62. In the midst of the city is the Mise_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 36, 1649-1666 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.

girls with its church dedicated to the Presentation of the Virgin,

which was founded in the year 1594. It is of beautiful architecture,

handsomely adorned, and served by clerics with the utmost care

and propriety. Since the year 1653, this church has served for a

cathedral. It is in charge of the brotherhood and congregation of

the holy Misericordia, which is directed by a manager and twelve

deputies with the same rules as that of Lisboa; its mission is to aid

the poor. In the best part of the city is another seminary for the

shelter of girls, with its church of Santa Potenciana, served by a

cleric. There are two hospitals--the royal, for the soldiers; and that

of the Misericordia, for the other poor. There are two others in the

environs--one of San Juan de Dios for the Spaniards; and another for

the Indians in Dilao. There is also a noted sanctuary, that of Nuestra

Señora de Guia, besides the two parish churches above mentioned;

and the convents and colleges, which will be enumerated below.

63. Most of the clerics of this archbishopric are learned men,

excellent preachers and distinguished in all branches of study,

on account of the opportunity which this city affords in two

universities--in which they employ their abilities, emulating and

rivaling one another in letters. They administer many benefices and

curacies in the islands of Luzon, Luban, Mindoro, and others--besides

the above-mentioned curacies and chaplaincies, both within and

without Manila.

64-84. [These sections are occupied with biographical notices of the

archbishops and bishops in the various dioceses, which we here omit,

intending to present data of this sort in a later volume.]

Religious orders in Filipinas

85. The Order of St. Augustine entered the islands in the year 565;

its first superior, and first prelate of all the islands was Fray

Andres de Urdaneta--a Vascongado, [40] and a son of the convent and

province of Mexico; he was the apostle who unfurled the gospel banner,

and he planted the faith in the island of Zebu and others. They have

in Manila a notable convent, with fifty religious--counting novices,

students, and men of mature years; it was founded in the year 71. It

is the head of eighty other parish convents, most of them having

costly buildings; and in all these the sacraments are most watchfully

administered to more than two hundred thousand Christians. They are

located on the river and in the environs of Manila; along the lake of

Bay, and in its mountains; throughout Pampanga, and in Pangasinan and

Ilocos; and in the islands of Pintados, whose vicar-provincial is the

prior of Zebu. In all times this order has possessed illustrious men

of distinguished virtue, and martyrs in Xapon, and zealous ministers

of the gospel. Next followed the order of our father St. Francis,

which is left for the end.

86. The Society of Jesus entered Manila in the year 1582, in which

was founded their college of La Concepcion, which is one of the most

costly and magnificent buildings of this city. Its first superior

was Father Antonio Zedeño. It is a university, where instruction is

given in reading, writing, and accounts; and in grammar, rhetoric, the

arts, theology, and literature--with the earnestness, thoroughness,

and care which is customary in the [colleges of the] Society. Its

rector confers the degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor,

with very rigorous courses of lectures, examinations, and literary

theses, as in Salamanca and Mexico. Near, this great college the

Society has another, that of San Joseph, with lay students; they

wear tawny mantles and red bands. In Cabite, Zebu, and Mindanao the

Society has also colleges, which are most useful for the education of

the youth and of the entire commonwealth. Its fathers are in charge

of many conversions and parish ministries about Manila, and in the

islands of Marinduc, Ybabao, Panay, Negros Island, Bohol, Leyte,

Imaras, and Mindanao--all belonging to the bishopric of Zebu--and in

others; all these are administered with admirable exactness, courage,

thoroughness, and zeal. In all the languages spoken therein, grammars

and vocabularies have been prepared. The Society has, and always

has had, some very learned writers, and other members distinguished

in all branches of knowledge; and it has many martyrs, not only in

Xapon but in Mindanao. This province is one of the most illustrious,

and most worthy of imitation, belonging to the Society, and in it is

evident much austerity and excellence.

87. The Order of St. Dominic entered Manila in the same year of 82;

but its first convent was founded in the year 87, and its first

superior was father Fray Juan de Castro, provincial of Chiapa. That

convent had a magnificent building; but in the earthquake of 645,

and in those of 51 and 52, their church was ruined. It was rebuilt

with greater splendor and thoroughness than the old one; the author

of this work (at that time prior) being the illustrious master Don

Fray Francisco de la Trinidad y Arrieta, most worthy bishop of

Santa Marta in Peru, and the first bishop who was a son of this

convent. Without having any fixed income, this convent supports

more than thirty religious. It is the head of a province, the most

religious one in the entire order. In the environs of Manila these

fathers have the parishes of the Parian and of Binondoc; a hospital,

and a church at San Juan de Letran; and Batan in Pampanga. They have

many Indian missions in the provinces of Pangasinan and Cagayan. In

Xapon and China this order has had many and resplendent martyrs; and

it now has in China some gospel ministers. In Manila it has a notable

college, that of Santo Tomas, which is a university. There with great

ability are taught grammar, the arts, and theology, and both higher

and lower degrees are conferred. It has lay students, who wear green

mantles and red bands. They train many able men there, of whom many

have been martyrs in Xapon. The order has had and has some writers,

who have by their erudition ennobled this new church. The commissary

of the Holy Office in Manila always belongs to this province.

88. The discalced fathers of St. Augustine entered Manila in the

year 606, at which time they built a large convent, that of San

Nicolas. It is the head of a very religious province which contains

eleven other convents. Four are in the archbishopric--San Juan, San

Sebastian, Cabite, and Bolinao; and seven in that of Zebu--Romblon,

Paragua, Zebu, Siargao, Bacilan, Tangda, and Catel. There are three

in the province of Caraga in the island of Mindanao (where they have

had four martyrs). All their convents are of very strict observance,

and devoted to an apostolical administration of the sacraments. They

have had some martyrs in Xapon, and always have members who are well

versed in all branches of learning. Their first superior was father

Fray Juan de San Geronimo, who directed twelve others, his companions,

the founders and apostles of this province.

89. The order of our father St. Francis entered Filipinas in the

year 1577, when fifteen religious arrived at Manila, all apostolic

men. Of these, six came from the province of San Joseph, two from

that of Santiago, one from La Concepcion, another from Mechoacan,

and five from the province of Santo Evangelio in Mexico. The superior

of all was father Fray Pedro de Alfaro, of the province of Santiago

(incorporated into that of San Joseph). On the second of August in the

same year was founded the convent of Manila, with the title of Santa

Maria de Los Angeles; their first guardian was father Fray Pedro

de Ayera, a man in every respect remarkable. He was provincial of

Mechoacan, and bishop-elect; and he was provisor and ecclesiastical

judge of Filipinas. This convent usually has more than thirty

religious--novices, students, and graduates; and it is the head of a

very religious province of Discalced, who have more than fifty convents

(which will soon be enumerated), in which they religiously administer

the sacraments to one hundred and thirty thousand Christians.

90. This province during the first fourteen years was a custodia,

subject to the province of San Joseph; and it was governed by

four custodians, up to the year 1591. It was then erected into

a province, and its first provincial elected; this was father

Fray de Jesus, a Catalan from the province of San Joseph, a most

accomplished religious. From then until this year of 662 there have

been twenty-three provincials. This province has the following

convents, most of which have very substantial buildings of hewn

stone, and handsome churches well adorned with altars, reredoses,

and ornaments, with much silver--and with singers, organs, and other

musical instruments, and ecclesiastical jewels.

91. Cabite, two leguas from Manila, is the chief port of Filipinas;

it is safe, and very convenient for all the ships of that region. With

soldiers, pilots, and mariners, it numbers one hundred and fifty

Spanish citizens; there are also many Indians, and it has a ward

of Mahometan Lascars, and another of Chinese. It has a parochial

church, with secular priests, a hospital, and convents; that of San

Francisco is the second of this [Franciscan] province, the third

being that of Ternate. The rest of the convents are in mission

parishes, each one with a religious or two teachers. There are six

in the environs of Manila--Dilao, Santa Ana, Sampaloc, Polo, Bocaui,

and Meycahuayan. There are ten [sic] along the lake of Bay--Moron,

Tanay, Pililla, Mabitac, Siniloan, Pangil, Paete, Lumban, Santa

Cruz, Pila, and Baños. There are seven in the mountains or tingues

of that lake--Nacarlan, Lilio, Mahayhai, Cabinti, Luchan, Tayabas,

and Sadiaya. On the seacoast between east and north are six--Baler,

Casiguran, Binangonan, Mauban (or Lampon), Atimonan, and Silanga

(an island), where end the archbishopric and the use of the Tagálog

language. The same coast extends through the province and bishopric of

Camarines; and journeying by way of the eastern point to the southern

coast, there are twenty convents--Paracali, Indan, Daet, Ligmanan,

Quipayo, Naga (which is Caceres), Bula, Iriga, Libon, Polanguin, Oas,

Camarines, Albay, Tabaco, Malinao, Bacon, Casiguran, Nabua, Quipia,

and Bolosan. For just reasons, I omit the administration of Ilocos,

Panay, and other districts. In Great China the order now has father

Fray Antonio de Santa Maria, a man who is great in learning and

in the religious life; with another companion, a learned preacher,

he aids in the propagation of the gospel in that great empire.

92. This province is the only one of these Indias that has six of its

sons as holy canonized protomartyrs in Xapon--besides twenty-seven

other martyrs here and in other islands. This province has also gained

great distinction by having in Manila the convent of Santa Clara,

and in it Mother Geronima with many others who have inherited much

of her spirit.

93-94. [In these sections Letona enumerates some of the holy

Franciscans who have been canonized from the Indias.]

EVENTS IN MANILA, 1662-63

Relation of the events in the city of Manila from the embassy sent

by Cotsen, [41] captain-general of the coasts of China and king of

Hermosa Island, with father Fray Victorio Ricio his ambassador, in

the year 1662, until the second embassy, which his son sent with the

same father, and which was despatched on July 11, 1663.

On the fifth of May the ambassador of Cot-sen made his entry; this

was father Fray Victorio Riccio, [42] a Florentine, a religious of

the Order of Preachers. He was attired in the garb of a mandarin's

rank, which the barbarian had conferred on him to equip him for this

embassy. Little pomp was displayed in his reception, for the unfriendly

nature of his errand was already known. Don Sabiniano Manrrique de

Lara received the letter which he brought; it was full of arrogance,

ostentatiously boasting of Cot-sen's power, and declaring that his

champans were many thousands in number and his perfect soldiers

hundreds of thousands; (it is a fact that those champans, counting

large and small, amount to 15,000, as is known by eyewitnesses);

and, in virtue of this pompous and noisy declaration, he demanded

that these islands should pay him tribute, threatening us with the

example of the Dutch. [43]

The insolence of this demand angered all the Spaniards, and our

resolute attitude filled the Sangleys with anxiety; for, as it

could not be imagined that a less generous one [would be taken],

they feared the injuries that would be caused by the war, and that

they would be the first to suffer from these. The governor, as pious

as prudent, commanded that in the church of the Society of Jesus the

blessed sacrament should remain exposed, in order that the archbishop,

the three auditors, the superiors of the religious orders, and the

military chiefs might assemble in a devout public supplication; and

ordered that, at about the same time, a council should be summoned

(in order to give the Sangleys less cause for blame), where Cot-sen's

letter should be read and such decision made as in the opinion of

the council ought to be adopted.

In regard to the principal point in the letter, there was little

discussion; for, as the Spanish blood was coursing impetuously in the

heart of every man there, all gave angry reply to Cot-sen's demand,

showing the courage and resolution that was to be expected from

their noble blood, and feeling shame that [even in] imagination [he]

could dare to cast so black a stigma on the Spanish name. Resolved

to die a thousand times rather than consent to such humiliation,

and regarding war as certain, as being our honorable decision,

the members of the council discussed the question of drawing off

beforehand the unwholesome humor from the body of this commonwealth

by expelling the Sangleys--who in an emergency would dangerously

divide our attention and our forces. Most of the speakers were in

favor of driving away all the infidels, leaving only the Christians,

who would in part render to the community the many services in which

the men of that nation are employed for its benefit; and, since the

Christian Sangleys were few, it would be easy to secure ourselves

from them. Moreover, we could, profiting by our experience of their

procedure, easily get rid of them if that should be expedient for our

defense in such an emergency. The council came to the conclusion that

the merchants should be allowed to carry their property with them, and

return [to China] in peace with their merchandise--not only because

they had come here in confidence and on the security afforded by the

peace, but because this generous conduct of ours would pacify their

resolute attitude, and Cot-sen would feel more anxiety at seeing how

little importance we attached to increasing his forces with the men

whom we were sending away, and at our contempt for his resources in

not appropriating the property of his people.

As this sudden change might cause some disturbances when it should

be put into execution, the publication of the council's decision

was delayed until as many of the cavalry horses as possible could be

conveyed to the stock-farms; for, after the military authorities had

seized the roads promptly with their troops, they could check any

rash attempt, and the infidels could be peaceably sent to the ships

as had been decreed. It was resolved by unanimous vote to withdraw

the garrisons from Ternate, Zamboangan, Calamianes, and Yligan,

since everything was at risk in the principal fort [i.e., Manila],

which had not more than six hundred soldiers--and of these hardly

two hundred were in condition to endure the hardships of a campaign

or of service on the walls. [44]

These conferences, and the activities that necessarily followed from

them were perfectly known by the Sangleys (whose fear kept them very

attentive to everything), and the lack of secrecy in the members

of the council gave them exact knowledge [of its proceedings];

consequently, they were fully assured of a war and of their own

danger. This fear was increased by the haste with which the citizens

who had wealth in their possession undertook to hide it away. Their

desperation was completed by the interpretation which the common

people gave to everything--irresponsible soldiers, with mestizos,

mulattoes, and blacks, telling the Sangleys that they were to

have their heads cut off, as if they were men already sentenced to

death; and inflicting on them many injuries and uttering a thousand

insults. Such circumstances as these concurring in the insurrection

of the year 1603 necessarily caused it, as Doctor Morga observes;

and on this occasion their fear of the like proceedings led them

to a similar desperation. They heard that the twenty-fifth day of

May was to be that of their destruction, because the cavalry troops

were to arrive on the day before. Some of them--the most worthless

class, as butchers and vegetable-sellers--began to talk of extricating

themselves from he danger; but those in the Parián displayed no courage

for any measures, for, as their interests are so involved in peace,

they never have incurred the hazard of war except under compulsion.

On the night of the twenty-fourth, the governor received information

from the castellan of Cavite that the Parián was to revolt on the

next day; but on that very night it was quite evident that their

determination was not to revolt, but to flee as best they could from

the death which they regarded as certain. For on that night all the

talisays [45] (which are the fishermen's boats) departed in flight;

and although General Don Francisco de Figueroa talked to the Sangleys,

endeavoring to calm their minds, it was not possible to remove their

fear. They excused themselves by saying that they knew that on the

next day all their heads would be cut off. They said that in planning

the insurrection it had been agreed that they would not separate;

but they had formed an organization to be prepared, their shops made

secure, and such weapons provided as they could find for this purpose.

On the next day, May 25, his Lordship being anxious at this went out

with only four captains to stroll through the Parián, to learn their

intentions by observing what arrangements they had made. He found

them all very peaceable, and their shops open; they were furnishing

supplies therein, and most of them were eating breakfast. In various

places they entreated him very submissively to protect them, because

the blacks threatened them, saying that they were to be slain. His

Lordship reassured them, and offered to send a force of soldiers

who should protect and defend them from the insolent acts of the

blacks. In order to obtain further security, his Lordship ordered

that the [Sangley] ship-captains be summoned and that a bell be rung

to assemble them, in order to provide for the guard and defense of

the Parián. When they saw the captains enter the city, they regarded

the arguments of their fear as confirmed; and the entire Parián

turned out to watch what was done, all being doubtful of their

own courage. Finally, thirty Sangleys from those who were uneasy,

seeing the last captain enter, ran toward the gate to detain him

and laid hands upon him when he was near the portcullis--either to

obtain by this service means to ingratiate themselves with Cot-sen,

or to secure a person who at all events could direct them. The men

stationed at the gate, who saw the haste with which they approached,

seized their arms and shot down some of the Sangleys. The guard on

the walls suspected them of greater designs; and from the bulwark of

San Gabriel Sargento-mayor Martin Sanchez, without the order that he

should have had for this, fired two cannon. At the noise of the shots

the people in the Parián, who were in suspense waiting to see how this

tragedy would end, without further delay raised an outcry; and having

heard that all Manila was coming to attack them flung themselves into

the river--those who could, in bancas; most of them held up by some

piece of bamboo. Others, more alarmed, took to swimming, and as they

were confused by fear, went down the current, and many of them were

drowned. The multitude of bancas hurried to a champan which was about

to depart, which lay outside the bar with only two soldiers to guard

it; and the Sangleys going aboard it hoisted sail. The [rest of the]

crowd crossed to Santa Cruz where they halted; they talked with the

father minister of that village (who was minister to the Chinese),

Father Francisco Mesina, and gave him an account of their flight,

saying that they feared that our people intended to cut off their

heads. The father calmed them and offered to obtain for them pardon

from his Lordship, for which purpose he immediately set out. The

merchants and peaceable people in the Parián, some 1,500 in number,

remained in their houses--in hiding, so that it seemed as if there was

not a soul in the Parián--awaiting their doom. Considering that in

the hills they would not better their condition, but that this with

excessive hardships would only delay their end, many fore-stalled

death by inflicting it upon themselves--some by hanging, and others

by plunging into the river.

Without delay his Lordship went to the gate, most fortunately for

the Sangleys and with great benefit to the community, as the result

showed; for if he had not been present at the gate, the fear of being

besieged which all felt, would have led them to engage in hostilities

with the Parián and use their arms, compelling the governor to

give them his entire attention. But his Lordship in so difficult a

crisis which demanded prompt and resolute action, took counsel with

past experiences and present necessities, his keen and quick mind

attentive to everything. Knowing well that this disturbance was caused

by fear, he was unwilling to make it greater in the outcome without

dissuading [the Sangleys from revolt] by acts of clemency--since an

encounter with the Parián must of necessity make both [parties among

the Sangleys] declared enemies, and desperation would render them

terrible as had been experienced in former insurrections. Moreover,

our people would be obliged to use time and people when both were

scanty for the emergency that we were expecting of further conflict;

since the guards necessary for fortifying the city were inadequate,

on account of our pursuing the rest of the fugitives. Accordingly, the

governor prudently preferred to leave them uncertain and in expectancy

rather than in declared and resolute attitude, since in the former

condition they were easy to subdue, which in the other case would

involve a great expenditure of military supplies--which would of

necessity be greatly impaired when, for a long siege, all abundance

is moderation. [For economy is needed:] of provisions, when there are

no funds in the treasury, and no harvest in the villages with which

to supply the city with food; and of men, when there are not enough

to man the walls--to say nothing of the severity of fighting and of

the inclemencies of the weather with their exposure to the rains.

His Lordship left the Sangleys reassured, and the rage of the Spaniards

checked; he retired to the storehouses from which he immediately

despatched a champan with a strong force of men in pursuit of the one

that the Sangleys had stolen, and furnished all the military posts

with abundance of supplies. It was past one o'clock when he returned

to the palace; and before he took any rest or sat down at his table,

he appointed General Francisco de Esteibar as chief master-of-camp,

to act if occasion should arise for a military campaign, and that

there might be, either for that purpose or for affairs in the city,

an officer to take his own place when absent.

While the governor was at the warehouses the first embassy sent by

the Sangleys found him; it came by Father Francisco Mesina, who said

that those who had crossed over to Santa Cruz were in the greatest

uncertainty, and would return to their obedience if he would pardon

them. During the time which the father spent in this mission the

scoundrels who had approached the gate, and in the first onslaught

had killed two Spaniards, finished crossing the river; these fled

in confusion by way of the Parián, and completed the terrorization

of the other Sangleys, most of whom therefore went out to Sagar and

others to Meysilo.

Father Mesina returned with pardon for them and found it necessary

to pursue them. He continued his endeavors by means of the father

mandarin, [46] giving him a paper written in the Chinese language [to

assure them] of entire safety. Although the latter set out with it,

he did not reach the Sangleys, and Father Francisco Mesina sent his

despatch by a messenger whom he encountered, placing it in the hands

of a boy who carried it; for lack of a horse, he himself remained

at Meyhaligue.

Fathers Nicolas Cani and Bartolome Vesco, who mounted on good horses

had been pushing ahead since noon, went as far as San Francisco

del Monte where they encountered some troops. They fell in with

the soldiers and talked with them about bringing in the Sangleys;

it was finally decided that Father Francisco Mesina should go ahead,

and that the matter should be settled with him.

While the religious were making these efforts, his Lordship took

all suitable measures by way of preparation for any event. He sent

for Master-of-camp Don Juan Macapapal, who in the disturbances in

Pampanga had proved his constancy and devotion in his Majesty's

service, and ordered him to bring three hundred picked bowmen,

the best in his villages; and he commanded that two hundred veteran

soldiers be selected from the villages of Pampanga. From two o'clock

were continually arriving the cavalry which the governor had ordered

to be brought from the ranches [47] in order to relieve the Sangleys

of the Parián from their fears; for the coming of these horsemen would

guide the fugitives from the mountains in their decision. His Lordship

charged the religious orders to send some fathers in order that they

might assist the Spaniards, and by their authority check the insolent

acts of those who might try to harm the Sangleys, in order that the

latter might not be further upset by their misfortunes. This was a

prudent decision; for, even with all this foresight, it was almost

impossible to defend the Sangleys from the robberies which were

attempted by negroes and base fellows at the risk of frustrating his

Lordship's pious efforts. Among these were not lacking some persons

from whom more might be expected, who--some in person, and some by

means of their servants--furnished their own houses very well [from

the spoils of the Sangleys].

That afternoon, his Lordship walked through the Parián; the Sangleys

came to their doors, and kneeling before him with faces like those

of dead men entreated mercy from him. His Lordship consoled them,

telling them that they had no cause to fear; that his anger was not

directed against them, and that he was their father; that only the

foolish ones who would not submit would find him severe, while those

who were discreet and peaceable would experience his great clemency.

From the time when the disturbance began until it was entirely quieted,

his Lordship had much to do in defending his prudent decision against

the many Spaniards who desired to break entirely with the Sangleys

and make an end of them--not considering that such proceedings would

ruin the colony, all the more as, since we had to prepare for the war

that we regarded as certain, we needed more of the Sangleys' industry

for the many labors required for defending and fortifying the walls,

erecting temporary defenses, and harnessing so many horses; for it

is they who bear the burdens of the community in all its crafts,

notably in those that are most necessary.

The debate became hotter when, at nightfall, our people found the body

of Fray José de Madrid, [48] a Dominican whom the seditious Sangleys

had slain in that morning's outbreak in order to crush the rest by

the horror of that crime--making the other Sangleys think that after

so atrocious a deed there remained for them no hope of pardon, and

no other means of saving their lives than to follow [the dictates of]

their desperation. There is no doubt that if this murder had been known

in the morning, it would have injured the interests of the Sangleys;

and that between the scruples of prudence and justice [on the one

hand], and the boldness of the counsels given by all the rest of the

military men [on the other], the piety of so just a vengeance would

have strongly prevailed. But the corpse was quickly buried--either

by the father's assailants, repentant; or by the peaceable Sangleys,

in fear--and, detected either by the odor or by the signs made by

some servants who, hidden in the convent of the Parián, witnessed the

occurrence, the body was found that night. The news, which quickly

ran through the Parián, filled all with horror and caused some of the

Sangleys to flee from that quarter. Accordingly, by morning affairs

assumed a worse aspect, and the more influential personages and the

military leaders became less friendly to the Sangleys. All directed

their efforts to persuading his Lordship to have the heads of all the

Sangleys cut off, commencing at the Parián and conducting a campaign in

pursuit of the rest of the fugitives. His Lordship, seeing that they

had allotted the Sangleys but a short respite, that they had the day

before left the settlement of matters with Father Francisco Mesina

and that more time than this was necessary for securing the proper

degree of order, resolved to hasten the negotiations for peace and

to go to see the father with the Sangleys in company with a Sangley

named Raimundo, an agent of Cot-sen in this city.

At this time so many lies were current against the behavior of the

Sangleys, and these were so well received by those who desired to

destroy them--persons who were actuated more by avarice and selfishness

than by interest in the welfare of the community--that they caused

hesitation among even the most cautious and prudent. On one hand they

said that a battalion of Sangleys had entered the village of Tondo

(which is distant a cannon-shot from the city) and had already set

fire to the church. Again, the fugitives had retreated upon Sagar, and

had fitted up many forges in order to make weapons, and were working

these eagerly day and night. But his Lordship--who was well informed

regarding the available forces, and knew that he could send hardly

one hundred strong men into the field out of the six hundred whom

he had in the city, and how important it was to reserve his entire

strength for the greater danger; and who very correctly judged that

inconsiderate desires for an assault [on the Parián] had fabricated

these inventions, and that the more discreet gave credit to these tales

in order to oppose his own steadfast determination--instantly went in

person to satisfy himself regarding this story about Tondo. Finding

that it was imaginary, he realized how little credence should be given

to novelties brought from afar when some one had dared to concoct

such things under his very eyes; and he therefore allowed the peace

negotiations to proceed by the agencies which had commenced them.

There is no doubt that the successful outcome of this affair is due

solely to the prudent management of the governor; and that, if he had

allowed himself to be dragged along by the opinions which prevailed

in popular estimation, an insurrection would have been contrived

that would have fatigued the soldiery in a campaign of many months,

and caused much destruction in the villages; for the insurrections

that we keep in mind in these islands included no more [favoring]

circumstances [than did this one], nor did this lack anything except

the actual assault. But his Lordship knew how evil advisers are the

individuals concerned in this matter, in which one seldom finds a

person who is not interested in the ruin of the Sangley--some on

account of the loot [that they may obtain]; the rest, because there

are few persons who do not hold property of the Sangleys in trust, or

else owe for much merchandise which they have bought on credit. Many

have become depositaries for their acquaintances, who, fearing the

removal of their property to other hands, give it to their intimate

friends to keep; and by slaying the Sangleys all render account with

payment. Accordingly, in the insurrection of 1639 it was found by

experience that those in whom the Sangleys placed most confidence were

the first and most importunate voters for their ruin. In this decision

it is only the king who hazards his treasure, and his governor who

risks a point of honor; for finally the very persons who, through

either self-interest or greed, advised the assault [on the Sangleys]

cast on the governor the blame of the insurrection, as happened to

Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera. The very persons who, censuring

him as a coward and representing to him instances of boldness forced

[by desperation] on the part of the Sangleys as causes for employing

armed force against them, afterward, when at their importunities

he had kindled the fire, declared that by this act he had caused

the revolt, compelling the innocent and peaceable to become enemies

against their own will. Here this class of persons was protected,

and the way left open for [the return of] the others; for with the

burning of the Parián these would have been enemies, and all would

have despaired of reconciliation. This was seen by the response made

to Father Francisco Mesina the first time when he went to confer with

them about their submission; they said, "To whom shall we turn if the

Parián is burned now?" But when he assured them that the affair had

not reached that stage, they were astonished and readily discussed

submission--as those who had gone away, fleeing from our arms which

they supposed to be declared against them; and the haste of their

flight had not given them leisure to ascertain our decision, as they

regarded their own imaginations as facts.

In their mode of action they plainly showed their intentions--that

they were not rebels, but terrified fugitives; nor did they injure

either life or property, whether of Spaniards or of natives. Nor

did they avail themselves of the privilege which the necessity of

supporting life gave them, to use the rice, for they used what they

needed of the food which the Sangley farm-hands had in their houses;

while in the insurrections attested as such they did not leave a

village without burning it, or property that was not pillaged in all

this province of Tondo--sparing not even what was holy, profaning

the churches and the sacred images.

In consequence of his agreement with the Sangley fugitives, Father

Francisco Mesina set out again on the twenty-sixth of the month in

company with the Sangley Raimundo; and at night he reached Sagar in

the fields of which the Sangleys were encamped. Many of them (mostly

Christians) hastened toward the father bewailing their misery and

asking permission to go down to the Parián. So great was their anxiety

that, on that very night, they undertook to carry out this plan. How

important was the preservation of the dove-cote, in order that these

doves might not complete their flight to the mountains and might

easily recover their domesticated tranquillity! The father delayed

their journey until morning, and on the next day, the twenty-seventh,

sent to Manila four hundred of them whom he found most inclined to go

and who showed least distrust in the company of Father Nicolas Cani,

so that he could assure their safety from any misfortune. On the same

day he went with Father Bartolome Besco and the Sangley Raimundo to

the place where the fugitives were encamped. On the way he encountered

some companies of seamen from the champans and other riff-raff, who

were ignorant of the agreement for the submission of their fellows;

and these would not allow the fathers to pass. But when this was known

at their camp two of their leading men went down to the father and told

him that they all would follow his advice; but that Raimundo was not

a suitable person for settling the matter with them, because many of

the Sangleys were suspicious of him on account of his long residence

among us. They told the father to bring two of their ship-captains,

so that this business might be concluded with them. The father retired

to San Juan del Monte, in order to say mass there the next day, the

twenty-eighth (which was the feast of Pentecost), and sent word to

his Lordship of what the Sangleys demanded.

In accordance with this his Lordship on the twenty-eighth summoned

the ship-captains, and after he had conferred with them they went

back to the father and told him that it was not necessary that he

should fatigue himself by going to the [Sangley] camp, since all

the fugitives had already agreed to come down. They only asked that

the ships might go to Nabotas, from which place all the Sangleys who

had to embark for China would sail; and that the father would, for

this purpose, go there in company with the regimental master-of-camp,

Domingo de Ugarte, who was very acceptable to them and well known for

his kindness to them. On the thirtieth they came down with this reply;

and on the thirty-first the father went back with it to confer with his

Lordship. The latter was ill pleased with the stipulation of embarking

at Navotas on account of the lack of confidence that they displayed;

but the father set out to bring them over to whatever his Lordship

should ordain, as he finally decided it--departing on the first

of June accompanied by Master-of-camp Domingo de Ugarte and three

ship-captains. They arrived that night at the village of Taytay, the

nearest village to the place that the Sangleys had occupied; and that

very night they despatched the ship-captains fully instructed. On the

next day, June 2, the captains came down with the reply and decision

of all the Sangleys--that they would come down to the Parián from

which they would embark in the champans which were ready to depart;

while the Christians would come down to the villages of Santa Cruz

and Binondo, or as his Lordship should command. This they carried

out in the time which they asked, which was two days.

Their resolution was much aided by the one which his Lordship had

taken ever since May 26, when he ordered that one of the champans

should be made ready for the voyage, promising its captain beforehand a

thousand Sangleys, whom he must without fail transport. He commanded

one of the three champans that were at Cavite to come to Manila;

this was to open the door wide in the face of their mistrust, and it

showed that his intention was only to make the country safe and not

to avenge on them (as they had believed) the insolence of Cot-sen.

The fugitives thereupon came down in all haste and especially on the

day that had been set, June 4; yet notwithstanding this, so great

was the anxiety to feed on the wretched Sangleys that [some people

attempted to] persuade his Lordship that the whole arrangement was a

sham; that all the Sangleys were still in the field, and that they only

came down from their camp on this pretext, in order to search for what

they needed and to carry away the few who remained in the Parián. His

Lordship, giving another day of vigilance, apparently yielded to

the importunate outcries of the many who clamored for the punishment

of the Sangleys--who had committed no crime except their terrified

flight; and ordered the soldiers to be made ready in order that he

might freely select the troops who were to go out for the campaign.

The bowmen of Master-of-camp Don Juan Macapagal had already arrived,

also the 200 Pampango veteran soldiers in charge of Master-of-camp

Don Francisco Lacsamana. He [i.e., his Lordship] commanded them to

be mustered on June 6; and when all were expecting [that he would

select] a strong battalion of Spaniards, Pampangos, Mardicas, [49]

Japanese, and creoles, he left them all mocked and humiliated who had

attributed to cowardice the forbearance dictated by his prudence. He

set aside only the regiment of Pampangos, arquebusiers and bowmen;

and committed the exploit to the Pampango master-of-camp, Don Francisco

Lacsamana--leaving in the lurch those who attached so much importance

to the enterprise, and who attributed his delay to fear. Unaffected

by considerations of mere policy, his Lordship moved in accordance

with right and the light of truth which belongs to those free from

prejudice; he had carefully considered the enterprise and saw that but

little [poisonous] humor remained to be corrected. He therefore chose

to make it evident that his delay was not for the sake of temporizing

but to show clemency; and that, able to resist no longer, he was using

rigor against those who in so many days had not availed themselves of

his clemency. And, to show how great was his courage and how superior

he regarded his forces, he did not vouchsafe to send out Spaniards

but entrusted the issue to the Pampangos.

This was information which by one act, his discretion gained with

great results. He made trial of the fidelity of the Pampangos, whose

commotions and recent punishments had left their fidelity uncertain;

and he put them on their honor with this so honorable commission, to

act then with valor and afterward with constancy. It would make them

hated by the Sangleys, to oblige them to become enemies; and would give

Cot-sen to understand how little importance the governor attached to

the latter's men, since he was attacking them with natives alone. He

could ascertain thus what was the disposition of the Pampangos, and

how much courage they had for resisting that pirate; for himself,

the injury which the islands had experienced in so many disturbances

of the natives gave him some confidence.

He gave them their orders--that they should march to the camp of

the Sangleys without doing harm to any peaceable Sangleys whom they

might encounter on the way, who should be going to the city; and when

they should arrive there, giving the troops a rest, they should make

the assault on the next day cutting off the heads of all [whom they

should find there]. At the same time his Lordship despatched orders

to the alcaldes-mayor of Bay and Bulacan--through whose provinces

the Sangleys would necessarily have to disperse after they were

routed--to go out with three hundred bowmen from each province to

occupy the roads against them; so that wherever they should seek

a route to safety they should meet destruction. The Pampangos left

the city before noon; his Lordship anticipating all possible events

three hours later commanded two companies of horsemen to make ready,

who should set out at daybreak for the [Sangley] camp--in order that

if the Pampangos met bad luck they might have sufficient protection,

and could thus recover their courage and renew the attack in full

assurance of victory.

The Pampangos encountered on the way many bands of Sangleys, who

were coming to the Parián, and allowed these to pass them without any

harm. About five o'clock in the afternoon they came in sight of the

camp; and, in order not to divide the merit of the exploit with the

Spaniards--who, as they knew, were to go thither at daylight--they

would not wait until the daylight watch as they had planned. Without

taking any rest and unarmed they closed with the Sangleys who numbered

some 1,500 men; and in two assaults they routed the enemy without any

loss save a captain of their nation who fell dead, and some soldiers

who were wounded. The Sangleys left in their camp more than sixty dead

men, and all their provisions and baggage remained in the possession

of the Pampangos; the latter did not follow in pursuit, partly as the

hour was now very late, partly that they might satiate themselves

with the booty. But on the morning of June 7 the cavalry appeared,

who, learning of the defeat, pursued the fugitives until they entered

a region that was rocky and overgrown with thickets, where most of

them perished--some from hunger, and many from the cruelty of the

Negrillos of the mountains. Then, as the alcaldes-mayor of Bay and

Bulacan attacked them with their troops, hardly a Sangley could escape

who did not perish either at their hands or those of the Negrillos.

Up to the twenty-fourth of June the troops, both cavalry and infantry,

remained in active service--partly to put an end to the remaining

fugitives, partly to keep the retirade occupied in case of any

disturbance in Manila, since it was a place near that point to which

the Sangleys resorted on such occasions. After that date the troops

gradually withdrew, his Lordship showing great kindness and many

favors to the Pampangos. To those who had shared in this exploit he

granted exemption from paying tributes; and, honoring them by the

confidence which he had in their fidelity, he gave up to them on

the twenty-sixth the guard-room in the palace--with which they left

service well content and full of courage for greater enterprises.

Afterward, the regiments from Pangasinan and Ylocos entered Manila,

brought by General Don Felipe de Ugalde. After they had been mustered

in Manila, so that the Sangleys could see the force that had been

provided against Cot-sen, they were ordered to return to their

own country so that they could attend to the cultivation of their

grainfields; for, as they were nearest to us, they could easily be

summoned for an emergency. The same orders were given to the Pampangos

and to the men from the provinces of Bay and Bulacan; also that they

should keep the picked and trained men separate, so that these might

be found ready without confusion or disturbance at the first warning.

The cavalry, a suitable number for 600 horses, were finally assembled

by General Don Francisco de Figueroa whom his Lordship had honored with

this command. They were divided into six companies each containing

twenty-five Spaniards, the remainder being cowherds, negroes, and

mulattoes--men very suitable for this service as being dextrous and

inured to hardship. They were mustered in the city and along the

beach in sight of the champans; and were at once divided among the

posts that were most suitable--two companies in Cavite, and the rest

in the environs of Tondo.

All the Sangleys in the provinces of this mainland [of Luzón] who had

not taken refuge in the Parián in time were decapitated. Those who

thus took refuge were confined to the point of Cavite or to the Parián

of the city, so that we might keep them within range of our guns,

and where they would be of advantage for whatever had to be done for

the fortification of both posts and the protection of the shore. His

Lordship commanded that lists be made of [the Sangleys engaged in the

different] crafts, reserving as many of these as were deemed sufficient

for the needs of the city and service; and he ordered that of all the

rest as many as space could be found for should be shipped [to China],

compelling the captains to transport them. There was one champan which

took aboard 1,300 of them; they were so crowded together that they

could hardly sit down; but in this the captain had no small profit,

for they exacted from each one ten pesos as passage-money.

When the champans were ready to weigh anchor, his Lordship was

informed that the two chief leaders of the people who had fled to the

mountains had come down in the last bands. These two were infidels;

one was the contractor for the slaughterhouses, named Barba, and the

other a shopkeeper named [blank space in MS.]; and by the help of

some of their followers they had been hidden, so that they could go

away in the first champans. We had certain information that these

men were among the people on shipboard, but all the efforts of

the officials were frustrated by the dissimulation of the Sangleys

until his Lordship resorted to direct measures, and, summoning the

ship-captains, commanded them to find and surrender those two men,

saying that if they did not he would order their heads to be cut

off. All were terrified and within a few hours they dragged out the two

culprits by the neck--one from the champan on which he had embarked;

the other from a hut in which he had hidden himself. On the following

day they were executed between the Parián and the city in sight of the

Sangleys. They had ruled tyrannically, and with their deaths our fear

passed away, having inflicted due punishment with so little bloodshed.

The champans departed one after another; and on the day when the last

three--those of the ambassador and two others which he carried in his

convoy--were to set sail, which was June 10, his Lordship ordered that

the chimes should be rung as a token of rejoicing over false news

of the ships from Nueva España (which he caused to be published),

artfully brought in by an advice-boat. This was done in order that

the ambassador and the Sangleys, persuaded that we had received

succor of men and money, might with this belief aid in repressing the

fierceness of the barbarian, artfully supplying what was lacking in our

reputation for strength. But God, who directs the hearts of rulers,

made the bells ring for true news, bringing to port on that very day

the patache which came from Nueva España, July 13, when people were

becoming discouraged by the delay of the second advice-boat.

His Lordship gave orders to collect in the Parián all the remaining

Sangleys under penalty of death to any who should leave it;

and although in a few days he gave them more space, it did not

extend beyond the range of the artillery. With the same severity he

compelled them to sleep within the Parián; and as the regiment from

Cagayan came unexpectedly--a warlike people, who, as they belong

to a province so remote, cannot wait for news of the necessity,

but can only forestall it--he lodged these near the Parián in full

readiness for any disturbance. The regiments of Caragas, Cebuans, and

Boholans arrived; the Caragas were sent to the point of Cavite, and

the rest were quartered in La Estacada, [50] the Cagayans proceeding

to Santa Cruz. With these forces the river was thoroughly occupied

from the bar to the upper reaches, and its passage was closed to

the Sangleys. The same plan was observed with the cavalry, the two

companies at Cavite being quartered in the fields there and the rest

in Binondo and Meyhaligue. The Sangleys were thus more thoroughly

imprisoned than if they were in the jail.

From the first day [of the commotion] his Lordship directed all

his efforts to supplying the city with provisions, and succeeded in

bringing in 120,000 cabans of rice with meat, fish, and vegetables. Now

with greater energy he attended to its fortification, personally

overcoming the difficulties: in [procuring] the lime--which were great,

for the rains had begun and the lime was brought so far (from Bulacan

and Bacolor)--and in the construction itself, for eleven defenses

were begun in different places. His Lordship gave personal attention

to those which were most important--eating his meals and despatching

business on the beach in a straw hut that was built for him, so light

that it was carried on men's shoulders from one place to another as

the importance of the work required; and was watchful on every side,

not only on account of the ardor which caused him to give his aid,

but also for the sake of his example. He was the first and most

steadfast in the work of conveying earth and stones for earth-works

and masonry; and his example was followed by the citizens with the

men in their service. Besides this fatigue he was overburdened with

the minor cares of the work, sending in all directions for the lime,

and himself allotting it as if he had no other matters to attend

to. In order that the dissensions among the military leaders might not

delay the execution of his plans, he suppressed the office of chief

master-of-camp and sargento-mayor--which had been created to divide his

cares, and when necessary, to supply his place when absent, since he

must render aid in all quarters--and took upon himself all those cares,

in order that those who were working should find no obstacle that

would delay them. Thus he finished in a short time and with less than

6,000 pesos of expense, works which would have consumed half a million

[pesos] and caused ten years of hardships to the provinces--availing

himself of the opportunity to attain his endeavor, and arranging that

the Sangleys should be exchanged in shifts, 300 together in these. The

[various native] peoples [were exchanged] by companies in the same

manner as were the Spaniards; and the people of the neighboring

villages with longer time for resting their relays, so that they might

not be hindered from attending to their grain-fields. And in this

there was much latitude in the execution of orders, the neglects and

omissions which are so usual to the sloth of those peoples being

overlooked--although the way in which the people were treated,

their willingness, and their consideration of its importance, all

facilitated so difficult an enterprise as the repair of the castle,

which toward the river was threatening to fall. A fausse-braye [51]

was applied to it, which commenced at a cupola and ended at the bar,

with a very handsome platform; and five redoubts were erected which

ran from that point toward the sea as far as the bulwark at the foundry

(which defends the gate on the land side), as the wall was there very

weak and its defenses were far apart and not very convenient. From

this bulwark to the gate was built a covert-way, and in front of it a

ravelin, from which again ran the covert-way until it connected with

the bulwark of Dilao, and met the estuary which crosses from Malosa

the land as far as the moat. At the gate of Santo Domingo another

redoubt was erected, and another at the postern of the Almacenes

[i.e., magazines], so that these shook hands with the cupola at the

river. At the gate of the Parián a spacious ravelin was made with its

covert-way toward the bridge over the river, cutting the land between

the inner and outer ditches, and leaving a passage sunken around the

ditches for a movable bridge. The wall was strengthened toward the

river and Bagumbayan by its fausse-braye. A fine bridge was built

on the estuary of Santa Cruz, so that the cavalry and troops could

reconnoiter unhindered the other side of the river, as well as Sagar

and Antipolo. [52]

At the same time, public prayers were offered. The Augustinian

religious began this with the opportunity afforded by the fiesta of

the canonization of St. Thomas of Villanova. They were followed by the

fathers of the Society of Jesus with the triumphal reception of the

bodies of Sts. Martial and Jucundus and the relics of other martyrs,

which were deposited in the cathedral, and were carried in a grand

procession to the church of the Society; the governor, the Audiencia,

the cabildos, and the citizens, with the regiment of soldiers (who

fired a salute) took part in this. The governor paid the expenses of an

octave festival in the cathedral in honor of the archangel St. Michael

on the fourteenth of January; it began with a procession which marched

through the Calle de Palacio, past the house of the Misericordia,

the convent of San Agustin, and the college of the Society; thence it

turned toward the Recollects by way of the convent of San Francisco

to that of Santo Domingo; and by the college of Santo Tomas returned

to the cathedral. The said prayers were continued until Lent.

In the midst of these pious exercises the ambassador from China found

us: this was the same religious as before, Fray Victorio Riccio. To

the salute which he fired his Lordship commanded answer to be made

with ball, as one who, having been challenged, awaited the envoy on

a war footing; and despatched to the shore the sargento-mayor of the

garrison to tell him that, on account of the hostilities which he

had announced in the name of Cot-sen, we had expected him to come as

an enemy and were prepared to receive him with the sternness that is

customary in war, and that he must inform the governor of the nature

of the despatches that he carried. The ambassador answered that he

came in peace; and by the news which he at once related it was learned

that, only a few days after his Lordship had placed his forces under

the powerful protection of the holy archangel, Cot-sen had died.

That ruler was ready in all the strength given by ships, men, and

provisions to deliberate according to the news that he should receive

from here upon the measures that would have to be taken, when the first

Sangleys [from Manila] arrived. They, driven by fear and urged on by

desperation, scorning the cannon-shots that were fired from the castle,

seized a royal champan which was ready to sail; and those Sangleys who

had left [the Pasig River] in the talisays, for whom there was no room,

seized other champans in the channels of Mariveles. These fugitives

regarded as already executed that of which their fear persuaded them;

and they told the corsair that the governor had commanded that all

the Sangleys should be slain, not only the traders but those who were

living in this city. At this he was kindled to such anger that he

immediately undertook to sally forth for vengeance without heeding the

obstacles that he would now meet in the expedition from unfavorable

weather. It seemed to the Chinese that with only half of their fleet,

even though the other half should perish, they could carry abundant

force for the enterprise. Upon this disturbance of his mind came the

rebellion of his son whom he had commanded to be slain; [53] and the

mandarins of his city, Vi-cheo, [Fuh-chau, or Foo-chow] protected the

son, having resolved to defend him. With these anxieties Cot-sen was

walking one afternoon through the fort on Hermosa Island which he had

gained from the Dutch. His mind began to be disturbed by visions, which

he said appeared to him, of thousands of men who placed themselves

before him, all headless and clamoring for vengeance on the cruelty

and injustice which had been wreaked on them; accordingly, terrified

at this vision (or else a lifelike presentation by his imagination)

he took refuge in his house and flung himself on his bed, consumed

by a fierce and burning fever. This caused him to die on the fifth

day, fiercely scratching his face and biting his hands--without any

further last will than to charge his intimate friends with the death

of his son, or more repentance for his cruelty than to continue it

by the orders that he gave for them to kill various persons; thus

God interrupted by his death many cruel punishments.

Moreover, some mandarins were pacified who were resentful because

the alcaldes of Pangasinan and Cagayan had seized some goods from

their agents; and the father ambassador made satisfactory answers

to the complaints made on account of the incorrect reports of the

fugitives. The Chinese therefore solicited peace, and the continuance

of the trade. This was a piece of good-fortune so timely that it

enabled us to send this year a ship to Nueva España for the usual aid,

the building of this ship having been stopped for lack of iron; for,

since the iron which came in three ships from China had been bought

on his Majesty's account, it became necessary to beg iron from the

religious orders and the citizens and to tear out the few iron gratings

which such emergencies as these had left in the city. This necessarily

made evident to that [Chinese] nation how greatly we depend on them

for our means of support.

The ambassador, Fray Victorio Riccio, finally came hither on April 8

with news of the peace; it had been concluded so much to our favor

that no further conditions were imposed beyond the restitution of

the property which had remained here placed in the hands of private

citizens, and that which the alcaldes-mayor had withheld in Cagayan

and Pangasinan. Thus the country was quieted, and all its people

were freed from the affliction which the haughty and cruel kingdom

of China had caused us by its threats.

The people who followed this corsair amounted to over a million

of men of war alone. The champans (which are their ships), large

and small, numbered 15,000 and many of them carried forty pieces

of artillery. So arrogant was the corsair with his power, that he

aspired to gain the kingdom from the Tartar king (who is also ruler

of Great China) and be crowned at Nanquin, assured that, as Fortune

showed herself friendly to him, the entire empire would follow him as

the man who maintained the authority of it all--not only as he was

captain-general for the dead king but because he had been confirmed

in this office by the king now living, who is called Ens-lec. [54] He

also intended to maintain the superstitions, dress, rites, and customs

of his ancestors--especially the garments and [mode of wearing] the

hair, to which the Chinese are excessively attached. This purpose

had caused them to endure his cruelty, which had been so great

that more than three millions of men had died for his satisfaction

alone. This fierce captain would have succeeded in that enterprise,

if he had not been drawn off from it to gain the neighboring cities,

nine in number (the smallest one containing 200,000 souls), thus

giving the Tartar king time for better preparation. Nevertheless,

he had the courage to invest Nanquin, the court city of Great China,

which is defended by three walls two leguas distant from one another,

the circuit of the first being thirty leguas. [55] He gained the first

wall and brought affairs to such a crisis that the king, fearing his

fierce determination, talked of fleeing from his court of Pequin. The

mandarins warned him that by such a course he would lose the entire

kingdom; for the inhabitants of the city, dispirited by such tokens

of weakness, would instantly surrender in order not to experience

the corsair's ferocity. They said that this victory would give him so

much reputation that he would easily subdue the entire kingdom; that

it was most important to make all the rest of their power effective,

withdrawing all the troops from other strongholds to increase the

royal forces with a multitude of veterans and well-disciplined

soldiers. The king did so and attacked the enemy with 400,000

horsemen; and as Cot-sen on account of having left his islands had

no cavalry worth mention, he was compelled to yield to a power so

formidable. With the loss of 80,000 men and most of his champans,

he left the river on which the court city stands, and returned to his

own town, Vi-chen. But this blow left him so little inclined to profit

by experience and his strength so little diminished that, when the

entire Chinese force pursued him in a fleet of many ships, he went

out to meet them at a legua's distance from his principal island,

[56] and fought with them the greatest battle that those seas have

ever seen. Cot-sen sent most of their champans to the bottom, and

captured many; few escaped, and those were damaged. This filled that

country with such fear that their precautions [against him] wrought

more destruction than his cruelty could have accomplished; for these

obliged the king of China to depopulate the extensive coasts of his

entire kingdom, a strip of land six leguas wide embracing cities of

100,000 or 200,000 inhabitants, in order that they might not be the

prey of the conqueror. [57] This was a measure tending to the latter's

prosperity; for all those many people, finding themselves without

land or settled mode of life, crowded into the corsair's service to

spend their lives and to maintain themselves on the abundant booty

offered to them by his power as absolute master of the seas.

The intention of this barbarian [Cot-sen] was to become the master

of China, profiting by the hatred of the Chinese to the Tartars,

and on the present occasion by the fact of the king's death. But

as Cot-sen needed land whereon to maintain so many people, he was

minded to conquer Hermosa and these islands. Accordingly, he landed

[on Hermosa] first in April, 1660, with 100,000 men, a hundred cannon

for batteries, and a still larger number of field-pieces; the cannons

carried balls of forty to fifty libras. At first the Dutch scoffed

at their forces, calling them "men of the paypay"--that is, "of the

fan," which all of that nation use, as if they were women. Confident

in the impregnable nature of their fortress (into which they gathered

the feeble garrison of the island), and in the large and splendid

force of men which defended it, more than two thousand in number,

although they had nineteen ships, they did not take these out of

the river when they could; and the Sangleys attacked them on the

sea to great advantage overcoming the Dutch with their champans, and

inflicting much injury on them--for these champans are lighter vessels

[than those of the Dutch], and their people are very skilful in the

management of artillery. The Dutch at once sallied out with 300 men

to prevent them from occupying the islet in the Mosamboy entrance,

[58] on which the Chinese expected to plant their battery; but the

multitude charged upon the Dutch and cut off the heads of all, except

one or two who escaped by swimming. This humbled the pride of the

Dutch and dispirited their men. As soon as the Chinese landed their

men they attacked the eminence, where the Dutch had a fort called

Chiacam garrisoned with sixty soldiers; but it surrendered on the third

day, and the Chinese used the Dutchmen for handling the artillery,

assigning them to various stations. In the harbor they burned three

ships and boarded one; and such was the fear that filled the hearts

of the timid of falling into the hands of so bloody and savage an

enemy, that twelve Dutch fugitives with other people went to him

[as those who surrendered] with five brigantines which the [Dutch]

fort had employed for many purposes.

The Chinese began their enterprise with as much fury as if they

had lacked time for the attacks of their batteries; but in their

assurance and the manner of their encampment they acted as if

time were of no importance, since it was the chief enemy of the

besieged. Palmo by palmo they steadily gained the [surrounding]

country, carrying with them branches, and baskets [of earth], until

they established themselves near the fortifications of the Dutch;

and during the ten months while the siege lasted they did not cease

firing all their artillery, night or day. In another direction an

innumerable throng of laborers were continually at work cultivating

the soil, as if they were already its owners; and before the fort

surrendered, the Chinese were already enjoying the produce of their

farming. For the proud corsair went [to Hermosa] so confident in his

strength that among the 500 champans which he took with him for this

enterprise many went loaded with plows, seeds, and the other things

used in cultivating land with innumerable workmen who were set aside

for this service alone. Consequently, while he fought he peopled and

cultivated the island without any one being able to prevent him; and,

as he is so rich, he carried a great quantity of cloth, in order to

attract the poor natives and bring them over to his side, in which

he has succeeded.

Only one other engagement was a success for the Dutch, who undertook,

when the Chinese first encamped, to bombard them with all their cannon

at once; and, having thus demolished their huts and fortifications,

the Dutch made a bold sortie, spiked six of the enemy's cannon,

cut to pieces the garrison, 3,000 in number, and were carrying away

nineteen pieces of artillery to the fort. But another Sangley officer

hurried up with his regiment and attacked the Dutch with such fury

that they were obliged to leave the captured cannon behind, and in

disorder, take refuge within the fort. With the twelve Dutchmen they

put the fortifications in better shape, and their bombardment began

to be more effective. Finally they demolished the redoubt with all

the fortifications outside, and approached the fort so closely that

the men on the walls talked with those in the enemy's camp. They

demolished the second height of the wall, which had no terreplein;

the governor of the place was killed by a cannon-ball; and every day

the enemy came up to the walls to drink the health of the Dutchmen

and display other soldierly civilities.

They had now demolished all of the wall that rose above the

terreplein, and talked of making a general assault. The Dutch began

to be disheartened by the death of the governor and the loss of so

many soldiers; and when they saw the preparations for the assault

they talked of negotiating fur surrender, in order that they might

not be left exposed to the enemy's cruelty--since for that arrogant

tyrant it was the same to slay five or six thousand men as one. He

therefore at once replaced twice the number in a post [which had

lost its defenders], as he was so near to his island of Vicheu

where he kept the main body of his followers, from which they were

continually coming and going; and for every one who died a thousand

fresh men came to his camp. They now set out to engage the Dutch with

six hundred scaling-ladders, fourteen of their men being allotted to

each ladder; but the besieged hung out a white flag, and came out

to propose terms of surrender. This was granted with the condition

that only the property of private persons should be removed, and

that they must surrender intact the property of the [East India]

Company, which was done. It is computed according to the Company's

books, that with the military supplies and the artillery of the fort,

[this capture] had a value of five millions--an amount which will

not cause surprise to any one who knows that this place was the

magazine for the two richest traffics in the Orient, those of China

and Japon. The artillery found there [by the Chinese] included 150

pieces; the firearms, 4,000; and there were provisions and military

supplies for years. The slain in this war, for the entire period,

were: of the Dutch, 630; of the Chinese, 10,000 men. The vanquished

left the fort on the day of the Purification of our Lady, six hundred

in number, and embarked in nine ships which had remained in the harbor.

In short, this [i.e., the Chinese] people is the most ingenious in

the world; and when they see any contrivance in practice they employ

it with more facility than do the Europeans. Accordingly, they are

not now inferior in the military art, and in their method of warfare

they excel the entire world. No soldier is hindered by providing his

food; every five men have their own cook. All are divided into tens,

and every ten have their own flag, and on it are written the names

of its soldiers. These tens are gathered into companies and regiments

with such concert and such ease in governing them that Europeans who

have seen it are astonished.

Consider the anxiety that must be caused by a nation so ingenious, so

hardy, so practiced in the military art, so numerous, so haughty and

cruel, in a city where all the forts together could not call to arms

2,000 Spaniards--and these of so many colors that not two hundred pure

Spaniards could be picked out from them--and occupying so much space

that for its suitable garrison it needs 6,000 soldiers. From this may

be inferred the joy that was felt throughout the city [at his death]

and the so special kindness of God in putting an end to this tyrant

in the prime of his life--for he was only thirty-nine years old, and

had spent his time in continued military practice from the year 1644

until that of 1662, when he conquered Hermosa Island. He was always

favored by fortune, and there was no undertaking in which he did not

succeed except the siege of Nanquin--which would be considered foolish

temerity by any one who will consider the strength and greatness

of that city--an enterprise in which he had to entomb or submerge

in blood his fortune and his acquired glories; yet it weakened him

so little that he quickly restored the losses, victorious over the

entire naval force of China.

At the beginning of June his Lordship gave permission to all the

[native] tribes to return home; they went away well satisfied and

loaded with praises. He gave the Chinese more freedom, permitting

them to remove to the villages adjoining the city, and releasing

them from serving on the ships [de las faginas] on account of the

great labors which they had performed before his Lordship's eyes in

completing, with so much readiness and with so little expenditure

of time and money, [public] works which [otherwise] could not have

been finished in ten years of hard labor, with half a million pesos,

and the exhaustion of the weak natives of the neighboring provinces.

His Lordship summoned a council, in which by his command were read

the letters from the mandarins who were directors and guardians of

Cot-sen's estate, written by order of his son, in which was discussed

the stipulation which they made a condition of peace--the restitution

of the property which their agents had left here in trust, and

other merchandise which the alcaldes-mayor of Ylocos and Cagayan had

withheld. In accordance with the [decision of the] first council, this

one ordered that such restitution be made. Therein was also discussed

the question whether the Sangleys should be permitted to live in the

islands; this was done by a few ecclesiastics (only three in number),

who opposed such permission; they had attempted, both in the pulpit and

in private conversation, to persuade the rest to their opinion. All of

the council agreed with only one dissenting voice, that the Sangleys

ought to be allowed to remain here up to the number which the decrees

of his Majesty regarding this matter have prescribed--that is, 6,000

men--provided that they be not allowed to spread into other provinces,

nor go beyond the villages included in the jurisdiction of Tondo

(which is in the territory of this city) conformably to the royal

ordinances which have fixed these limits. All recognized our need of

that [Chinese] nation, in the lack and scarcity of all things to which

we see ourselves now reduced--all because the number of the Sangleys

has been diminished, since the natives have neither energy nor strength

to support the burdens that the Chinese carry; and much more on account

of our dependence upon their trade, for everything. For not only does

everything necessary for life come to us from China--as wheat, cloth,

and earthenware--but it is the Sangleys who carry on all the crafts,

and who with their traffic maintain the fortunes of the citizens

(without those other products of vineyards and olive-groves that

are furnished in the industries carried on in Nueva España) from

the merchandise of China, having secured in their hands the entire

commerce of these islands, since that of Yndia and Japon failed. His

Lordship, having handsomely entertained the ambassador, dismissed him,

with letters for the prince and the mandarins; and we here remain in

peace, affairs settled as they were before, and the fear [removed]

that an enemy so powerful and at our very gates must occasion us.

LETTER FROM GOVERNOR SALCEDO TO FRANCISCO YZQUIERDO

Summary of this letter, written from Manila, dated July 16, 1664,

giving information regarding the condition of the islands at his

arrival, and the measures that he had taken.

He states therein that he set sail from the port of Acapulco on

March 25, 1663; and after a prosperous voyage they sighted the

cape of Espiritusanto. There a vendaval storm came against them, so

violent that it carried them to Cape Engaño; and on July 8 he landed,

made the ship secure, unladed all the money sent for the situado,

and made arrangements for its transportation to Manila. The governor

was gladly received there, and took possession of the government and

the authority of captain-general, on September 8, 1663.

He found the islands in most wretched condition--the Spaniards as

yet hardly reassured after the insurrections of the years 61 and 62,

and the natives irritated by cruel punishments. The royal treasury

was so exhausted that it contained no more than 35,000 pesos; the

magazines were destitute of provisions, ammunition, and other supplies

for the relief of the fortified posts and the soldiers. A few months

before, the soldiers had received part of their pay--each one who

had eight pesos of wages being paid one peso, and others receiving

only a ration of rice and meat. But the governor found the officials

of all classes still unpaid; and he had no ship to send to Nueva

España, because the vessel sent thither by his predecessor had put

back to port. The commerce [of the islands] with all the neighboring

countries was paralyzed, and the said commerce must again be revived,

for without it Manila could not exist.

He states that he had ordered timber to be cut for repairing the ship

that would go to Nueva España, and for the construction of the forty

galleys that were needed for the defense of the islands from the

Moro pirates that infested them--who were still more daring since

the abandonment of our forts on account of our fear of the Chinese

Cotseng. The governor ordered that wheat shall be sowed, since this is

so necessary to the manufacture of sea-biscuit for the ships, and in

order not to depend upon foreigners for the supply of this article. For

the same reasons, he caused an engineer (whom he had carried to the

islands at his own expense) to make examination of the iron mines;

this reconnaissance had given satisfactory results, for the engineer

had begun to work the mines with so good success that he had taken out

nearly 600 arrobas [of iron], and was continuing to operate the mines.

In another (but undated) letter on the same subject, he mentions the

improvements that he had had to make in the walls of Manila; and says

that he had ordered four forts to be built in the interior of Luzon,

in order to push forward the conquest of the infidel peoples. He also

repeats much of what he had said in the preceding letter. [59]

WHY THE FRIARS ARE NOT SUBJECTED TO EPISCOPAL VISITATION

The reasons that the governor and the royal Audiencia of the Filipinas

Islands apparently might have had for suspending the execution of the

royal decrees, which were repeatedly ordered to be observed in favor

of the right of the royal patronage, from the year 1624 to that of 1656

[sic] have been as follows. [60]

First, the consideration of the zealous observance of [their rules

by] all the orders in those islands; the zeal with which they busy

themselves in their ministries; the new conversions that are made daily

in certain portions of the islands; and because if the religious are

forced to that subjection [to the diocesan authorities] they will

surely fall into laxity, and consequently, will lose the zeal that

they today exercise, as experience shows in the orders throughout

America that have entered that subjection.

Second, because of the few seculars that there have always been in the

islands to take charge of those missions; for when these were most

numerous here was in the years 24, 28, and 34, for then the city of

Manila had 400 citizens, and Cebu, Oton, Nueva Segovia, and Arevalo had

nearly 200 more. Now the representative citizens throughout the islands

do not number 60. Then if in that time, when the islands contained most

Spaniards, there were no secular priests, how can there be any today

when there are not 60 citizens in all the islands, while the number

of priests is steadily growing less in America, where the Spanish

settlements are large and populous and are continually increasing?

So great is the lack of the secular clergy that they cannot even

take care of the missions in their charge. For there is no district

belonging to the seculars, especially outside of the island of Manila,

that does not need two or three priests; for most of the villages

of their jurisdiction are 10, 20, or 30 leguas distant from the

chief mission station--from which, as they find themselves alone,

they do not go out to visit their districts as a rule, except once a

year. Consequently many must necessarily die without the sacraments,

and even the children without baptism, because of the laziness of the

Indians and the little esteem in which they hold the faith because of

the lack of instruction. Even the ministers themselves run the risk

of dying without confession, and there are not few examples of that

in those islands. That occurs because they can do no more, and have

no priests who can aid them in their ministries. In order to have

these, they must maintain them at their own cost, in order to meet

the obligations of their consciences. But the regulars in all their

districts which consist of many villages (they have three or four

priests in each district), are ever traveling unceasingly by sea and

land, visiting their villages. Consequently the villages instructed

by the religious are frequent in their use of the holy sacraments,

because of their good opinion of our holy Catholic faith, and their

stricter observance of it.

The ministries of those islands need at least 400 priests who are

religious; for I assume that there must not be only one to a district,

as are the seculars in regions so extensive as these, but three or

four, and sometimes more, and that is a matter involving a question of

conscience, because of their ministries and their own souls; for there

is a district belonging to the seculars where a priest does not arrive

for a whole year, and if one reaches some parts, it is only by chance.

For the above reasons I believe that the governor and the royal

Audiencia of Manila, as those who have the matter in hand, in the past

year of 1665 suspended the execution of the said decrees, giving a

time-limit of four years to the Order of St. Dominic to present the

said reasons to his Majesty and his royal Council of the Yndias. For

it is to be believed that if they found it advisable for the royal

service (as they are so attentive to it) to carry out the exact royal

orders in the matter, they would not have delayed the execution of

the orders for four years, nor have allowed any more replies.

The reasons that the regulars have for petitioning his Majesty to

be pleased not to change the method that they have followed for the

space of one hundred years in their administration of the Indians in

the islands, are as follows:

First, because the Indians are not yet well rooted in the faith,

and there are still a great number of heathen and Moros to be newly

converted--for the sacred Order of St. Dominic has many heathen

in the provinces of Cagayan, Pangasinan, and Ytui. The Order of

St. Augustine has still many heathen among the Yglotes (who belong

to the province of Ylocos) and in the island of Panay. The Society of

Jesus has all the island of Mindanao, those of Jolo, and the islands

adjacent to them, which are for the most part inhabited by Moros and

to a less extent by Christians and heathens. They have abandoned the

Maluccas, where they have labored for so many years; and at present

they administer only the island of Siao which is all Christian. The

Recollect Augustinians administer the Negrillos of Masinlo and many

of the Caragas bordering upon the Mindanaos. The Order of St. Francis

is not lacking in Aetas (who are still heathen) in their districts

of La Laguna and the mountains there to be converted.

Second, because the missions of the Filipinas are suitable for

him who is looking for hardship and not ease. How is it possible

for missions in the islands of old infested by infidel pirates, and

[now] having new conversions of Moros and heathen, not to be full of

hardship? For as a rule, those missions outside the island of Manila

are visited by sea by their ministers; and that brings them no little

trouble besides the constant danger of being killed by the Moros.

Third, because the regulars in those islands now and those who have

always been there have almost all come from España, and have gone

to them, not for the purpose of any temporal advantage, but with

the design of reducing infidels to the bosom of the Church. Most of

them are desirous of going thence to Japon, as the reduction of that

empire as well as a portion of that of China belongs to the crown of

Castilla. Since, then, the missions and doctrinas of those islands are

so apostolic, and the zeal of the regulars in going there is expended

only in the direction of promulgating the gospel among heathen, one can

easily infer how necessary it is that the regulars be maintained there

in the strict observance and spirit with which they left España. They

fear, and with great reason, that if that subjection be accepted the

regulars in those islands will relax, as has been experienced in the

provinces where the orders have bowed to that subjection, paying heed

perchance rather to not leaving the comforts of the fatherland than

to the observance of their rules. But since the religious in the

Filipinas Islands are not rooted in their fatherlands, but on the

contrary regard themselves as exiled therefrom, it is impossible for

them to return thither. Subject there to hardships and sickness (for

the climate of Filipinas is less favorable and healthful to Europeans),

they will not have the difficulty in quitting their ministries that

has been experienced in America--where, in order not to leave their

ministries, they have become subject, thus losing their positions;

and they will not be willing that the most religious and those most

zealous for their rules should at least keep away from the missions and

ministries of the Indians through the imposition of that burden, and

that no others should be found. Consequently, with that subjection they

desire again to journey to parts so remote; so that in such case, in

those provinces which are today so religious, their courage would grow

less and that not without danger to those ministries, which by their

very nature demand zealous persons and those of a very superior virtue.

For it is sufficient to consider that, if serious men of learning

and virtue subject themselves to the ordinary in order to minister

in a doctrina, it may happen that they will be punished for a slight

omission or neglect, perhaps one that they could not avoid--such as not

being able to arrive in time to hear the confession of a dying person

or to give him the holy oil; or to baptize a new-born infant. It is

possible that this fear alone would make some refuse the ministries

of the islands with such a risk. For although the ordinary cannot

punish them as religious, he can punish them as curas; and in such

a case it is difficult to proceed between cura and religious.

In the first place the religious's definitorio may assign him also to

a house with a vote, all of which have ministries in the Filipinas;

and an ambitious man may by the exercise of skill, and by influence,

intercessions, and presents deprive him of the place, and perhaps

may impute to him faults and defects that he does not possess in

order to attain his purpose better and to justify his action. That

can not fail to be a cause for sorrow, and more so to one who has

no foundation in the islands, but who is rather disgusted at being

there; and it will be a sufficient cause for him to retire from his

ministries and even to attempt to return to España.

And even though the superiors may order the religious to live in

their missions with that subjection, it may be that they cannot

obtain it by entreaty from them, and that the religious will excuse

themselves by saying with St. Paul: Unusquisque enim in ea vocatione

qua vocatus est permanet. [61] They may also say that they wish to

persevere in the vocation to which they were called by God, and that

they did not enter religion to recognize two superiors, one a regular

and the other a secular, but rather one of their own profession--by

whom they would willingly allow themselves to be visited, censured,

and punished; but not by two distinct in profession. For if there

are two superiors who are unequal in profession, it is quite possible

that they will be at variance in the matters of orders and obedience;

and that such subordinate may be in doubt without the power to help

it lest obedience to one be an offense to the other. Consequently,

placed between two extremes, he will come to obey the more powerful

and to disobey his regular superior, who is the one from whom he can

fear less.

And one might doubt whether the superior could impose on those

who should be thus firm in their purpose the precept of obedience,

so that they should subject themselves as curas to an ordinary and

to tho choice of a governor. And if for the above reasons those who

are zealous for their rules should be lacking in the provinces and

ministries, the men who are less religious would become the mainstay

of the provinces and would administer the missions--men whom neither

ambition nor their slight attachment to the observance calls away [from

the order]. Consequently, such men coming in time to rule the provinces

and to possess the ministries in those islands, the end will be that

there will be no religion, observance, or examples in them to invite

the Indians, but only scandals by which they will stumble; for, as a

foolish people, they embrace what they see rather than what they hear.

Besides the above, the orders fear lest the governors and the

ordinaries will make use of that subjection to harass them, especially

if by any accident some collision should occur between them and the

authorities. For if the governor had the selection of the [religious

of the] villages in his control, who could prevent him from removing

or appointing whomever he wished, or choosing those whom he considered

better for his own purposes and even molesting the good? For since all

the houses with votes in those islands except the convents of Manila

are doctrinas, he could place in them the men satisfactory to himself;

and these would not fail him in the following provincial chapters in

accepting from his hand a provincial who would be most advantageous

to him, or most inclined to agree with him. Consequently, he would

become absolute master of the monastic government of the orders. If the

ordinaries wished to molest those religious whom they did not like,

who could prevent them from fulminating penalties for the slightest

causes? and this especially where the witnesses are Indians who would

swear against their missionaries at any threat or for any profit,

whatever the ministers or the visitors of the bishops wished.

It is well seen that all those troubles, so possible, would cease

if the governors would govern according to the pious zeal and most

Christian intention of his Majesty, and the ordinaries according

to the obligation of their estate. But, nevertheless, in parts so

distant and remote from the heart of the monarchy, not all the

governors and ordinaries work in harmony. For even the good and

those regarded as such in España are wont to become changed in

the Yndias, and to act very differently from what was expected

of them; for power and opportunity generally change the purposes

and disorder the expectations of those who are by nature covetous,

revengeful, or subject to other passions. What may not [therefore]

be feared? On account of all those things the fears of the orders are

not ill founded. Would that experience did not testify to all these

possibilities. Since even without that subjection the governors and

ordinaries are wont to give the regulars causes for merit for very

slight causes, what would it be if they held the regulars as subjects

and had absolute power to be able to punish them as criminals and to

depose them as guilty?

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 36, 1649-1666 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century. · 第 4 / 5 章

62. In the midst of the city is the Misericordia's seminary for orphan