of Genoa, is, curiously

enough, of glass, of a hexagonal form.

[623] P. 16, first foot note. Both Christ and Mary have the

nimbus. The legend _Christus et Istafanus_ on one example,

indicating a transition into modern Italian, implies a late date.

[624] Rock’s _Hierurgia_, p. 269.

[625] See the epitaphs of Lannus and Gordianus, p. 98.

[626] Muratori gives the epitaph of a girl of the age of two

years and twenty days, on whose tombstone this cup was found, and

feeling the absurdity of this theory, but unwilling to controvert

the decree of the Congregation of Relics, he adds ironically, “In

these sacred cemeteries you especially wonder at two things,

namely, that when so many glass or figured vases occur no mention

is made in the inscriptions of martyrdom; and especially that

_infants_ suffered death on account of faith in Christ”--In

sacris iis coemeteriis duo potissimum mireris, Nempe quum tot

Vasa vitrea aut figulina occurrant, nullam tamen in ipsis

inscriptionibus mortis pro Christo toleratæ mentionem haberi, et

praeterea Infantes ob Fidem Christi morti datos fuisse.--_Nov.

Thesaur. Vet. Inscrip._, p. 1958, No. 8.

[627] _Mornings with the Jesuits_, p. 222.

[628] The Third Council of Carthage in the year 397 forbade this

practice, because Christ said, “Take and eat,” whereas a dead

body can neither take nor eat--Placuit ut corporibus defunctorum

eucharistia non detur. Dictum est enim a Domino Accipite et

edite: cadavera autem nec accipere possunt, nec edere.--_Conc.

Cath._, 3, can. 6. Chrysostom also denounces the practice because

the words were spoken to the living and not to the dead.--_Hom._,

40, in 1 Cor. Gregory the Great speaks of the burial of the

Eucharist with the dead, “Jussit communionem Dominici corporis in

pectus defuncti reponi atque sic tumulari.”--_Greg. Dial._, lib.

ii, c. 24. Maitland thinks that these cups were probably

depositories for aromatic gums much used in the interment of the

dead.

[629] “Ergo palma indicium minime Martyri fuit.”--The

inscription, which bears two palms, reads thus--LEOPARDVS SE

BIBV FECIT.

[630] Il n’a rencontré lui même dans ces souterrains aucun trace

de nul autre tableau représentant une martyre.--_Hist. de l’Art._

[631] A fresco of the martyrdom of Felicitas and her seven sons,

in an ancient chapel within the Baths of Titus, is not later,

according to M. Rochette, (_Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr._,

tom. xiii, p. 165,) than the seventh century.

[632] Aringhi has given an entire chapter on this subject,

entitled “Martyriorum instrumenta unà cum martyrum corporibus

tumulo reponuntur.”--_Rom. Sott._, i, 29.

[633] _Catacombs of Rome_, pp. 111, 112.

[634] _Ibid._, p. 187.

[635] “Flagellum quoddam ad corpus excruciandum,” is the phrase

of Aringhi.

[636] _Rom. Sott._, p. 387.

[637] _Perret_, tom. iv, planche 2. The ship was a favourite

type of the church during the Middle Ages. In the church of St.

Etienne-du-Mont, at Paris, is a representation of a vessel

crowded with passengers, among whom the portrait of Francis I.

has been recognized. In an ancient Merovingian MS. missal the

same idea is repeated, only the Holy Spirit is substituted as

pilot--Bene gubernatus est Spiritus Sanctus.

[638] _La Corinne._

[639] Translata episcoporum manibus, cum alii pontifices lampadas

cereosque præferrent.--Hieron., Ep. 27, _ad Eustach., in

Epitaph. Paulæ_.

[640] Sometimes a single candelabrum bears three hundred and

sixty-five lights, emblematic of the days of the year. More

impressive is a solitary lamp ever burning at some lowly shrine,

the type of the flame of love burning in perpetual adoration on

the altar of the heart.

[641] Canon., 34.

[642] The following inscription from Gruter indicates this

practice:

QVISQVE · HVIC · TVMVLO

POSVIT · ARDENTEM · LVCERNAM

ILLIVS · CINERES · AVREA · TERRA · TEGAT.

“Who ever places a burning lamp before this tomb, may a golden

soil cover his ashes.”

Lactantius accuses the pagans of burning lights to God as to one

living in darkness, (_Institut. Divin._, lib. vi, cap. 2,) and

the Theodosian Code forbids the custom.

[643] Prope ritum gentilium videmus sub prætextu religionis

introductum in ecclesias, sole adhuc fulgente moles cereorum

accendi, etc.--_Adv. Vigil._, ii.

[644] From ἀμφί and φέρω--on account of the handles on each

side of the neck. They were also called _diota_, or two-eared,

from διώτη.

[645] Lac significat innocentiam parvulorum.--Hieron., in

_Esai_. lv, 1. Deinde egressos lactis et mellis prægustare

concordiam ad infantiæ significationem.--_Ibid._, _Contr.

Lucif._, c. 4. See also Tertul., _de Coron. Mil._, c. 3;

Clem. Alex., _Pædagog._, lib. i, c. 6.

[646] Nam utique et altare portarent et vasa ejus, et aquam in

manus funderent sarcerdoti, sicut videmus per omnes

ecclesias.--Aug., _Quæst. Vet. et Nov. Test._, qu. 101. See

also Cyril, _Catech. Myst._, 5, n. 1.

[647] “_Renfermer le Saint-chrême._” Tom. i, p. 266.

[648] Cum aurum nulla norat præter unico digito, quem sponsus

oppignerasset annulo pronubo.--_Apol._, c. 6.

[649] Et annulo fidei suæ subarravit me.--In Ambr. _Ep._ 31.

[650] Clem. Alex., _Pædagog._, iii, 2.

[651] _Ibid._

[652] See the example of Pharaoh, Gen. xli, 42; and Ahasuerus,

Esther iii, 10, and viii, 2.

[653] Pitra, _Spicil. Solesm._, tom. iii, tab. iii, n. 4.

[654] When the tomb of the Empress Maria, wife of Honorius, was

opened in 1544, a profusion of ornaments and trinkets were found,

from which, it is said, not less than thirty-six pounds of gold

were taken. The Empress Placidia was also interred in similar

gorgeous funeral pomp, which was, however, consumed in 1577 by

the accidental ignition of her gold-embroidered robes.

[655] Iren., lib. ii, c. 57. Aug., tract 7, _in Joan._; serm.

215, _de Tempore_. Chrysos., hom. vi, _Contr. Judæos_.

Conc. Laodic., can. 36.

[656] Il y avait là une notion confuse et grossière sans doute de

l’immortalité de l’âme, mais il s’y trouvait aussi la preuve

sensible et palpable de cet instinct de l’homme, qui repugne à

l’idée de la destruction de son être.--_Mém. de l’Acad. des

Inscr._, tom. xiii, p. 689.

[657] Rochette says that this practice continued down to the time

of Thomas Aquinas, who wrote against it.

[658] “Gold may justly be taken from the sepulture which no

longer contains its original owner,” says the minister of

Theodoric to a provincial governor; “indeed, it is a sort of

fault to leave idly hidden with the dead that which might support

the living.”--Aurum enim justè sepulcro detrahitur, ubi dominus

non habetur; imo culpæ genus est inutiliter abdita relinquere

mortuorum, unde se vita potest sustentare viventium.--Cassiod.,

_Var._, iv, 34.

[659] _Italienische Forschungen_, vol. i, p. 168.--The subject of

early Christian sculpture is fully treated in a recent work by

Dr. Wilhelm Lübke, entitled _Geschichte der Plastik_. Two vols.

Leipzig: Seeman, 1870.

[660] Qua constantia exorcizabit _alumnos suos_, quibus

domum suam cellariam præstat ... quid aliud quam procurator

idolorum demonstraris?--_De Idol._, c. 11.

[661] Fabri deorum, vel parentes numinum.--_Peristeph._, x, 293.

[662] _Constit. Apostol._, lib. viii, c. 32.

[663] Stettero sempre lontane di quelle arti, colle quali

avessero potuto correr pericolo di contaminarsi colla idolatria,

e da ciò avvenne, che pochi, o niuno di essi si diede alla

pittura e alla scultura, le quali aveano per oggetto principale

di rappresentare le deità, e le favole de’ gentili.--Buonarotti,

_De’ Vetri Cemeteriali_.

[664] These were exceedingly voluminous, and although several of

them have perished, those which remain throw great light on one

of the most obscure periods in the history of the church, and

vindicate the title of Origen of the West, bestowed on Hippolytus

by Pressensé. Among his most important works were a commentary on

the greater part of the Old and New Testament, treatises on

Antichrist, on the Gifts of the Holy Spirit, on Good and the

Origin of Evil, on God and the Resurrection. He was especially

noted, moreover, as a vigorous and skilful polemic, and wrote

against Platonism and Judaism, and, as we have seen, (page 173,)

against Callixtus, bishop of Rome, for his pantheistic heresy.

His great work, however, is that entitled the _Philosophoumena_.

“It is a vast repertory,” says Pressensé, “reviewing all the

doctrinal controversies of the church from the earliest ages and

most obscure beginnings of Gnosticism. Christian antiquity has

left us no more valuable monument than the treatise “On all the

Heresies” of Hippolytus, discovered a few years since among the

dusty treasures of a convent of Mount Athos.”

[665] Whence the name, from δίπτυχον, twofold; when several

tablets were used they were called πολύπτυχον, or manifold.

BOOK THIRD. 395

THE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE CATACOMBS.

CHAPTER I.

GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

Few places in Rome are more attractive to the student of Christian

archæology than the Lapidarian Gallery in the palace of the Vatican.

In this long corridor[666] are preserved a multitude of epigraphic

remains of the venerable past, shattered wrecks of antiquity, which

have floated down the stream of time, and have here, as in a quiet

haven, at length found shelter. The walls on either side are

completely covered with inscribed slabs affixed to their surface. On

the right hand are arranged the pagan monuments collected from the

neighbourhood of the city--sepulchral and votive tablets, altar

dedications, fragments of imperial rescripts and edicts, and other

evidences of the power and splendour of the palmy days of Rome. On the

left are the humble epitaphs of the early Christians, rudely carved in

stone or scratched in plaster, and brought hither chiefly from the

crypts of the Catacombs. Of greater interest to him who would

rehabilitate the early ages of the church, and

To the sessions of sweet silent thought

Would summon up remembrance of things past,[667]

is this long corridor of inscriptions than any of the four thousand 396

apartments of that vast palace of the popes, with their priceless

bronzes, marbles, gems, frescoes, and other remains of classic art. He

will turn away from the noble galleries where the Laocoon forever

writhes in stone, and Apollo--lord of the unerring bow--watches his

arrow hurtling toward its mark, to the plain marble slabs that line

these walls. In the rude inscriptions here recorded he will discover

some of the strongest evidences of revealed religion and most striking

proofs of the purity of the faith, simplicity of worship, and

uncorrupted doctrines of the early church. Thus primitive Christianity

lifts its solemn protest in these halls of wealth and power, in the

very palace of the popes, against the anti-Christian system of which

they are the representatives.

Here the monuments of pagan and of Christian Rome confront each other.

The spectator stands between two worlds of widest divergence, and

cannot but be struck with the immense contrast between them. “I have

spent,” says M. Rochette, “many entire days in this sanctuary of

antiquity, where the sacred and profane stand face to face in the

written monuments preserved to us, as in the days when paganism and

Christianity, striving with all their powers, were engaged in mortal

conflict.”[668] On the one side are recorded the pride and pomp of

worldly rank, the lofty titles and manifold distinctions of every

class, from divinities to slaves. The undying historic names of Rome’s

mighty conquerors, the leaders of her cohorts and legions, mingle with

those of the proud patrician citizens, and alike display on their

sepulchral slabs the august array of prænomen, nomen, and cognomen,

which attest their lofty social position or civil power.[669] The 397

costly carving and elaborate bas reliefs of many of these monuments

indicate the wealth of him whom they commemorate. The elegantly turned

classic epitaph--with its elegiac hexameters breathing the stern and

cold philosophy of the Stoa, or an utter blankness of despair

concerning the future, or, perchance, a querulous and passionate

complaining against the gods--shows how the races without the

knowledge of the true God met the awful mystery of death. The numerous

altars to all the fabled deities of the Pantheon, the vaunting

inscriptions and lofty attributes ascribed to the shadowy brood of

Olympus--“unconquered, greatest, and best”--read, by the light of

to-day, like an unconscious satire on the high pretensions of those

vanished powers. The fragmentary edicts of the emperors, the numerous

military trophies, and the records of complicated political orders,

indicate the might and majesty of the Empire in the days of its utmost

power and splendour.

On the other side of the corridor are the humble epitaphs of the

despised and persecuted Christians, many of which, by their rudeness,

their brevity, and often their marks of ignorance and haste, confirm

the truth of the Scripture, that “not many mighty, not many noble, are

called.” Yet these “short and simple annals of the poor” speak to the

heart with a power and pathos compared with which the loftiest classic

eloquence seems cold and empty. It is a fascinating task to spell out

the sculptured legends of the Catacombs--the vast graveyard of the

primitive church, which seems to give up its dead at our questioning,

to bear witness concerning the faith and hope of the Golden Age of

Christianity. As we muse upon these half-effaced inscriptions-- 398

Rudely written, but each letter

Full of hope, and yet of heart-break,

Full of all the tender pathos

Of the Here and the Hereafter--

we are brought face to face with the church of the early centuries,

and are enabled to comprehend its spirit better than by means of any

other evidence extant. These simple epitaphs speak no conventional

language like the edicts of the emperors, the monuments of the mighty,

or even the writings of the Fathers; they utter the cry of the human

heart in the hours of its deepest emotion; they bridge the gulf of

time, and make us feel ourselves akin with the suffering, sorrowing,

yet triumphant Christians of the primitive ages.

These inscriptions were found _in situ_ in the explorations of the

Catacombs, or were dug up in vineyards in the vicinity of the city.

They have been diligently collected by antiquarians for the last three

hundred years. Before the year 1578 there were not a thousand

Christian inscriptions extant in all Italy. Of these not one was

derived from the Catacombs, and the earliest date was the year 533.

With all its boasted veneration for the past, and professed devotion

to the antiquities of primitive Christianity, the Church of Rome

allowed the memory of the Catacombs, the shrine and sanctuary of the

faith in the early centuries, to be as completely forgotten as the

site of Troy; and even after their rediscovery many of their principal

records of the past were wantonly destroyed or recklessly lost through

the ignorance or carelessness of their self-constituted guardians and

preservers. Numerous invaluable inscriptions have perished from the

effects of time; many have been scattered throughout the public and 399

private collections of Europe; and many more have been defaced or

ruined by the feet of generations of worshippers in the churches of

whose pavements they form a part. Bosio describes many monuments

extant in his day of which De Rossi saw only the fragments, and the

latter pathetically deplores the destruction and devastation of those

precious relics of Christian antiquity.[670]

Christian epigraphy, however, was not altogether neglected during the

Middle Ages. A manuscript collection of epitaphs found at Einsiedlen,

and attributed to the ninth century, is partly Christian; and another,

found at Kloster Newburg, is exclusively so. A manuscript in St.

Mark’s Library at Venice contains about a hundred and fifty early

Christian epitaphs. The first collection after the revival of letters

was made by Pietro Sabini, and another was published by Onofrio

Panvini. Leo X. commanded Raphael, the _capo architetto_ of St.

Peter’s, to preserve from injury the inscriptions--_res lapidaria_--of

the older structure; but no systematic attempt at their preservation

was made till Benedict XIV. appointed Francesco Brambini to that task.

He collected a large number in the long gallery of the Vatican; but

they were not arranged till the close of the last century, when they

were classified by the distinguished archæologist Geatano Marini at 400

the command of Pius VI. A new collection was begun in the Lateran

Museum by Padre Marchi, which has been greatly enlarged and admirably

classified and arranged by Cavaliere De Rossi. There are also other

collections in the Collegio Romano, and in the Kircherian and other

Museums. Many sepulchral slabs are also affixed to the walls or

inserted in the pavement of the churches of St. Paul, St. Gregory, St.

Laurence, St. Mark, St. Maria in Trastevere, and in a few others in

Rome.[671]

That distinguished scholar and epigraphist, De Rossi, has passed

through the crucible of his critical examination all the extant

inscriptions of the first six centuries found in the neighbourhood of

Rome. In the first volume of his _Inscriptiones Christianæ_ he gives

all those with consular dates, thirteen hundred and seventy-four in

number. He designs giving in future volumes the remainder of the

series, classified according to their doctrinal, historical, or other

characteristics. He treats the subject with the utmost candour and

moderation, and illustrates these frequently obscure topics with

exhaustive and various scholarship. There are now over eleven thousand

of these epitaphs extant, which number is being continually increased

by the progressive exploration of the Catacombs. From an analysis of

their general characteristics and appearance the following results are

derived.

The inscriptions are generally engraved on marble slabs from one to

three feet long and one foot high, which are used to close the graves

of the dead; many, however, are mere scratches on the soft surface of

the plaster, hardened in drying; and some are written with red or 401

black paint, or, more rarely, with charcoal. The letters vary from

half an inch to four inches in height, and the incised surface is

frequently coloured with a reddish pigment. Prudentius, alluding to

this practice of chiseling the letters in stone, calls upon the

faithful to “wash with their tears the furrows of those marble

slabs.”[672]

The epitaphs are for the most part written in uncial characters,

frequently without any separation of the words,[673] although

sometimes they are divided by spaces, points, or leaves. They

frequently abound also in contractions and monogrammatic

abbreviations, imposed by limit of space or economy of labour, as in

the following figure:

[Illustration: Fig. 122.--“Gemella sleeps in peace.”]

Although sometimes well cut, the inscriptions are often wretchedly 402

executed, presenting a straggling and scarce legible scrawl, as in the

following examples, the second of which indicates a transition into

the later cursive character.

[Illustration: Fig. 123.--“Ligurius Successus, in peace.”]

[Illustration: DOMITI

IN PACE

LEA FECIT.

Fig. 124.--“Domitius in peace. Lea erected this.”[674]]

This ancient epigraphy often betrays extreme ignorance, and sets at

defiance all the laws of grammatical construction. The spelling is

frequently atrocious, and the general style and character utterly

barbarous, rendering the meaning extremely obscure or altogether

undecipherable. The language was much corrupted by the foreigners and

slaves who formed so large a portion of the population. The later

examples are often marked by the absence of terminal inflexions and

the use of prepositions instead, and by other indications of the

falling to pieces of the stately Latin tongue, which had been the

vehicle of such a noble literature and such lofty eloquence, and of

its degeneracy from the purity of the Augustan era into the mixed 403

dialect of the Middle Ages, from which the modern Italian has

sprung.[675]

The barbarous Latinity of the following indicates the degradation into

which the language had fallen:

IIBER QVI VIXI QVAI QVO

PARE IVA ANOIVE I ANORV

M PLVI MINVI XXX I PACE.

Read: _Liber, qui vixit cum compare sua annum I. Annorum plus

minus XXX. In pace._

Liber, who lived with his wife one year. He lived thirty years,

more or less. In peace.

Sometimes the inscription is found upside down, being probably thus

placed by one unable to read. In the following example, from the

Catacomb of St. Priscilla, a dove was afterward added, to correct in

part the mistake of the ignorant fossor. Probably the epitaph may

have been scratched on the stone by the dim light struggling through a 404

_luminare_, but when brought to the grave it was too dark to see

which side was uppermost.

[Illustration: Fig. 125.--Inscription upside down.]

In one example in the Lapidarian Gallery, represented in Fig. 126, the

inscription is actually written backwards, like Hebrew text. Probably,

as Maitland suggests, the stonecutter took the impression on marble

from a written copy, and was too ignorant to perceive that it was, of

course, reversed.

[Illustration: Fig. 126.--Reversed Inscription.]

Read: _Elia Vincentia. qui vixit an ... et mesis II, cum

Virginis que vixit annu diem._

Elia Vincentia, who lived ... years and two months, and lived

with Virginius a year and a day.

Most of the early epitaphs are of touching brevity and simplicity.

Frequently only a single word, the name given in baptism, is recorded

on the tomb, as in Fig. 127, which exhibits also the Christian symbols

of the monogram, cross, and palm.

[Illustration: Fig. 127.--“Cassta.” (_sic._)] 405

In Fig. 128 the names of three individuals appear on the same slab,

which is recognizable as Christian only by the symbol of the Good

Shepherd:

[Illustration: Fig. 128.--“Septimina, Aurelius, Galymedes.”]

Frequently the phrase IN PACE, or DORMIT IN PACE, is added, in

attestation of the Christian faith of the deceased, (see Figs.

122-124;) or, more briefly still, the word LOCVS is prefixed, as LOCVS

PRIMI--“The place of Primus,”[676] as if descriptive of the last long

home, the house appointed for all living.

The later inscriptions are frequently far removed from this naive

simplicity, being inflated in style and elaborate in execution,

attesting the increased wealth and growing pride of the Christian

community. Of these we shall hereafter have frequent examples. One

very remarkable series is that executed, under the direction of

Pope Damasus, in the latter part of the fourth century. He composed 406

numerous metrical epitaphs in honour of the martyrs, which were

engraved in marble in a singularly elegant decorated character,

designed by his secretary, Furius Dionysius Filocalus, who was also an

accomplished artist. Hence the letters of these Damasine inscriptions

are as distinct a characteristic in early Christian epigraphy as the

celebrated Aldine type in the bibliography of the revival of learning.

There are few of the Catacombs where these inscriptions have not been

found; and De Rossi has been enabled thereby to reconstruct some

valuable historical monuments from a few fragments, just as a skilful

anatomist will reconstruct a skeleton from a portion of the vertebræ.

Some of the most important of these have already been given; others

will hereafter occur. The Latinity is often of a school-boy

mediocrity; but they are of great value as determining the identity

and elucidating the history of many important Christian tombs.

Most of the epitaphs, as we might naturally expect, were written in

Latin. Nevertheless, a considerable proportion are in Greek, to which

circumstance several causes conduced. Although Latin was the language

of the mass of the Roman population, yet Greek was also spoken largely

by the educated classes. We know, too, from the pages of Juvenal[677]

and contemporary writers, that Rome swarmed with numbers of slaves and

others from Greece and Asia Minor, who, although they might be able to

speak Latin, would find it very difficult to write it. Moreover, Greek

seems to have been in the early centuries a sort of ecclesiastical

language at Rome, just as Latin is now throughout Roman Catholic

Christendom. It was in this language that the glad tidings of the new 407

evangel were first declared, and in it St. Paul wrote his epistle to

the Roman church. The new wine of the gospel flowed from that classic

chalice which so long had poured libations to the gods. Probably a

religious sentiment led to the adoption, even by those to whom it was

unfamiliar, of the language in which their holiest teachings and

highest hopes had been originally conveyed, and in which the Apostolic

Fathers and the greatest apologists, theologians, and historians of

the early church had fought the battles of the faith. The responses of

the Roman liturgy long continued to be uttered in this tongue, and

traces of this practice still remain in the _Kyrie, eleeson! Christe,

eleeson!_ of the Order of the Mass. This primitive Greek influence has

also left its indelible impression on our language in such words as

church, bishop, presbyter, eucharist, baptism, catechism, liturgy,

psalm, and hymn.

Sometimes the humble mourner had to be content with recording the

Latin words in Greek characters, as in the following examples: ΛΕΙΒΕΡΕ

ΜΑΞΙΜΙΛΛΕ ΚΟΙΟΥΓΕ ΑΜΑΝΤΙϹϹΙΜΑΕ ΦΙΚΙΤ ΕΝ ΠΑΚΕ. Read: _Liberæ Maximillæ

conjugi amantissimæ, vixit in pace_--“To Libera Maximilla, a most

loving wife. She lived in peace.” ΒΕΝΕ ΜΕΡΕΝΤΙ ΦΙΛΙΕ ΘΕΟΔΩΡΕ ΚΥΕ ΒΙΞΙΤ

ΜΗϹΙϹ ΧΙ ΔΙΕΣ ΧVΙΙΙ. Read: _Bene merenti filiæ Theodoræ, qui vixit

menses XI, dies XVIII_--“To our well-deserving daughter Theodora, who

lived eleven months and eighteen days.”[678]

In copying Latin inscriptions many errors arose from the mason

mistaking the Roman characters for similar Greek ones, as A for 408

Λ, T for Γ, and the Latin H and P for the Greek _Eta_ and _Rho_. The

Greek influence is also seen in the altered inflexion of Latin words,

as _maritous_ for _maritos_, _filies_ for _filias_, and the like. The

proportion of Greek inscriptions among those before the time of

Constantine is estimated at one eighth.[679] After that period it is

less, indicating the gradual decline of Greek influence. In Gaul and

the western provinces the proportion is not so great. At Autun there

is only one Greek epitaph.

Of the eleven thousand extant inscriptions only thirteen hundred and

seventy-four bear dates. The period of the others can be only

approximately determined by a comparison with those whose ages are

known; by a careful examination of the execution, language, and

general sentiment, those of earlier date being less florid and more

classical in style; by the presence or absence of certain symbols, as

the sacred monogram, of which no example is known before the period of

Constantine; and by the position in the Catacombs, those in the lower

_piani_ being of later date.

Judging by these criteria, De Rossi has arrived at the following

conclusions: About six thousand of the epitaphs belong to the first

four centuries, and are from the Catacombs; the rest were found above

ground. Of these six thousand, about four thousand are before the year

324 A. D., when Constantine became sole emperor.

Only one of the _dated_ inscriptions belongs to the first century,

(A. D. 71,) two are of the second, (A. D. 107 and 111,) and 409

twenty-three of the third; the fourth century is represented by over

five hundred; the fifth by nearly as many; the sixth by about three

hundred, principally in its earlier half; and the seventh by only

seven.

Of these dated inscriptions, all before the year 313 A. D., when the

edict of Milan gave peace to the church, are from the Catacombs. After

that event subterranean sepulture rapidly decreased. Of the epitaphs

bearing dates between the years 313 A. D. and 337 A. D., two thirds

are from the Catacombs, and one third from the basilicas and other

places of burial above ground. From A. D. 337 to the time of Julian

the proportion of each was about equal. Of the dated inscriptions of

the last quarter of this century, about one fourth are subterranean.

Of those between the years A. D. 400 and A. D. 410, not one in ten is

from the Catacombs, and after that period not one subterranean example

occurs.[680] Sometimes, in epitaphs of late date, the name of the

church and the position of the tomb are mentioned, as in the

following: DEPOSITVS IN BASILICA SANCTORVM NASARI ET NABORIS SECVNDV

ARCV IVXTA FENESTRA, (A. D. 404,)--“Buried in the basilica of Sts.

Nasarius and Nabor, in the second arch near the window;” DEPOSITA IN

CONTRA COLONNA VII, (A. D. 452,)--“Buried in the space opposite the

seventh column.”

The Christian era was not adopted as a note of time till after the

sixth century. The dates of the Roman inscriptions were therefore

indicated by the names of the consuls for the year, generally written

in an abbreviated form.[681] Frequently the addition VC., for _Vir 410

Clarissimus_--“An illustrious man”--or, in the case of imperial

consuls, DN., for _Dominus Noster_--“Our Lord”--also occurs.[682]

In one instance the epithet DIVVS--“Divine”--assumed by the emperors, is

employed in a Christian epitaph, in unthinking imitation of a heathen

formula.

This mode of indicating dates, to which the name hypatic (from ὕπατος,

consul) has been applied, continued in vogue till the latter part of

the sixth century, and is the last recognition of that venerable

institution, the Roman consulate. The year of the emperor, which was

enjoined by Justinian, A. D. 537, for the dating of all public acts,

appears after that time.

Towards the close of the fourth century the date is sometimes

indicated by the name of the presiding bishop of the church at Rome,

as SVB LIBERIO EPISCOPO, SVB DAMASO EPISCOPO, or TEMPORIBVS SANCTI

INNOCENTII, the last expression used probably after the death of the

pope named. The names of the bishops of other dioceses than that of

Rome are also used, an indication of the parity of episcopal rank in

the primitive ages. Thus we have in the year A. D. 397 the name

PASCASIO EPISCOPO, according to De Rossi, probably the bishop of an

ancient diocese in the immediate vicinity of the city. In the sixth

century the names of certain priests, and even deacons, were used as

local marks of time.

In a large number of inscriptions the day of the month is mentioned,

although the year is not. Cardinal Wiseman attributes this to the 411

custom of commemorating the anniversary of the death of the departed

as that of his birth into a higher life.[683] But a similar usage is

observed also in pagan epitaphs; and Dr. McCaul has well remarked[684]

that it is the day of burial that is mentioned more frequently than

that of death. The date of birth is seldom given,[685] but the length

of life is almost invariably indicated, frequently with great

minuteness. Not only are the number of years, months, and days

mentioned, but often, with loving exactness, the hours, half-hours,

and even the “scruples” or twenty-fourths of an hour, as in the

following example: BENE MERENTI IN PACE SILVANA QVAE HIC DORMIT VIXIT

ANN. XXI. MENS. III. HOR. IV. SCRVPLOS VI.--“To the well-deserving

Silvana, who sleeps here in peace. She lived twenty-one years, three

months, four hours, and six scruples.” Six scruples are a quarter of

an hour.

When the exact number of years was unknown, the expressions PLVS

MINVS, ΠΛΕΟΝ ΕΛΑΤΤΟΝ--“more or less”--were used.[686] Frequently the

duration of married life is also mentioned with extreme definiteness, 412

as in the following:[687] SILVANA NICIATI MARITO BENE MERENTI CUM QVO

VIXIT ANNIS TRIBVS MANSIBVS DVABVS HORIS UNDECIM,--“Silvana to her

well-deserving husband Niciatis, with whom she lived three years, two

months, eleven hours.”

The day of the month is generally indicated in the ordinary way with

reference to the divisions of Calends, Nones, and Ides.[688] The days

of the week are mentioned by their usual classical names, as _Dies

Solis_, Sunday; _Dies Lunæ_, Monday; _Dies Martis_, Tuesday; _Dies

Mercurii_, Wednesday; _Dies Jovis_, Thursday; _Dies Veneris_, Friday;

and _Dies Saturni_, Saturday. Sometimes, however, the first and last

days of the week are indicated by the Christian designations _Dies

Dominica_, the day of the Lord, and _Dies Sabbati_, the day of rest.

The Christian inscriptions also habitually ignore all mention of the

birth-place or country of the deceased, as if in recognition that the

Christian’s true country is beyond the grave.[689] As if, also, in

obedience to the injunction to forsake father and mother in order to

follow after Christ, details of family or descent, which are so

conspicuous in some heathen inscriptions, almost never occur. 413

Mr. Burgon has briefly expressed the principal points of contrast

between modern epitaphs and those of the early Christians, as follows:

“They never mention the date of birth,[690] we seldom omit it. They

constantly record the day of burial, we never. They seldom mention the

year of death, we never omit it. We never allude to burial, they

always. They frequently record the years of married life, we never. In

theirs the survivors appear prominently, even by name, and are

sometimes mentioned exclusively. With us the dead are always named,

the living seldom.”[691]

There are among these inscriptions several examples of _opisthographæ_,

as they are called,[692] that is, Christian epitaphs written on slabs

that had originally borne one of pagan character. The latter are

generally defaced or obliterated, filled with cement or turned to the

wall, or placed upside down or sideways, so as to indicate their

rejection by the Christian artist. Sometimes, however, they are still

legible, but they have manifestly no connection with Christian

sepulture whatever. Some are not funeral epitaphs at all, and some

which are commemorate an entire family, though affixed to a single

Christian grave. The appropriation of heathen monuments for the

reception of Christian inscriptions will appear less strange when we

reflect that the very temples of the gods have been the quarries from

which many of the churches and palaces of later times were built.

Sometimes, as in the example given in Fig. 59, the heathen formula of

consecration to the “Divine Spirits”--D. M., for _Dis Manibus_--is 414

obliterated, and the sacred monogram gives the slab a Christian

character. Occasionally, however, these letters appear in manifestly

Christian inscriptions, in which case Fabretti and others have

maintained that they were capable of the interpretation _Deo Magno_ or

_Deo Maximo_--“To the Supreme God.” With still less probability M.

Rochette renders them _Divis Martyribus_--“To the divine martyrs,” for

which expression no countenance is to be found in the entire range of

the Catacombs. Both interpretations are entirely gratuitous

suppositions, for which Christian epigraphy furnishes absolutely no

warrant. It is more probable that they were careless or conventional

imitations of a common heathen formula, which was occasionally adopted

by the Christians without thought, or perhaps in ignorance of its

meaning, just as they also imitated the winged genii and other classic

accessories of pagan art in the ornamentation of the Catacombs. Dr.

McCaul has suggested that the Roman mortuary sculptors probably kept

sepulchral slabs on sale, as is often done now, with the common

formulæ already engraved, which were purchased without regard to their

appropriateness, and that in filling up the inscription the Christians

sometimes neglected to obliterate the letters of pagan significance.

Possibly, also, some lingering remnants of heathen superstition may

sometimes be indicated by their use.

The letters BM., which frequently occur in these inscriptions, have

been erroneously interpreted as standing for _Beatus_ or _Beata

Martyr_, for which there is no authority whatever. They unquestionably

indicate the ever-recurring phrase, both in pagan and Christian

epigraphy, _Bene Merenti_--“To the well-deserving,” or _Bonæ

Memoriæ_--“Of happy memory.”

[666] It is eight hundred feet in extent, and contains about

three thousand inscriptions.

[667] Shakspeare’s _Sonnets_, No. XXX.

[668] _Tableau des Catacombes_, p. x.

[669] Cf. Juv., “Gaudent prænomine molles auriculæ.” These are

very rare in Christian inscriptions. See _postea_.

[670] Demolita et horrendum in modum vastata.--_Prolegomena_ to

_Inscr. Christ._ He has often to complain that he is unable to

read part of the inscription:--Reliqua legere haud potui.

Marangoni tells us that thousands of epigraphs were taken from

the Catacombs to the church of St. Maria in Trastevere; seven

cartloads to St. Giovanni de Fiorentini; two cartloads to another

church of St. Giovanni in Rome; yet there are at present only

about twenty in the portico of the former and not _one_ in either

of the two latter churches. See Heman’s _Sac. Art. in Italy_,

pp. 58, 59.

[671] The latter works of Fabretti, Muratori, Orelli, Martigny,

Cardinal Mai, and Perret contain numerous examples. These have

all been laid under tribute in preparing these pages.

[672] Nos pio fletu, date, perluamus

Marmorum sulcos.--_Peristeph._, hymn vii.

[673] We append the following examples by way of illustration:

CALEVIVSBENDIDITAVINTRISOMVVBIPOSITIERANT

VINIETCALVILIVSETLVCIVSINPA.

Calevius sold to Avinius a place for three bodies, where both

Cavilius and Lucius had (already) been placed in peace.--De

Rossi, _Inscr. Christ._, No. 489.

ΤΡΙΑΚΟΝΤΑΠΕΝΤΑΕΤΗϹΕΝΘΑΔΕΚΙΤΕΥΠΑΤΙΑ

ΘΥΓΑΤΗΡΑΝΤΩΝΙΟΥΚΩϹΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΠΟΛΙΤΙϹϹΑ.

Here lies Hypatia, thirty-five years of age, daughter of

Antonius, a native of Constantinople.--De Rossi, No. 583.

The originals are more difficult to decipher, but with a little

practice it becomes comparatively easy. Sometimes the letters are

of greatly varying sizes, as in the following:

LoCvSavgvStileCToRis.

The place of Augustus, the Reader.

[674] See, also, the uncouthness of the epitaph of Martyrus, Fig.

19, and of Tesaris, Fig. 58.

[675] The distinctions of case gradually disappear, the

accusative and genitive are often used indiscriminately, and the

former is frequently substituted for the ablative, as in the

following phrases, _cum uxorem_, _cum fratrem_, _sine aliquam_,

_pro caritatem_, _decessit de seculum_, etc. The transition into

Italian is indicated by the prefixing the letter _i_, as in the

words _ispiritus_, _iscribet_; by affixing _e_, as _posuete_ for

_posuit_, and by the general softening of the pronunciation, as

_santa_ for _sancta_, _meses_ for _menses_, and _sesies_ for

_sexies_. The names _Stefano_ and _Filipo_ have also a very

modern appearance.

The misplacing of the aspirate is seen to be by no means a

cockney peculiarity, as in the following examples:--_Hossa_,

_hordine_, _Hosiris_, _helephantus_, _post hobitum_, _Hoctobris_,

_heterna_, etc. In the following the _h_ is omitted: _Onorius_,

_ora_, _omo_, _ilaris_, _ospitium_, _onestus_, _oc_, and _ic_.

The permutation of the letters _t_ and _d_, and _v_ and _b_, is

also common, as _adque_ for _atque_, and _bibit_ for _vivit_. We

also find such forms as _vicxit_, _visit_, _bissit_, or _visse_,

for _vixit_; _michi_ for _mihi_; _pake_ or _pache_ for _pace_;

_opsequia_ for _obsequia_; _quisquenti_ for _quiescenti_;

_depossio_ for _depositio_; _vocitus_ for _vocatus_; _pulla_ for

_puella_; _omniorum_ for _omnium_; _restutus_ for _restitutus_;

_pride_ for _pridie_; _que_ or _qae_ for _quæ_, and the like.

Many of these peculiarities, however, are common to later pagan

as well as to Christian inscriptions.

[676] See Fig. 45.

[677] See his “Græculus esuriens,” (_Sat._, iii, 78,) and the

expression, “In Tiberem defluxit Orontes.”--_Ib._, 62.

[678] Sometimes the two languages are strangely blended in the

same epitaph; and occasionally we find a Greek inscription in

Latin characters, as in the following: PRIMA IRENE SOI.

Read: Πρῖμα εἰρήνη σοι--“Prima, peace to thee.”

[679] In the dated inscriptions the proportion is less, as the

Latin-speaking Christians would be the more likely to employ the

consular dates as indications of time.

[680] Of the four hundred Gaulish inscriptions in Le Blant few

bear dates, and of these none are earlier than the time of

Constantine. The first is of the year A. D. 334; the next, at

Autun, of the year A. D. 374. They are also more artificial and

rhetorical in style than those of Rome.

[681] For example, POL · II · ET · APR · II · COS, which,

expanded, reads thus: _Pollione iterum et Apro iterum

Consulibus_, that is, 176 A. D.

L · FAB · CIL · M · ANN · LIB · COS--_Lucio Fabio Cilone, Marco

Annio Libone Consulibus_, that is, 204 A. D. To save space we

have generally omitted the names of the consuls, giving merely

the date.

[682] Sometimes we have the forms VVCC., _Viri Clarissimi_;

DD. NN., _Domini Nostri_; and AVGG., or AAVVGG.,

_Augusti_.

[683] _Fabiola_, p. 146.

[684] _Christian Epitaphs_, Introd., p. xxii, note ✝. We are

indebted to this masterly prolegomena for several of the

illustrations cited.

[685] In one example it is minutely indicated thus: _Ora noctis_

· IIII. ··· VIII _Idus Madias die Saturnis luna vigesima Signo

Apiorno_,--“In the fourth hour of the night, the eighth day

before the Ides of May, the twentieth day of the Moon, in the

sign of Capricorn.” De Rossi regards this as an astrological

horoscope--a relic of heathen superstition.

[686] The greatest age we have observed in Christian epitaphs is

ninety-one years. See Fig. 19. The youngest is three

months--_Mens. III_. We have noticed in Muratori (p. 382, No. 5)

the following remarkable instance of longevity: _M. Flavius

Secundus filius fecit Flavio Secundo patri q. vixit ann. CXII, et

Flaviæ Urbanæ matri piæ vixit ann. CV_.--“M. Flavius Secundus,

the son, made this to Flavius Secundus, his father, who lived one

hundred and twelve years, and to his pious mother, (who) lived

one hundred and five years.” Kenrick quotes an epitaph of a child

of three and his mother (_mammula_) of eighty; and another of a

man of one hundred and two years, ninety of which were passed

without disease. The average duration of life, according to

Ulpian, was thirty years.

[687] The relationship is generally expressed by such phrases as

_vixit mecum_, _duravit mecum_,_ vixit in conjugio_, _fecit

mecum_, _fecit cum compare_. McCaul, _Christ. Epitaphs_,

Introd. xv.

[688] _Ib._, xxvii.

[689] Of 5,000 epitaphs in Squier’s Index, only forty-five

mention the country of the deceased. See one example, page 401,

second footnote, and also the following, of date A. D. 388:

_Rapetiga, medicus, civis Hispanus, qui vixit in pace annos

plus minus XXV_,--“Rapetiga, a physician, a citizen of Spain,

who lived in peace twenty-five years, more or less.”

[690] This is not quite correct.

[691] _Letters from Rome_, pp. 202, 203.

[692] From ὀπίσθιος and γράφω, _to write again_.

CHAPTER II. 415

THE DOCTRINAL TEACHINGS OF THE CATACOMBS.

“What insight into the familiar feelings and thoughts of the primitive

ages of the church,” remarks the learned and eloquent Dean

Stanley,[693] “can be compared with that afforded by the Roman

Catacombs! Hardly noticed by Gibbon or Mosheim, they yet give us a

likeness of those early times beyond that derived from any of the

written authorities on which Gibbon and Mosheim repose.... The

subjects of the painting and sculpture place before us the exact ideas

with which the first Christians were familiar; they remind us, by what

they do not contain, of the ideas with which the first Christians were

not familiar.... He who is thoroughly steeped in the imagery of the

Catacombs will be nearer to the thought of the early church than he

who has learned by heart the most elaborate treatise even of

Tertullian or of Origen.”

By the study of the inscriptions, paintings, and sculpture of this

subterranean city of the dead, we may follow the development of

Christian thought from century to century; we may trace the successive

changes of doctrine and discipline; we may read the irrefragable

testimony, written with a pen of iron in the rock forever, of the

purity of the primitive faith, and of the gradual corruption which it

has undergone.

In this era of critical investigation of the very foundations of the

faith it will be well to examine this vast body of Christian evidences 416

as to the doctrinal teachings of the primitive times, which has been

handed down from the believers living in or near the apostolic age,

and thus providentially preserved in these subterranean excavations,

as a perpetual memorial of the faith and practice of the golden prime

of Christianity.

While we should not expect to find in these inscriptions a complete

system of theology, we would certainly look for some definite

expression regarding the religious belief of those who wrote these

memorials of the dead. We would expect some reference to the lives of

the departed, to the virtues of their character, and to the hopes of

the survivors as to their future condition in the spirit-world. In

this expectation we are not disappointed. We find in these epitaphs a

body of evidence on the doctrines and discipline of the primitive

church, whose value it is scarcely possible to overestimate. We are

struck with the infinite contrast of their sentiment to that of the

pagan sepulchral monuments, and also by the conspicuous absence, in

those of the early centuries and purer period of Christianity, of the

doctrines by which the church of Rome is characterized. We shall also

find references to some of the heresies, which, like plague spots,

alas! so soon began to infect the church,[694] and some of which even

found distinguished ecclesiastical patronage.[695]

The Church of Rome lays especial claim to the traditions of the early

ages and the antiquities of the Catacombs as proofs of the apostolic

character of her peculiar dogmas and usages. But these ancient records 417

are a palimpsest which she has written all over with her own glosses

and interpretations; and when the ordeal of modern criticism revives

the real documents and removes the accumulation of error, the

testimony of the past is strikingly opposed to the pretensions of the

Roman See and the teachings of Romish doctrine. The distinguished

scholarship, laborious research, and archæological skill of such

eminent authorities as De Rossi, Pitra, Garrucci, and other Roman

_savants_, only furnish the weapons for the refutation of many of

Rome’s most cherished beliefs. There are those, indeed, who carry to

these investigations the faculty of seeing what they wish to see, and

what no others can perceive. It not unfrequently happens, also, that

extreme credulity and superstition are found united with great

learning and high scientific attainments. The effect, however, of the

honest examination of this testimony by a candid mind is seen in the

case of Mr. Hemans, the learned author of “Ancient Christianity and

Sacred Art in Italy.” This gentleman, although a pervert from the

Anglican communion to that of Rome, and in strong sympathy with many

of its institutions, as is apparent from his interesting volume, felt

compelled by the historical and monumental testimony of the Catacombs,

and of early Christian art and literature, to retrace his steps, and,

however reluctantly to condemn and abandon the faith he had espoused.

Protestantism, therefore, has nothing to fear from the closest

investigation of these evidences of primitive Christianity. They offer

no warrant whatever for the characteristic doctrines and practice of

the modern Church of Rome. There is not a single inscription, nor

painting, nor sculpture, before the middle of the fourth century, that

lends the least countenance to her arrogant assumptions and erroneous 418

dogmas. All previous to this date are remarkable for their evangelical

character; and it is only after that period that the distinctive

peculiarities of Romanism begin to appear. The wholesome breath of

persecution and the “sweet uses of adversity” in the early ages tended

to preserve the moral purity of the church; but the enervating

influence of imperial favour and the influx of wealth and luxury, led

to corruptions of practice and errors of doctrine. Her trappings of

worldly pomp and power were a Nessus garment which empoisoned her

spiritual life. Hence the Catacombs, the rude cradle of the early

faith, became also the grave of much of its simplicity and purity.

In the investigation of early Christian epigraphy, therefore, the

determination of dates is of the utmost importance, as it is only

inscriptions of the earlier and acknowledged purer period of the

church which can bear authoritative testimony as to primitive

doctrine. We shall, therefore, first examine in chronological order

_all_ those bearing dates earlier than the fourth century which have

any doctrinal significance, and then glean the evidence of later

examples as to the antiquity of Romanist teachings. We will take the

inscriptions as given in his great work,[696] by De Rossi, the most

eminent authority on this subject; but while accepting his facts, and

acknowledging his candour and honesty of research, which qualities we

will seek to imitate, we cannot in all cases accept his conclusions.

The first dated inscription possessing any doctrinal character occurs

in the year 217.[697] It is taken from a large sarcophagus found in

the _Via Labicana_, and is of great interest as indicating the lofty 419

social position and honourable offices of the deceased as a

member of the imperial household, as well as the devout confidence of

his pious freedmen in his spiritual beatification. The upper portion

of the following inscription, that in larger type, is engraved on the

front of the sarcophagus, and that in smaller characters on the back.

The use of a sarcophagus is an indication of the wealth of the

deceased.

M · AVRELIO · AVGG · LIB · PROSENETI

A C V B I C V L O · A V G ·

P R O C · T H E S A V R O R V M

P R O C · P A T R I M O N I · P R O C ·

M V N E R V M · P R O C · V I N O R V M

O R D I N A T O A D I V O C O M M O D O

I N KASTRENSE P A T R O N O PIISSIMO

L I B E R T I · B E N E M E R E N T I

S A R C O P H A G V M D E S V O ·

A D O R N A V E R V N T ·

PROSENES RECEPTVS ADDEVM · V · NON ····· SSA ········ NIA PRAESENTE ·

[ET · EXTRICATO · II

REGREDIENS IN VRBE AB EXPEDITI ONIBVS SCRIPSIT AMPELIVS LIB.

--_Inscrip. Christ._, No. 5.

To Marcus Aurelius Prosenes, freedman of the two Augusti, of the

bed-chamber of Augustus, Procurator of the Treasures, Procurator

of the Patrimony, Procurator of the Presents, Procurator of the

Wines, appointed by the deified Commodus to duty in the camp, a

most affectionate Patron. For him, well-deserving, his freedmen

provided (this) sarcophagus at their own cost.

Prosenes received to God, on the fifth day before the Nones of--

Præsens and Extricatus (being consuls) for the second time.

Ampelius his freedman, returning to the city from the wars, wrote

(this inscription.)

We have here the earliest indication of doctrinal belief as to the 420

condition of the departed. It is not, however, a dark and gloomy

apprehension of purgatorial fires, but, on the contrary, the joyous

confidence of immediate reception into the presence of God.[698] The

retention of the pagan title of the emperor, “the deified Commodus,”

is an anomalous feature in a Christian monument, although doubtless it

is merely the unthinking imitation of a common epigraphic formula.

Accompanying an inscription of date A. D. 234, is the first example of

the symbols, afterward so common, the fish and the anchor, but no

other distinctively Christian feature. In the next year, A. D. 235,

occurs the following epitaph, in which there is possibly an intimation

of immortality in the expression _de sæculo recessit_--“retired

from the world,” or “from the age.”[699] AVRELIA DVLCISSIMA FILIA

QVAE DE SAECVLO RECESSIT VIXIT ANN · XV · M · IIII · SEVERO ET QVINTIN

COSS,--“Aurelia, our very sweet daughter, who retired from the

world, Severus and Quintinus being consuls. She lived fifteen years

and four months.” The epithet “very sweet daughter” is peculiarly

appropriate to the Christian character, although common also on pagan

tombs.

In the year A. D. 238, on a sarcophagus which bears the first dated

representation of the Good Shepherd, we find the following touching

inscription. It conveys nothing doctrinal beyond the phrase “most

devout,” or “God-loving,” expressive of the youthful piety of the

deceased. ΗΡΑΚΛΙΤΟϹ Ο ΘΕΟΦΙΛΕϹΤΑΤΟϹ ΕΖΗϹΕΝ ΕΤ(η) Η ΠΑΡΑ Η(μέρας) 421

ΙΓ ΕΝΟϹΗϹΕΝ ΗΜ(ε)Ρ(ας) ΙΒ.... ΞΑΝΘΙΑϹ ΠΑΤΗΡ ΤΕΚΝΩ ΓΛΥΚΥΤΕΡΩ ΦΩΤΟϹ ΚΑΙ

ΖΩΗϹ--“The very devout Heraclitus lived eight years and thirteen days.

He was ill twelve days.... Xanthias his father, to his son, sweeter

than light and life.” The mention of the duration of the illness is

very rare in these epitaphs. The yearning affection of the bereaved

father is beautifully expressed in the last clause.

The next example merely gives the consular date, A. D. 249, and the

assurance that the deceased sleeps, DORMIT--a distinctively Christian

synonym for death. In the year A. D. 268 occurs a fragment on which

one may with difficulty decipher the inscription by the parents “to

their well-deserving son, who lived twelve years and eleven months.”

The chief interest attaches to the last line: VIBAS INTER SANCTIS

(_sic_) IHA--“May you live among the holy ones.”

The meaning of the last three letters is unknown. They have been

interpreted as standing for _in pace_ or _et have_; but the last

rarely, if ever, occurs in Christian epigraphy. Dr. McCaul ingeniously

conjectures that the last word is intended for _sanctissimas_, or

“most holy ones,” the H being an ill cut M. This natural ejaculation

of the sorrowing friends, of which we shall find occasional examples,

is certainly no indication of the later Romish practice of prayers for

the dead, or of the intercession of the saints. On this slab are also

the first known examples of the dove, olive branch, and vase.

The next dated inscription, of the year 269, A. D., is of a very

barbarous character--Latin words in Greek letters, not engraved, but

merely painted on the slab. It is evidently, as is indicated by its

wretched grammar and orthography, the production of extreme ignorance. 422

It requires a strong dogmatic prepossession to detect in its

incoherent language any meaning beyond the attestation of the sanctity

of character of the deceased. After giving the date, it reads thus:

ΛΕΥΚΕϹ · ΦΙΛΕΙΕ ϹΕΒΗΡΕ · ΚΑΡΕϹϹΕΜΕ · ΠΟϹΟΥΕΤΕ · ΕΔ · ΕΙϹΠΕΙΡΕΙΤΩ ·

ϹΑΝΚΤΩ · ΤΟΥΩ · Read, _Leuces filiæ Severæ carissimæ posuit et

spiritui sancto tuo_,--“Leuces erected this (memorial) to her very

dear daughter, and to thy (_sic_) holy spirit.”

Nothing further of a doctrinal character occurs till the year 291,

when we find the following barbarous example. The grammar and spelling

are atrocious, and the division of the words quite arbitrary: EX

VIRGINEO TVO BENE MECO VIXISTI LIB ENIC ONIVGA INNOCENTISSE MACERVONIA

SILVANA REFRIGERA CVM SPIRITA SANCTA. Read, _Ex virginio tuo bene

mecum vixisti libens in conjuga innocentissima Macervonia Silvana.

Refrigera cum spiritis sanctis_--“Macervonia Silvana, thou didst live

well with me from thy maidenhood, rejoicing in most innocent wedlock.

Refresh (thyself) among the holy spirits.”

No candid interpretation can discover in the closing acclamation any

thing beyond the natural expression of a desire for the happiness of

the departed among the sanctified.

There is nothing, therefore, in any of the inscriptions of the first

three centuries--the ages of the purity of the faith--which can in the

least degree support the assumptions of Roman controversialists as to

the antiquity of Romish dogmas. Nor is there any indication of those

dogmas till the latter part of the fourth century, as will be evident

from a brief examination of the principal inscriptions having any

reference to doctrine before that period. In the year A. D. 302 we 423

find the following beautiful tribute of conjugal and filial affection,

which only, however, attests the high Christian character of the

deceased: DOMINO PATRI PIISSIMO AC DVLCISSIMO SECVNDO VXOR ET FILII

PRO PIETATE POSVERVNT--“To the highly venerable, most devout, and very

sweet father, Secundus. His wife and sons in expression of their

dutifulness have placed this slab.”

In the year A. D. 310, in the epitaph of a youth twenty-two years of

age, we find the beautiful euphemism for death, ACCERSITVS AB

ANGELIS--“Called away (literally, sent for) by angels.” There is

no doctrine of purgatory here. The Christian soul, like Lazarus, is

borne by angels to Abraham’s bosom, and not, like Dives, to tormenting

flames, albeit called of purgatorial efficacy to supplement the work

of Christ. In A. D. 329 occurs the still nobler expression, NATVS

EST LAVRENTIVS IN ETERNVM ANN XX · DORMIT IN PACE--“Laurentius

was born into eternity in the twentieth year of his age. He sleeps in

peace.”

Sometimes the word _natus_ refers to the new birth of spiritual

regeneration, and admission to the church by the rite of baptism.

Thus, in an example of date A. D. 338, a youth of twenty-four years of

age is said to have been born and died in the same year, though at the

interval of a few months. In A. D. 377 we find the expression COELESTI

RENATVS AQVA--“Born again of heavenly water.”

In the year A. D. 335 the chaste and modest character of a Christian

matron is commended, without any suggestion of the Romish notion of

the superior merit of virginity, as follows:

B · M · CVBICVLVM · AVRELIAE · MARTINAE · CASTISSIMAE ·

ADQVE. PVDICISSIMAE · FEMINAE · QVI · FECIT · IN · CONIVGIO ·

ANN · XXIII · D · XIIII--“To one well-deserving. The 424

sleeping-place of Aurelia Martina, a most chaste and modest

woman, who passed in wedlock twenty-three years, fourteen days.”

The primitive Christians had no doubt of the immediate happiness of

those who died in the faith. They were incapable of the blasphemous

thought that the atoning blood of Christ was insufficient to wash away

their guilt and that therefore they were doomed to penal fires,

Till the foul crimes done in their days of nature

Were burned and purged away.

All the expressions applied to the death of the righteous indicate the

assurance of their spirits’ peace and happiness. Thus, in addition to

the examples already given, we have, A. D. 339, BENE QVESQVENTI

(_sic_) IN PACE--“Resting well in peace;” A. D. 339, IN PACE DECESSIT,

A. D. 349, and A. D. 360, IBIT and EXIBIT IN PACE--“Departed in

peace;” A. D. 348, REQVIEVIT--“Entered into rest;” A. D. 353,

PAVSABIT--“Will repose;” A. D. 355, QVIESCIT--“He rests,” not

REQVIESCAT--“May he rest,” as the Romanists write, but the joyful

assurance of present repose in the peace of God; A. D. 359, IVIT AD

DEVM--“He went to God;” A. D. 363, SEMPER QVIESCIS SECVRA--“Thou dost

repose forever free from care;” A. D. 368, QVIENCIS (_sic_) IN PACE

CONIVX INCOMPARABILIS--“Thou restest in peace, incomparable wife;” A.

D. 369, VOCITVS (_sic_) IIT IN PACE--“Called away, he went in peace;”

in A. D. 380, we find AETERNA REQVIES FELICITATIS--“Everlasting rest

of happiness.” The Christians, as is asserted in the following,

sorrowed not as those without hope: IVLIAE INNOCENTISSIMAE ET

DVLCISSIMAE, MATER SVA SPERANS--“To the most sweet and innocent Julia,

her mother hoping.” The loved ones were “not lost, but gone before:”

PRAECESSIT NOS IN PACE--“He went before us in peace;” ΠΡΟΑΠΕΛΘΩΝ ΤΟΥ 425

ΚΑΘ ΗΜΑϹ ΒΙΟΥ--“Having gone before from our life.” Sometimes the body

seems to be regarded as the clog and fetter of the soul, binding it to

earth, as in the following: ABSOLVTVS DE CORPORE--“Set free from the

body;” CORPOREOS RVMPENS NEXVS GAVDET IN ASTRIS--“Breaking the bonds

of the body, he rejoices in the stars,” that is, in heaven.

The entire inscriptions from which extracts are thus given may be

found in De Rossi’s _Inscriptiones Christianæ_, under the respective

dates.

The following, of date A. D. 381, rises to loftier poetical flights,

though ignoring the metrical divisions, which are indicated in the

copy by parallels:

THEODORA QVAE VIXIT ANNOS XXI M. VII D. XXIII IN PACE....

AMPLIFICAM SEQVITVR VITAM DVM CASTA AFRODITE || FECIT AD ASTRA

VIAM CHRISTI MODO GAVDET IN AVLA || RESTITIT HAEC MVNDO SEMPER

CAELESTIA QVAERENS || OPTIMA SERVATRIX LEGIS FIDEIQVE MAGISTRA ||

DEDIT EGREGIAM SANCTIS PER SECVLA MENTEM || INDE EXIMIOS PARADISI

REGNAT ODORES || TEMPORE CONTINVO VERNANT VBI GRAMINA RIVIS ||

EXPECTATQVE DEVM SVPERAS QVO SVRGAT AD AVRAS || HOC POSVIT CORPVS

TVMVLO MORTALIA LINQVENS || FVNDAVITQVE LOCVM CONIVNX EVACRIVS

INSTANS.

Theodora, who lived twenty-one years, seven months, twenty-three

days. In peace. Whilst following an exalted life, a chaste Venus,

she pursued her way to the stars. Now she rejoices in the court

of Christ. She resisted the world, ever following heavenly

things. A devout observer of the law, and mistress of honour, she

applied an illustrious mind to holy things while here in this

world. Hence she reigns (amid) the choice odours of paradise,

where the herbage is forever green beside the streams of

heaven,[700] and awaits God, in order that she may rise to the

upper air. She laid her body in this tomb, forsaking mortal

things, and Evacrius, her husband, built the monument,

superintending the work.

The first inscription at all favourable to Romish doctrine is the

following barbarous example, (A. D. 380:)

HIC QVIESCIT ANCILLA DEI OVEDE 426

SVA OMNIA PEPENDIT DOMVM ISTA

QVVM AMICI DEFLENT SOLACIVM Q. REQVIRVNT

PRO HVNC VNVM ORA SVBOLEM QVEM SVPERIS

TITEM REQVESTI ETERNA REQVIEM FELICITAS CAVSA MANEBIS.

Read: _Hic quiescit ancilla Dei quæ de suis omnibus pependit

domum istam, quam amicæ deflent solaciumque requirunt. Pro hac

una ora subole quam superstitem reliquisti. Eterna requie

felicitatis causa manebis._

Here rests a handmaid of God[701] who, of all her riches,

possesses but this one house: whom her friends bewail, and seek

for consolation. O pray for this thine only child whom thou hast

left behind. Thou wilt remain in the eternal repose of happiness.

The yearning cry of an orphaned heart for the prayers of a departed

mother is, however, a slight foundation for the Romish practice of the

invocation of the saints.

Previous to this date we have found not the slightest indication of

Romish doctrine; and if those doctrines have been transmitted, as

their advocates assert, from the very earliest ages, it is incredible

that they should have left no trace in the dated inscriptions for

nearly four centuries. After this time, it is true, we find occasional

epitaphs which, rigidly interpreted according to the canons of

theological criticism, contain sentiments unwarranted by Scripture;

but these may be the result of carelessness of expression, or of the

corruptions of doctrine which had already taken place in the church.

If then those inscriptions which apparently favour Romish dogmas, of

which we know the date, are all of a late period, we may assume that

those of a similar character which are undated are of the same

relative age, and therefore valueless as evidence of the antiquity of

such dogmas. Dr. Northcote admits the fact, but objects to this

conclusion as founded upon negative evidence; yet he himself adopts 427

the same line of argument concerning the absence of military rank

among the primitive Christians. But we are not left to negative

evidence. We have the amplest testimony of a positive character, which

we shall proceed to examine, showing that even in the fifth and sixth

century the vast proportion of the inscriptions are of a highly

evangelical character, and are entirely antagonistic to the most

cherished doctrines of the Church of Rome.

The Christian’s view of death is always, in striking contrast to the

sullen resignation or blank despair of paganism, full of cheerfulness

and hope. Its rugged front is veiled under softest synonyms. The grave

was considered merely as the temporary resting place of the body,

while the freed spirit was regarded as already rejoicing in the

presence of God in a broader day, and brighter light, and fairer

fields than those of earth. The following examples will illustrate the

pious orthodoxy of these early Christian epitaphs.

ABIIT ETHERIAM CVPIENS CAELI CONSCENDERE LVCEM. (A. D. 383.)

She departed, desiring to ascend to the ethereal light of heaven.

LIMINA MORTIS ADIIT

EVTVCHIVS SAPIENS PIVS ADQ BENIGNVS

IN CHRISTVM CREDENS PREMIA LVCIS ABET. (_sic._) A. D. 393.

Eutuchius, wise, pious, and kind, believing in Christ, entered

the portals of death, (and) has the rewards of the light (of

heaven).

DVLCIS ET INNOCES (_sic_) HIC DORMIT SEVERIANVS SOMNO PACIS...

CVIVS SPIRITVS IN LVCE DOMINI SVSCEPTVS EST. (A. D. 393.)

Here sleeps in the sleep of peace the sweet and innocent

Severianus, whose spirit is received into the light of the Lord.

HIC IACET VRBICA SVABIS (_sic_) SEMPERQ. PVDICA

VIXIT VERBORVM VERA LOQVVTA (_sic_) IN SEMPITERNALE

AEVVM QVIESCIT SECVRA. (A. D. 397.)

Here lies Urbica, agreeable and ever modest. She lived a speaker

of truth. She rests free from care throughout endless time.

NEC REOR HVNC LACRIMIS FAS SIT DEFLERE 428

CORPORIS EXVTVS VINCLIS QVI GAVDET IN ASTRIS

NEC MALA TERRENI SENTIT CONTAGIA SENSVS. (A. D. 399.)

Nor do I think it right to lament with tears him, who, freed from

the fetters of the body, rejoices among the stars, nor feels the

evil contagion of earthly sense.

PAVSABET (_sic_) PRAETIOSA ANNORVM

PVLLA (_sic_) VIRGO XII. TANTVM ANCILLA DEI ET XPI.

Pretiosa went to her rest, a maiden of only twelve years of age,

a handmaid of God and of Christ. (A. D. 401.)

NON TAMEN HAEC TRISTES HABITAT POST LIMINA SEDES

PROXIMA SED CHRISTO SIDERA CELSA TENET. (A. D. 406.)

Nevertheless she occupies not the doleful seats behind the

threshold, but inhabits the lofty stars, next to Christ.

HIC REQVIESCET (_sic_) IN SOMNO PACIS MALA....

ACCEPTA APVT (_sic_) DEVM. (A. D. 432.)

Here rests in the sleep of peace Mala ... Received into the

presence of God.

REDDITVR HAEC MERITIS QUAE SINE FINE MANET.

This (life) without end which remains is bestowed for his pious

desert.

In the following epitaph of date A. D. 472, the departed is

represented as comforting the survivors with the thought of the

felicity of the blest:

LEVITAE CONIVNX PETRONIA FORMA PVDORIS

HIS MEA DEPONENS SEDIBVS OSSA LOCO

PARCITE VOS LACRIMIS DVLCES CVM CONIVGE NATAE

VIVENTEMQVE DEO CREDITE FLERE NEFAS.

I, Petronia, the wife of a deacon, the type of modesty, lay down

my bones in this resting place. Refrain from tears, my sweet

daughters and husband, and believe that it is forbidden to weep

for one who lives in God.

The early Christians confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims

in the earth, and that they desired a better country, even a heavenly.

They felt that, in the language of Cyprian, the soul’s true Fatherland

is on high. This sentiment is expressed as follows, in an epitaph of

date A. D. 493, MIGRAVIT DE HOC SAECVLO--“He migrated from this 429

world.” Similar is the idea in the following: FELIX VITA FVIT FELIX ET

TRANSITVS IPSE--“Happy was the life, and happy also the death,”

literally, “the transit;” HIC REQIESCIT .. QVAE A DEO INTER EXORDIA

VIVENDI DE HAC LVCE SVBLATA EST VT IN MELIORE LVMINE VIVERE

MERERETVR--“Here rests ... who was snatched away by God in the very

beginning of life from the light of earth, that she might be worthy to

live in the more glorious light (of heaven).”

The following is a striking protest against the heathen notions of the

future state.

SI MENTIS VIRTVS LVCISQVE SERENIOR VSVS

DEFVNCTO IN XPO REVENIT NON TARTARA SENTIT

CYMERIOSQVE LACOS MERITIS POST FATA SVPERSTES

FVNERIS ET LEGEM PERIMENS TERRAEQVE SEPVLCRIS

ASTRA TENET NESCITQVE MORI SIC LVCE RELICTA.

Since vigour of mind and more serene enjoyment of the light

return to the dead in Christ, she feels not (the pains of)

Tartarus, nor the Cimmerian lakes, by her deserts surviving after

death and destroying that law of the grave, (which is) imposed on

the sepulchres of earth, she occupies the stars, and knows not

death, having in this manner left the light.

We find also such expressions as follow: DEPOSTVS (_sic_) IN PACE

FIDEI CATHOLICE, (_sic_)--“Buried in the peace of the Catholic faith,”

A. D. 462; HIC. REQ. IN PACE DEVS, (_sic_)--“Here rests in the peace

of God,” A. D. 500; IN PACE ECCLESIAE--“In the peace of the church,”

A. D. 523; IN PACE ET BENEDICTIONE--“In peace and benediction;” SEMPER

FIDELIS MANEBIT APVD DEVM--“Ever faithful, he shall remain with God,”

(_circ. 590_); FATVM FECIT--“She fulfilled her destiny;”[702] REDDIDI

NVNC DIVO RERVM DEBITVM COMMVNE OMNIBVS--“I have rendered now to the 430

Lord of the universe the debt common to all,” A. D. 483; ZOTICVS HIC

AD DORMIENDVM--“Zoticus here laid to sleep;” DORMITIO ELPIDIS--“The

sleeping place of Elpis;” DORMIVIT ET REQVIESCIT--“He has slept and is

at rest;” DORMIT SED VIVIT--“He sleeps but lives;” QVIESCIT IN DOMINO

IESV--“He reposes in the Lord Jesus;” IVIT AD DEVM--“He went to God;”

EVOCATVS A DOMINO--“Called by God;” ACCEPTA APVD DEVM--“Accepted with

God;” ΕΤΕΛΕΙΩΘΗ--“He finished his life;” ΕΚΟΙΜΗΘΗ--“He fell asleep;”

DAMALIS HIC SIC · V · D--“Here lies Damalis, for so God wills.”

Many of these undated inscriptions are full of Christian thought, and

breathe the strongest assurance of the happiness of the departed, as

the following from the Lateran Museum:

MACVS PVER INNOCENS

ESSE IAM INTER INNOCENTES COEPISTI

QVAM STAVILIS TIBI HAEC VITA EST

QVAM TE LAETVM EXCIPET MATER ECCLESIA

MVNDO REVERTENTEM COMPREMATVR PECTORVM

GEMITUS STRVATVR FLETVS OCVLORVM.

Macus, innocent boy, thou hast already begun to be among the

innocent. Unto thee how sure is thy present life. Thee how gladly

thy mother, the church, (on high,) received returning from this

world. Hushed be this bosom’s groaning, dried be these weeping

eyes.[703]

Of similar character are also the following: SALONICE ISPIRITVS TVVS

IN BONIS--“Salonice, thy spirit is among the good;” REFRIGERAS

SPIRITVS TVVS IN BONIS--“Thou refreshest thy spirit among the good;”

ΠΡΩΤΟϹ ΕΝ ΑΓΙΩ ΠΝΕΥΜΑΤΙ ΘΕΟΥ ΕΝΘΑΔΕ ΚΕΙΤΑΙ--“Here in the Holy Spirit

of God lieth Protus;” CORPVS HABET TELLVS ANIMAM CAELESTIA REGNA--“The

earth has the body, celestial realms the soul;” ΓΛΥΚΕΡΟΝ ΦΑΟϹ ΟΥ

ΚΑΤΕΔΕΨΑΣ (_sic_) ΕΣΧΕΣ ΓΑΡ ΜΕΤΑ ϹΟΥ ΠΑΝΑΘΑΝΑΤΟΝ--“Thou didst not 431

leave the sweet light, for thou hadst with thee Him who knows not

death,” literally, “the all-deathless one;” AGAPE VIBIS IN

ETERNVM--“Agape, thou livest forever;” DORMIT ET VIVIT IN PACE XO,

(_sic_)--“He sleeps and lives in the peace of Christ;” MENS NESCIA

MORTIS VIVIT ET ASPECTV FRVITVR BENE CONSCIA CHRISTI--“The soul lives

unknowing of death, and consciously rejoices in the vision of Christ;”

PRIMA VIVIS IN GLORIA DEI ET IN PACE DOMINI NOSTRI XR.--“Prima, thou

livest in the glory of God, and in the peace of Christ, Our Lord.”[704]

The glorious doctrine of the resurrection, which is peculiarly the

characteristic of our holy religion as distinguished from all the

faiths of antiquity, was everywhere recorded throughout the Catacombs.

It was symbolized in the ever-recurring representations of the story

of Jonah and of the raising of Lazarus, and was strongly asserted in

numerous inscriptions. As the early Christians laid the remains of the

departed saint in their last long rest, the sacred words of the

Gospel, “I am the Resurrection and the Life,” must have echoed with a

strange power through the long corridors of that silent city of the

dead, and have filled the hearts of the believers, though surrounded

by the evidences of their mortality, with an exultant thrill of

triumph over death and the grave. This was a recompense for all their

pains. Of this not even the malignant ingenuity of persecution could

deprive them. Although the body were consumed and its ashes strewn

upon the waters, or sown upon the wandering winds, still, still the

Lord knoweth them that are his, and keeps the dust of his chosen. 432

Tertullian ridicules the heathen for believing the doctrine of

metempsychosis and rejecting that of the resurrection.[705] “God

forbid that he should abandon to everlasting destruction,” he

exclaims, “the labour of his hands, the care of his own thoughts, the

receptacle of his own Spirit!”[706]

The hope of the resurrection is often strongly expressed, as in the

following examples:

HIC REQVIESCIT CARO MEA NOVISSIMO VERO DIE

PER |XPM| CREDO RESVSCITABITVR A MORTVIS. (A. D. 544.)

Here rests my flesh; but at the last day, through Christ, I

believe it will be raised from the dead.

RELICTIS TVIS IACES IN PACE SOPORE

MERITA RESVRGES TEMPORALIS TIBI DATA REQVIETIO.

You, well-deserving one, having left your (relations), lie asleep

in peace--you will arise--a temporary rest is granted you.

In an epitaph of the year 449 we read, RECEPTA CAELO MERVIT

OCCVRRERE |XPO| AD RESVRRECTIONEM PRAEMIVM AETERNVM SVSCIPERE

DIGNA--“Received into heaven, she deserved to meet Christ at the

resurrection, worthy to receive an everlasting reward.” In the

following example from the Catacomb of Naples, Christian confidence

adopts the sublime language of Job:

CREDO QVIA REDEMPTOR MEVS BIBIT (_sic_) ET NOBISSIMO DIE

DE TERRA SVSCITABIT ME IN CARNE MEA VIDEBO |DOM|.

I believe, because that my Redeemer liveth, and in the last day

shall raise me from the earth, that in my flesh I shall see the

Lord.

More briefly is this cardinal doctrine asserted in the following:

IVSTVS CVM |SCIS| XPO MEDIANTE RESVRGET--“Justus, who will arise with

the saints through Christ.” HIC IN PACE REQVIESCIT LAVRENTIA QVAE 433

CREDIDIT RESVRRECTIONEM--“Here reposes in peace Laurentia, who

believed in the resurrection.”[707]

The very idea of death seems to have been repudiated by the primitive

Christians. “_Non mortua sed data somno_,” sings Prudentius

in paraphrase of the words of Our Lord, “She is not dead

but sleepeth.”[708] Hence the Catacomb was designated the

_coemeterium_,[709] or place of sleeping, and the funeral vault the

_cubiculum_, or sleeping chamber. The dead were not “buried,” as the

pagan expressions _conditus_, _compositus_, _situs_, indicate; but

_depositus_, “laid down” in their lowly beds till the everlasting morn

should come, and the angel’s trump awake them; consigned as a precious

trust to the tender keeping of mother earth, and “lying in wait for

the resurrection.”[710] The saints were “fallen asleep” in Jesus, and

on the bridal morning of the soul they should awake with his likeness

and be satisfied. The primitive Christians believed that the power

which called a Lazarus from the tomb could wake to life again the

slumbering millions of this valley of dry bones, vaster far than that 434

of Ezekiel’s vision, till they should stand up upon their feet an

exceeding great army.

But this sleep was a sleep of the body only, not of the soul. The

ancient Christians were assured, as we have seen, of the immediate

happiness of those that died in the faith. They believed that being

absent from the body they were present with the Lord; that as soon as

they passed from earth’s living death they entered into the undying

life and unfading bliss of heaven. Though surrounded by the mouldering

bodies of the saints in Christ, the eye of faith beheld their

glorified spirits, starry-crowned and palm-bearing, among the

white-robed multitude before the throne of God. They admitted no

thought of a long and dreary period of forgetfulness, nor probation of

purgatorial fires, before the soul could enter into joy and peace.

The sublime reflections with which Cyprian concludes his treatise

_De Mortalitate_ nobly express the grand consoling thoughts which

sustained the primitive Christians, and which sustain God’s saints in

every age. “We are but pilgrims and strangers here below,” he

exclaims, “let us then welcome the day that gives to us the joys of

heaven. What exile longs not for his native land? Our true native land

is paradise. A large and loving company expects us there. O the bliss

of those celestial realms where no fear of dying enters! There the

glorious choir of the apostles, the exulting company of the prophets,

the countless army of the martyrs, await us. To them let us eagerly

hasten. Let us long to be with them the sooner, that we may the sooner

be with CHRIST.”

What a striking contrast to these holy hopes is the pagans’ blankness

of despair concerning the future. Compared with this assurance of a

blissful immortality, how cold and cheerless is their shadowy elysium, 435

their unsubstantial visions of the spirit-world; how terrible the

gloomy Acherontian lake, dark Lethe’s stream, and Styx, and fiery

Phlegethon. Like a gleam of heaven’s sunshine in a benighted age are

these rude inscriptions of the early Christians. Sublimer is their

lofty hope, reaching forward beyond this world, and laying hands of

faith upon the eternal verities of the world to come, than the

imperishable renown of classic sages, or the Roman poet’s vaunting

boast of earthly immortality--_Non omnis moriar_.

Even the high philosophy of Greece and the noble stoicism of the Roman

mind afford no consolation to the soul brought face to face with the

solemn mystery of death. A forced and sullen submission to the

inevitable is all that they can teach. They shed no light upon the

world beyond the grave, DOMVS AETERNA--“An eternal home,”[711] and

SOMNO AETERNALI--“In eternal sleep,” are written on their tombs,

frequently accompanied by an inverted torch, the emblem of despair. To

them death is an unsolved and insoluble problem. Their loftiest

reasonings lack authority to satisfy the mind. It is the gospel of

Christ alone which dispels the awful shadows of the tomb, plants the

flower of hope in the very ashes of the grave, and brings life and

immortality to light; which appeases the soul-hunger of mankind, and

meets the yearning cry of the human heart.

Even the thoughtful mind of Pliny could extract no comfort from the 436

various theories concerning the future state, but looked forward to

annihilation as the universal doom. “To all,” he says, “from the last

day of life is there the same lot that there was before the first; nor

is there any more consciousness after death than there was before

birth.”[712] Of Agricola, the wise and good, the philosophic Tacitus

could only say with an incredulous sigh, “Doubtless if there be a

place for the departed spirits of the just, if great souls perish not

with the body, thou dost calmly repose.”[713] “That the manes are any

thing,” says Juvenal, “or that the nether world is any thing, not even

boys believe, unless those still in the nursery.”[714] In sullen

submission to fate, the pagan submits to the inevitable doom. When the

name has issued from the fatal urn he leaves forever his woods, his

villa, his pleasant home, and enters the bark which is to bear him

into eternal exile.[715] The wisest sages can only fan the embers of

their hopes into a flickering flame, and cry, “Ha! we have seen the

fire.”

The following are examples of the melancholy and despairing spirit

often breathed by pagan epitaphs:

PRAEVENERE DIEM VITAE CRVDELIA FATA

ET RAPTAM INFERNA ME POSVERE RATE

HOC LECTO ELOGIO IVVENIS MISERERE IACENTIS

ET DIC DISCEDENS SIT TIBI TERRA LEVIS.

The cruel fates have anticipated the term of life, and placed me, 437

snatched away, in the infernal bark. Having read this elegy pity

the fallen youth and say departing, May the earth be light upon

thee.

INFANTI DVLCISSIMO QVEM DII IRATI AETERNO SOMNO DEDERVNT--“To a very

sweet child, whom the angry gods gave to eternal sleep.” SVSCIPE NVNC

CONIVNX SI QVIS POST FVNERA SENSVS DEBITA MANIBVS OFFICIA--“Receive

now, O husband, if after death is any consciousness, the rites due to

departed spirits.” The hopeless parting of a dying wife is thus

expressed: CARE MARITE MIHI DVLCISSIMA NATA VALETE--“O husband, dear

to me, and dearest daughter, farewell.” Or more briefly we read, AVE

ATQVE VALE--“Hail and farewell.”

Sometimes the desponding view of life is like the bitter experience of

the Hebrew moralist, “Vanity of vanities, all is vanity!” One such

example reads thus:

DECIPIMVR VOTIS ET TEMPORE FALLIMVR ET MORS

DERIDET CVRAS ANXIA VITA NIHIL.

We are deceived by our vows, misled by time, and death derides

our cares; anxious life is naught.

Of similar character is the following recalling the complaint of Job,

“He cometh forth as a flower and is cut down:” VIVE LAETVS QVICVNQVE

VIVIS VITA PARVVM MVNVS EST MOX EXORTA EST SENSIM VIGESCIT DEINDE

SENSIM DEFICIT--“Live joyful who ever thou art that livest. Life is a

small gift. It is scarcely sprung up when it imperceptibly flourishes

and then imperceptibly declines.” The succeeding example is remarkable

for its misanthropy: ANIMAL INGRATIVS HOMINE NVLLVM EST--“No animal is

more ungrateful than man.” The inspired apothegm, “We brought nothing

into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out,” is

illustrated in the following: EX OMNIBVS BONIS SVIS HOC SIBI

SVMPSERVNT--“Of all their wealth they possess only this tomb.” We find 438

also the expression, MATER GENVIT ME MATER RECIPIT--“Mother (earth)

nourished me, she receives me again,” analogous to the declaration of

Scripture, “Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return.” Spon

gives also the following example: VIXI VT VIVIS MORIERIS VT SVM

MORTVVS--“I have lived as thou livest, thou shalt die as I have died.”

Sometimes the cold consolation is offered that others are also the

subjects of sorrow and death, as DOLOR TALIS NON TIBI CONTIGIT

VNI--“Such grief affects not thee alone;” NEC TIBI NEC NOBIS AETERNVM

VIVERE CESSIT--“Neither to you nor to us was it granted to live

forever.” Similar to this is a Christian inscription, ΕΥΨΥΧΕΙ

ϹΕΚΟΥΝΔΕ ΟΥΔΕΙϹ ΑΘΑΝΟΤΟϹ--“Be of good cheer, Secundus; no one is

immortal.”

More painful even than the gloomy stoicism of many pagan inscriptions

is the light Epicurean tone which frequently occurs, as in the

instance which follows, where life is compared to a play:

VIXI · DVM · VIXI · BENE · IAM · MEA

PERACTA · MOX · VESTRA · AGETVR

FABVLA · VALETE · ET · PLAVDITE ·

While I lived, I lived well. My play is now ended, soon yours

will be. Farewell and applaud me.[716]

In the succeeding example the sentiment is still more Anacreontic. It

breathes the true pagan spirit, _Carpe diem_--“Seize the day.

Pluck each flower of pleasure as you pass. Press all life’s nectar

into one frenzied draught and drain it to the dregs. Let us eat and

drink, for to-morrow we die.” Even in the solemn presence of death, 439

the soul, unawed by the dread shadow of the future, turns regretfully

to the vanished pleasures of earth, and finds its only consolation in

the thought of their enjoyment.

D · M · TI : CLAVDI · SECVNDI

HIC · SECVM · HABET · OMNIA

BALNEA · VINVM · VENVS · CORRVMPVNT · CORPORA

NOSTRA · SED · VITAM · FACIVNT B · V · V ·

To the Divine Manes of Tiberius Claudius Secundus. Here he enjoys

every thing. Baths, wine, and lust ruin our constitutions,

but--they make life what it is. Farewell, farewell.[717]

The following expresses the very essence of coarse sensualism: QVOD

EDI ET BIBI MECVM HABEO QVOD RELIQVI PERDIDI--“What I ate and drank I

have with me; what I left I have lost.” Compare the moral antithesis

of the sentiment expressed by John Wesley: “What I gave away I have

still; what I kept I have lost.”

Frequently the pagan epitaphs contain an outburst of scorn or defiance

of the unjust gods that sit aloft and make their sport of human woe,

as is seen in the accompanying examples:

PROCOPE · MANVS · LEBO · CONTRA · DEVM

QVI · ME · INNOCENTEM · SVSTVLIT.

I, Procope, lift up my hands against the god who snatched away me

innocent.

In an epitaph in the Lapidarian Gallery a bereaved mother in the

bitterness of her soul cries out:

ATROX O FORTVNA TRVCI QVAE FVNERE GAVDES

QVID MIHI TAM SVBITO MAXIMVS ERIPITVR

QVI MODO IVCVNDVS GREMIO SVPERESSE SOLEBAT

HIC LAPIS IN TVMVLO NVNC IACET ECCE MATER.

O relentless Fortune, who delightest in cruel death, 440

Why is Maximus so suddenly snatched from me?

He who lately used to be joyful in my bosom,

This stone now marks his tomb.--Behold his mother.

Compare also the following: INVIDA LIBITINA FILIIS ABSTVLIT

PATREM--“Envious Libitina snatched away a father from his children;”

VICTA EST IVSTICIA NON AEQVO IVDICE FATO--“Justice is overcome by that

unjust judge, Fate;” DIIS INIQVIS ANIMVLAM TVAM RAPVERVNT--“To the

unjust gods, (who) snatched away thy soul.”

But the holy teachings of Christianity revealed to the weary and heavy

laden souls of men, aching with a sense of orphanage, the loving

Fatherhood of God,[718] and produced a spirit of meekness and

resignation altogether foreign to the pagan mind. Of pathetic

interest, as illustrating this fact, is a Christian fragment of date

_circ._ A. D. 600, on which we may still read the inscription

QVI · DEDIT · ET · ABSTVLIT

.... OMINI · BENEDIC ....

The familiar words suggest the imperishable thought, which has been a

source of consolation to bereaved ones in every age. “Like a voice

from among the graves,” says Dr. Maitland, “broken by sobs, yet

distinctly intelligible, fall these words on the listening ear, ‘who

gave, and hath taken away--blessed [be the name] of the Lord.’”

We occasionally find pagan inscriptions breathing a sense of spiritual

existence and hope of future life.[719] The yearning of the human

heart that

Longs for the touch of a vanished hand

And the sound of a voice that is still,

and the hunger of the soul for communion with the dear departed in the 441

loving tryst of the silent land are pathetically expressed in the

following prayer of Furia Spes: PETO VOS MANES SANCTISSIMAE (_sic_)

... MEVM CONIVGEM HORIS NOCTVRNIS VT VIDEAM ET ETIAM VT EGO DVLCIVS ET

CELERIVS APVD EVM PERVENIRE POSSIM--“I beseech you, most holy spirits,

that I may behold my husband in the midnight hours; and also that I

may more sweetly and swiftly go to him.”

More common, however, is the feeling of hopeless severance expressed

by the frequent valediction, VALE VALE LONGVM VALE--“Farewell,

farewell, a long farewell;” or, sadder still, VALE AETERNVM--“Farewell

forever.”

There occur in the Catacombs frequent examples of acclamations

addressed to the departed, expressive of a desire for their happiness

and peace. These acclamations have been quoted by Romanist writers as

indicating a belief in the doctrine of purgatory, and in the efficacy

of prayers on behalf of the dead. The importance of this subject will

justify its careful examination. Many of the examples quoted by

Roman controversialists are not precatory at all, but simply

declarative.[720] But there are others in which the expression assumes

a distinctively optative form. Some of these may be of comparatively 442

late date, as the _graffiti_, or inscriptions of pilgrims near the

more celebrated shrines, of which we have seen examples at the

so-called “papal crypt.” But others are unquestionably part of the

original epitaphs. We find, for instance, such expressions as

VIVAS--“May you live;” VIVAS IN DEO, ΖΗϹ ΕΝ ΘΕΩ--“May you live in

God;” VIVAS IN ETERNVM--“May you live forever;” ETERNA TIBI

LVX--“Eternal light to thee;” ESTOTE IN PACE--“Be in peace;” VIVAS

INTER SANCTOS--“May you live among the holy ones;” VIVAS IN NOMINE

XTI--“May you live, in the name of Christ;” ΖΗϹΗϹ (_sic_) ΙΝ ΔΕΟ

ΧΡΙϹΤΟ--“May you live in God Christ;” VIVAS IN DOMINO ZEZV--“May you

live in the Lord Jesus;” VIVAS VINCAS--“May you live, may you

conquer;” DORMITIO TVA INTER DICAEIS, (ΔΙΚΑΙΟΙϹ)--“May your sleep be

among the just;” DEVS TIBI REFRIGERET--SPIRITVM TVVM REFRIGERET--“God

refresh thee, refresh thy spirit;” ΕΙΡΗΝΗ ϹΟΙ--“Peace to thee;” EN

ΕΙΡΗΝΗ ΣΟΥ ΤΟ ΠΝΕΥΜΑ--“In peace be thy spirit;” Ο ΘΕΟϹ ΑΝΑΠΑΥϹΗ ΤΗΝ

ΨΥΧΗΝ ΕΝ ϹΚΗΝΑΙϹ ΑΓΙΩΝ--“God give thy soul rest in the tents of the

holy.” These, it will be perceived, are not intercessions _for_ the

dead, but mere apostrophes addressed _to_ them, as is apparent in the

following: ΖΩΤΙΚΕ ΖΗϹΑΙϹΕΝ (_sic_) ΚΥΡΙΩ ΘΑΡΡΙ, (_sic_)--“Zoticus,

mayest thou live in the Lord. Be of good cheer.” They were no more

prayers for the souls of the departed than is Byron’s verse, “Bright

be the place of thy rest.”

But the wish sometimes takes the form of a prayer _for_ the beloved

one, as ΜΝΗϹΘΗϹ ΙΗϹΟΥϹ Ο ΚΥΡΙΟϹ ΤΕΚΝΟΝ ΕΜ ...--“Remember, O Lord

Jesus, our child;” ΔΕΟΥϹ ΧΡΙϹΤΟΥϹ ΟΜΝΙΠΟΤΕϹ ϹΠΙΡΙΤ ... ΤΟΥ ΡΕΦ.ΙΓΕΡΕ

ΙΝ ☧, (Latin in Greek characters,)--“May the Almighty God Christ 443

refresh thy spirit in Christ.” ΝΗΜΝΗΘΗ ΕΑΥΤΟΥ Ω ΘΕΟϹ ΙϹΤΟΥϹ ΑΓΝΑϹ

(_sic_)--“Remember him, O God, among thy lambs;” ΜΝΗϹΘΗΤΙ ΚΥΡΙΕ ΤΗϹ

ΚΟΙΜΗϹΕΩϹ ΤΗϹ ΔΟΥΛΗϹ ϹΟΥ ΑΝΑΠΑΥϹΟΝ ΤΗΝ ΨΥΧΗΝ ΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΛΟΥ ϹΟΥ ΕΝ ΤΟ

ΦΩΤΙΝΩ ΕΝ ΤΩ ΑΝΑΨΥΞΕΩϹ ΕΙϹ ΚΟΛΠΟΝ ΑΒΡΑΑΜ,--“Remember, O God, the sleep

of thy servant; give rest to the soul of thy servant in the light, in

the refreshment in Abraham’s bosom:” DOMINE NE ADVMBRETVR SPIRITVS--“O

Lord! let not (this) soul be brought into darkness;” ΜΝΗϹΘΗ ΑΥΤΟΥ Ο

ΘΕΟϹ ΕΙϹ ΤΟΥϹ ΑΙΩΝΑϹ--“May God remember him forever.”[721]

These intense expressions of affection of the ardent Italian

nature[722] that would fain follow the loved object--“though lost to

sight to memory dear”--beyond the barrier of the tomb, are surely a

slight foundation on which to build the vast system of mercenary

masses for the dead. And yet they are the only evidences that keen

Roman controversialists can adduce from these Christian inscriptions

of the first six centuries.[723] And, be it remembered, these

inscriptions were not a formulated and authoritative creed framed by

learned theologians, but the untutored utterances of humble peasants,

many of whom were recent converts from paganism or Judaism, in which 444

religions such expressions were a customary sepulchral formula. The

accompanying examples indicate the prevalence of this practice in

pagan epigraphy: AVE or HAVE VALE--“Hail, farewell;” DI TIBI

BENEFACIANT--“May the gods be good to thee;” OSSA TVA BENE

QVIESCANT--“May thy bones rest well;” SIT TIBI TERRA LEVIS--“May the

earth be light upon thee;” ΧΑΙΡΕ ΕΥΠΛΟΕΙ--ΕΥΔΡΟΜΕΙ--“Rejoice, a safe

voyage, a prosperous journey;” ΕΥΨΥΧΕΙ ΚΥΡΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΔΩΗ ϹΟΙ ΟϹΙΡΙϹ ΤΟ

ΨΥΧΡΟΝ ΥΔΩΡ--“Be of good cheer, O lady, and to thee Osiris give to

quaff the cooling water;”[724] ΕΝ ΜΥΡΟΙϹ ϹΟΙ ΤΕΚΝΟΝ Η ΨΥΧΗ--“In

precious odours be thy soul, my child;” HIC MANES PLACIDA NOCTE

QVIESCANT ET SVPER IN NIDO MARATHONIA CANTET AEDON--“Here may the

manes rest throughout the placid night, and above thee in her nest may

the Marathonian nightingale sing;” BENE VALEAS MATER ROGAT TE VT ME AD

TE RECIPIAS VALE--“Farewell, thy mother prays, O take me to thyself

again, farewell.”[725] In the Jewish epitaphs these acclamations are

much more common than in the Christian inscriptions. The following is

an example: MARCIA BONA IVDEA DORMITIO IN BONIS--“Marcia, a good

Jewess, thy sleep be among the good.” On many modern Hebrew tombstones

are the words, “Let his soul be bound up in the bundle of life.”

Small wonder, therefore, that those Christian converts who had been

brought up in pagan or Jewish superstition should retain traces of

this ancient custom so congenial to the sympathies of the human heart,

unprescient as they were of the baneful results to which it would

lead. Their freedom of language had not yet been restricted, as Bishop

Kip remarks, to the cold rules of ordinary logic by the fear of deadly 445

heresy. We know, indeed, from the testimony of the Fathers, that

mention of the dead was frequently made in the prayers of the

church. These prayers, however, were often thanksgivings--εὐχὴ

εὐχαριστήριος--for those who were asleep in Christ, or commemorations

of their virtues for the improvement of the living.[726] Many of the

Fathers vigorously protest against the idea that the dead can be

benefitted by any prayers on their behalf, and strongly assert their

changeless state in the other world.[727] The notion, however, of the

efficacy of these prayers gradually crept into the church; but that

they were not conceived to procure remission from purgatorial flames

is evident from the fact that, even at a comparatively late period,

they were offered on behalf of the patriarchs, prophets, apostles,

martyrs, and saints, and even of the Virgin Mary herself, who were all

believed to be in the immediate presence of God. At length even this

tremendous error found entrance into the church, and gave into the

hands of a mercenary hierarchy the keys of heaven and hell.

But in the testimony of the Catacombs is no trace of that torturing

doctrine which hangs the heart on tenter-hooks of dread suspense, and

wrings from the lacerated affections a dole to a hireling priesthood

for the exercise of their ghostly functions in delivering the souls of 446

the departed from burning flame. There is no hint in their cheerful

art and pious epitaphs of the Dantean horrors, the worse than

Sisyphean toil, and torments more dire than those of Tantalus, under

the intense conception of which for centuries the heart of Christendom

was wrung. No; the early church believed the pious dead already to

enjoy the ampler life, the more ethereal air, and sweet beatitude of

paradise.[728]

Associated with the Romish practice of praying for the dead is that of

praying _to_ them. For this there is still less authority in the

testimony of the Catacombs than for the former. There are, indeed,

indications that this custom was not unknown, but they are very rare

and exceptional. In all the dated inscriptions of the first six

centuries, thirteen hundred and seventy four in number, there is only

_one_ invocation of the departed. It is that of the year 380,

already given, in which from the heart of an orphaned and ignorant[729]

girl, in the hour of her bitter sorrow and bereavement, is wrung the

cry, PRO HVNC VNVM ORA SVBOLEM--“O pray for this, thine only child.”

The few undated inscriptions of a similar character are probably of as

late, or it may be of a much later, date than this; and the invocation

is almost invariably uttered by some relative of the deceased, as if

prompted by natural affection rather than by religious feeling. Thus

we have such examples as the following: PETE PRO FILIIS TVIS--“Pray

for thy children; “PETE ET ROGA PRO FRATRES ET SOBOLES TVOS,

(_sic_)--“Entreat and pray for your brothers and children;” ORA PRO 447

PARENTIBVS TVIS--“Pray for thy parents;” VIBAS IN PACE ET PETE PRO

NOBIS--“May you live in peace and pray for us;” VIBAS IN DEO ET

ROGA--“May you live in God and pray;” IN ORATIONIBVS TVIS ROGES PRO

NOBIS QVIA SCIMVS TE IN ☧--“In your prayers, pray for us, for we

know you (to be) in Christ.” ΔΙΟΝΥϹΙΟϹ ΝΗΠΙΟϹ ΑΚΑΚΟϹ ΕΝΘΑΔΕ ΚΕΙΤΕ ΜΕΤΑ

ΤΩΝ ΑΓΙΩΝ ΜΝΗϹΚΕϹΘΕ ΔΕ ΚΑΙ ΗΜΩΝ ΕΝ ΤΑΙϹ ΑΓΙΑΙϹ ΥΜΩΝ ΠΡΕΥΧΑϹ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ

ΓΛΥΨΑΤΟϹ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΨΑΝΤΟϹ--“Dionysius a spotless infant, lies here with

the saints. O remember us also in thy holy prayers; aye, and the

sculptor and writer as well.” The last clause is in smaller characters

as if an afterthought.[730]

These few examples among eleven thousand inscriptions, of which the

greater number are of post-Constantinian date, are a slight foundation

for the vast Roman system of the invocation of saints. “If this

doctrine,” says Bishop Kip, “so much in unison with many of the

deepest feelings of our nature, had been held by the primitive church,

we should have found it written broadly and clearly every-where

through these epitaphs. Its proof would not be left to half a dozen

inscriptions among thousands which plainly declare the reverse.” How

different from these lowly crypts is a modern Romish sepulchral

chapel, with its ceaseless appeals by the dead for the prayers of the 448

living, and by the living for the prayers of the dead; with its

ever-recurring _Orate pro anima_, and _Maria sanctissima, ora

pro nobis_. We search in vain through all the corridors of those

ancient sanctuaries of the Christian faith for a single example of

these now universal Romish formulæ.

The invocation of saints probably sprang from the superstitious

reverence paid to the martyrs after the age of persecution had passed.

_Miserere nostrarum precum_, “Pitying, hear our prayer,” sings

Prudentius at the close of the fourth century in his hymn to St.

Vincent. VT DAMASI PRECIBVS FAVEAS PRECOR INCLYTA MARTYR--“Illustrious

martyr, I beseech thee to aid my prayers,” writes Damasus about the

same period in his epitaph on St. Agnes; and in an epitaph on his

sister Irene he exclaims, NOSTRI REMINISCERE VIRGO VT TVA PER DOMINVM

PRAESTET MIHI FACVLA LVMEN--“Remember me, O virgin, that by God’s help

your torch may give me light.”

Thus was developed in course of time a vast celestial hierarchy

endowed with the attributes of Deity,[731] usurping the intercessory

office of Christ, and rivalling the polytheism of paganism. The

primitive Fathers repudiated the worship of any saint or angel, or the

intervention of any mediator with God but Christ. “We worship the Son

of God,” write the elders of Smyrna, “but the martyrs we only

love.”[732] “We sacrifice not to martyrs,” says Augustine, “but to the

one God, both theirs and ours;”[733] “nor is our religion,” he 449

indignantly adds, “the worship of dead men.”[734] “It is the devil who

has introduced this homage of angels,” says Chrysostom;[735] and the

Council of Laodicea, (A. D. 361,) forbade their invocation as

idolatrous and a forsaking of Christ.[736]

We now turn from these polemical subjects to the consideration of the

doctrines, common to Christendom, of the trinity of the Godhead and

the divinity of Jesus Christ. We know from ecclesiastical history that

numerous heresies sprang up in the early centuries with reference to

these august themes; but no evidence accuses the church in the

Catacombs of departure from the primitive and orthodox faith in these

important respects. Frequently, indeed, the belief in these cardinal

doctrines is so strongly asserted as to suggest, that it is in

designed and vigorous protest against the contemporary heretical

notions.

The doctrine of the essential divinity of the Son of God is repeatedly

and strikingly affirmed. Not only are the symbolical letters Alpha and

Omega often associated with the sacred monogram, in allusion to the

sublime passage in the Revelation descriptive of the eternity of

Christ, but his name and Messianic title are variously combined with 450

that of the Deity so as to indicate their identity. Thus we have the

expressions ΖΗϹΗϹ ΙΝ DEO ΧΡΙϹΤΟ, (_sic_)--ΕΝ ΤΗΕΩ ΚΥΡΕΙΩ ΧΕΙϹΤΩ,

(_sic_)--VIBAS IN CHRISTO DEO--IN DOMINO IESV--“May you live in God

Christ--in God, the Lord Christ--in Christ God--in the Lord Jesus.” Or

the divine attributes are still more strongly expressed as follows:

ΔΕΟΥϹ ΧΡΙϹΤΟΥϹ ΟΜΝΙΠΟΤΕϹ, (_sic_)--“God Christ Almighty;” DEO SANC

XRO VN LVC, (_sic_)--“God, holy Christ, only light;” DEO SANC ☧

VNI, (_sic_)--“To Christ, the one holy God.” We have seen the

impression in the plaster of a grave whereby some orthodox believer,

probably in protest against the Arian heresy, has “set to his seal”

that “Christ is God.” Fig. 119, page 386.[737]

Mention is made of the three persons of the Trinity separately in

several epitaphs in which the deceased is said to sleep IN DEO--IN 451

CHRISTO--IN SPIRITV SANCTO, and collectively in the following of

date 403, QVINTILIANVS HOMO DEI CONFIRMANS TRINITATEM AMANS

CASTITATEM RESPVENS MVNDVM--“Quintilianus, a man of God, holding

fast the doctrine of the Trinity, loving chastity, contemning the

world.” In later examples from Aqueilia and other places we find the

formulæ, IN NOMINE SANCTAE TRINITATIS--PATRIS ET FILII ET SPIRITVS

SANCTI--“In the name of the Holy Trinity--of the Father, Son, and

Holy Spirit.”[738]

Patristic evidence informs us that both these doctrines were firmly

held by the primitive Christians. The doxologies, benedictions, and

baptismal formulæ, of the ancient liturgies are all in the name of the

triune God. The divinity of the three persons and at the same time the

unity of the Godhead are distinctly and often asserted. This is also 452

affirmed in frequent Christian inscriptions “to the one God”--DEO

VNO. (_sic_.)

Such, then, is the testimony of the Catacombs concerning the doctrines

of the early believers--a testimony more favourable to the general

character of ancient Christianity than the writings of the Fathers and

ecclesiastical historians of the times; probably, as Dr. Maitland

remarks, because “the sepulchral tablet is more congenial to the

expression of pious feeling than the controversial epistle, or even

the much needed episcopal rebuke.” We know, indeed, from these latter

sources, that heresy, strife, recrimination, and mutual anathemas

early disgraced the religion of peace and love. But no sounds of this

profane controversy disturbed those quiet resting-places of the

Christian dead. The expression of faith and hope and joy and

peace--the peace of God that passeth all understanding--every-where

appears. The stricken and sorrowing believer burst not forth like the

heathen in passionate complainings and impotent rage against the gods,

but bowed in meek submission to _His_ will who doeth all things

well. With devout and chastened spirit he bore the ills of life, and

with calm confidence and holy joy he met the doom of death,

Not like the quarry slave, at night

Scourged to his dungeon; but, sustained and soothed

By an unfaltering trust, approached his grave,

Like one who wrapped the drapery of his couch

About him, and lay down to pleasant dreams.[739]

[693] _Eastern Churches._

[694] Tertullian says they destroy the soul as fevers do the

body.--_De Præscrip. Hæreticorum_, c. 2.

[695] The Gnostic Marcion sought admission to the Roman

presbytery and Valentine even aspired to the episcopal chair.

“Speraverat episcopatum Valentinus.”--Tertull., _Adv.

Valent._, c. iv.

[696] _Inscriptiones Christianæ Urbis Romæ Septimo Sæculo

Antiquiores._

[697] The earlier inscriptions express merely the consular dates,

and in one instance only, the name and age of the deceased.

[698] Dr. McCaul remarks the occurrence of a similar expression

in a pagan inscription given by Muratori, (978, 979,) as follows:

_D.M. in hoc tumulo jacet corpus exanimis_ (sic) _cujus spiritus

inter deos receptus est; sic enim meruit_,--“In this tomb lies a

lifeless body whose spirit is received among the gods, for so it

deserved.”

[699] The use of _recedo_ in the sense of “to die” is classical;

but in the above form it is unknown in pagan epigraphy.

[700] Compare Wesley--

“There everlasting spring abides,

And never-withering flowers.”

[701] De Rossi thinks _Ancilla Dei_ a proper name.

[702] The following is the brief biography of some unknown saint

at Naples: SERVVS DEI ... ET AD VITA (_sic_) PERBENIT

(_sic_,)--“A servant of God ... and attained unto life.”

[703] Burgon.

[704] Of the Antiochene Christians Chrysostom writes: “They say

not of the departed ‘he is dead,’ but, ‘he is perfected.’”--_Hom._

in _Matt._, 68.

[705] _Apol._, c. 48.

[706] _De Resur. Carn._, c. 9. He mentions the long duration

of the bones and teeth, and quotes the story of the phoenix as

an argument in favour of the doctrine, c. 13.

[707] A spurious epitaph of the fourteenth century, given by

Maitland, p. 82, as genuine, thus fantastically refers to this

august theme: QVI INQVIETVS VIXI NVNC TANDEM MORTVVS NON LVBENS

QVIESCO, SOLVS CVR SIM QVAESERIS (_sic_) VT IN DIE CENSORIO SINE

IMPEDIMENTO FACILIVS RESVRGAM--“I who lived restless, being now

at length dead, rest unwillingly. Do you ask why I am alone? That

in the day of Judgment I may more readily rise without

impediment.”

[708] See also the epitaph given in Book I, chap. iii.--ALEXANDER

MORTVVS NON EST SED VIVIT SVPER ASTRA--“Alexander is not dead but

lives above the stars.”

[709] Similarly the African Christians called their burial places

_accubitoria_--“sleeping places.”

The Catacombs of Rome, and Their Testimony Relative to Primitive Christianity · 第 9 / 11 章