When in the prime of his life Leonardo re-encountered that blissful and

ecstatic smile as it had once encircled his mother's mouth in caressing,

he had long been under the ban of an inhibition, forbidding him ever

again to desire such tenderness from women's lips. But as he had become

a painter he endeavored to reproduce this smile with his brush and

furnish all his pictures with it, whether he executed them himself or

whether they were done by his pupils under his direction, as in Leda,

John, and Bacchus. The latter two are variations of the same type.

Muther says: "From the locust eater of the Bible Leonardo made a

Bacchus, an Apollo, who with a mysterious smile on his lips, and with

his soft thighs crossed, looks on us with infatuated eyes." These

pictures breathe a mysticism into the secret of which one dares not

penetrate; at most one can make the effort to construct the connection

to Leonardo's earlier productions. The figures are again androgynous but

no longer in the sense of the vulture phantasy, they are pretty boys of

feminine tenderness with feminine forms; they do not cast down their

eyes but gaze mysteriously triumphant, as if they knew of a great happy

issue concerning which one must remain quiet; the familiar fascinating

smile leads us to infer that it is a love secret. It is possible that in

these forms Leonardo disavowed and artistically conquered the

unhappiness of his love life, in that he represented the wish

fulfillment of the boy infatuated with his mother in such blissful union

of the male and female nature.

[Illustration: JOHN THE BAPTIST]

V

Among the entries in Leonardo's diaries there is one which absorbs the

reader's attention through its important content and on account of a

small formal error. In July, 1504, he wrote:

"Adi 9 Luglio, 1504, mercoledi, a ore 7 mori Ser Piero da Vinci notalio

al palazzo del Potesta, mio padre, a ore 7. Era d'eta d'anni 80, lascio

10 figlioli maschi e 2 feminine."[64]

The notice as we see deals with the death of Leonardo's father. The

slight error in its form consists in the fact that in the computation of

the time "at 7 o'clock" is repeated two times, as if Leonardo had

forgotten at the end of the sentence that he had already written it at

the beginning. It is only a triviality to which any one but a

psychoanalyst would pay no attention. Perhaps he would not even notice

it, or if his attention would be called to it he would say "that can

happen to anybody during absent-mindedness or in an affective state and

has no further meaning."

The psychoanalyst thinks differently; to him nothing is too trifling as

a manifestation of hidden psychic processes; he has long learned that

such forgetting or repetition is full of meaning, and that one is

indebted to the "absent-mindedness" when it makes possible the betrayal

of otherwise concealed feelings.

We would say that, like the funeral account of Caterina and the expense

account of the pupils, this notice, too, corresponds to a case in which

Leonardo was unsuccessful in suppressing his affects, and the long

hidden feeling forcibly obtained a distorted expression. Also the form

is similar, it shows the same pedantic precision, the same pushing

forward of numbers.[65]

We call such a repetition a perseveration. It is an excellent means to

indicate the affective accentuation. One recalls for example Saint

Peter's angry speech against his unworthy representative on earth, as

given in Dante's Paradiso:[66]

"Quegli ch'usurpa in terra il luoga mio

Il luoga mio, il luogo mio, che vaca

Nella presenza del Figliuol di Dio,

Fatto ha del cimiterio mio cloaca."

Without Leonardo's affective inhibition the entry into the diary could

perhaps have read as follows: To-day at 7 o'clock died my father, Ser

Piero da Vinci, my poor father! But the displacement of the

perseveration to the most indifferent determination of the obituary to

dying-hour robs the notice of all pathos and lets us recognize that

there was something here to conceal and to suppress.

Ser Piero da Vinci, notary and descendant of notaries, was a man of

great energy who attained respect and affluence. He was married four

times, the two first wives died childless, and not till the third

marriage has he gotten the first legitimate son, in 1476, when Leonardo

was 24 years old, and had long ago changed his father's home for the

studio of his master Verrocchio. With the fourth and last wife whom he

married when he was already in the fifties he begot nine sons and two

daughters.[67]

To be sure the father also assumed importance in Leonardo's psychosexual

development, and what is more, it was not only in a negative sense,

through his absence during the boy's first childhood years, but also

directly through his presence in his later childhood. He who as a child

desires his mother, cannot help wishing to put himself in his father's

place, to identify himself with him in his phantasy and later make it

his life's task to triumph over him. As Leonardo was not yet five years

old when he was received into his paternal home, the young step-mother,

Albiera, certainly must have taken the place of his mother in his

feeling, and this brought him into that relation of rivalry to his

father which may be designated as normal. As is known, the preference

for homosexuality did not manifest itself till near the years of

puberty. When Leonardo accepted this preference the identification with

the father lost all significance for his sexual life, but continued in

other spheres of non-erotic activity. We hear that he was fond of luxury

and pretty raiments, and kept servants and horses, although according to

Vasari's words "he hardly possessed anything and worked little." We

shall not hold his artistic taste entirely responsible for all these

special likings; we recognize in them also the compulsion to copy his

father and to excel him. He played the part of the great gentleman to

the poor peasant girl, hence the son retained the incentive that he also

play the great gentleman, he had the strong feeling "to out-herod

Herod," and to show his father exactly how the real high rank looks.

Whoever works as an artist certainly feels as a father to his works. The

identification with his father had a fateful result in Leonardo's works

of art. He created them and then troubled himself no longer about them,

just as his father did not trouble himself about him. The later

worriments of his father could change nothing in this compulsion, as the

latter originated from the impressions of the first years of childhood,

and the repression having remained unconscious was incorrigible through

later experiences.

At the time of the Renaissance, and even much later, every artist was in

need of a gentleman of rank to act as his benefactor. This patron was

wont to give the artist commissions for work and entirely controlled his

destiny. Leonardo found his patron in Lodovico Sforza, nicknamed Il

Moro, a man of high aspirations, ostentations, diplomatically astute,

but of an unstable and unreliable character. In his court in Milan,

Leonardo spent the best period of his life, while in his service he

evinced his most uninhibited productive activity as is evidenced in The

Last Supper, and in the equestrian statue of Francesco Sforza. He left

Milan before the catastrophe struck Lodovico Moro, who died a prisoner

in a French prison. When the news of his benefactor's fate reached

Leonardo he made the following entry in his diary: "The duke has lost

state, wealth, and liberty, not one of his works will be finished by

himself."[68] It is remarkable and surely not without significance that

he here raises the same reproach to his benefactor that posterity was to

apply to him, as if he wanted to lay the responsibility to a person who

substituted his father-series, for the fact that he himself left his

works unfinished. As a matter of fact he was not wrong in what he said

about the Duke.

However, if the imitation of his father hurt him as an artist, his

resistance against the father was the infantile determinant of his

perhaps equally vast accomplishment as an artist. According to

Merejkowski's beautiful comparison he was like a man who awoke too early

in the darkness, while the others were all still asleep. He dared utter

this bold principle which contains the justification for all independent

investigation: _"Chi dispute allegando l'autorita non adopra l'ingegno

ma piuttosto la memoria"_ (Whoever refers to authorities in disputing

ideas, works with his memory rather than with his reason).[69] Thus he

became the first modern natural philosopher, and his courage was

rewarded by an abundance of cognitions and suggestions; since the Greek

period he was the first to investigate the secrets of nature, relying

entirely on his observation and his own judgment. But when he learned to

depreciate authority and to reject the imitation of the "ancients" and

constantly pointed to the study of nature as the source of all wisdom,

he only repeated in the highest sublimation attainable to man, which had

already obtruded itself on the little boy who surveyed the world with

wonder. To retranslate the scientific abstractions into concrete

individual experiences, we would say that the "ancients" and authority

only corresponded to the father, and nature again became the tender

mother who nourished him. While in most human beings to-day, as in

primitive times, the need for a support of some authority is so

imperative that their world becomes shaky when their authority is

menaced, Leonardo alone was able to exist without such support; but that

would not have been possible had he not been deprived of his father in

the first years of his life. The boldness and independence of his later

scientific investigation presupposes that his infantile sexual

investigation was not inhibited by his father, and this same spirit of

scientific independence was continued by his withdrawing from sex.

If any one like Leonardo escapes in his childhood his father's

intimidation and later throws off the shackles of authority in his

scientific investigation, it would be in gross contradiction to our

expectation if we found that this same man remained a believer and

unable to withdraw from dogmatic religion. Psychoanalysis has taught us

the intimate connection between the father complex and belief in God,

and daily demonstrates to us how youthful persons lose their religious

belief as soon as the authority of the father breaks down. In the

parental complex we thus recognize the roots of religious need; the

almighty, just God, and kindly nature appear to us as grand sublimations

of father and mother, or rather as revivals and restorations of the

infantile conceptions of both parents. Religiousness is biologically

traced to the long period of helplessness and need of help of the little

child. When the child grows up and realizes his loneliness and weakness

in the presence of the great forces of life, he perceives his condition

as in childhood and seeks to disavow his despair through a regressive

revival of the protecting forces of childhood.

It does not seem that Leonardo's life disproves this conception of

religious belief. Accusations charging him with irreligiousness, which

in those times was equivalent to renouncing Christianity, were brought

against him already in his lifetime, and were clearly described in the

first biography given by Vasari.[70] In the second edition of his Vite

(1568) Vasari left out this observation. In view of the extraordinary

sensitiveness of his age in matters of religion it is perfectly

comprehensible to us why Leonardo refrained from directly expressing his

position to Christianity in his notes. As investigator he did not permit

himself to be misled by the account of the creation of the holy

scriptures; for instance, he disputed the possibility of a universal

flood, and in geology he was as unscrupulous in calculating with hundred

thousands of years as modern investigators.

Among his "prophecies" one finds some things that would perforce offend

the sensitive feelings of a religious Christian, e.g. Praying to the

images of Saints, reads as follows:[71]

"People talk to people who perceive nothing, who have open eyes and see

nothing; they shall talk to them and receive no answer; they shall adore

those who have ears and hear nothing; they shall burn lamps for those

who do not see."

Or: Concerning mourning on Good Friday (p. 297):

"In all parts of Europe great peoples will bewail the death of one man

who died in the Orient."

It was asserted of Leonardo's art that he took away the last remnant of

religious attachment from the holy figures and put them into human form

in order to depict in them great and beautiful human feelings. Muther

praises him for having overcome the feeling of decadence, and for having

returned to man the right of sensuality and pleasurable enjoyment. The

notices which show Leonardo absorbed in fathoming the great riddles of

nature do not lack any expressions of admiration for the creator, the

last cause of all these wonderful secrets, but nothing indicates that he

wished to hold any personal relation to this divine force. The sentences

which contain the deep wisdom of his last years breathe the resignation

of the man who subjects himself to the laws of nature and expects no

alleviation from the kindness or grace of God. There is hardly any doubt

that Leonardo had vanquished dogmatic as well as personal religion, and

through his work of investigation he had withdrawn far from the world

aspect of the religious Christian.

From our views mentioned before in the development of the infantile

psychic life, it becomes clear that also Leonardo's first investigations

in childhood occupied themselves with the problems of sexuality. But he

himself betrays it to us through a transparent veil, in that he

connects his impulse to investigate with the vulture phantasy, and in

emphasizing the problem of the flight of the bird as one whose

elaboration devolved upon him through special concatenations of fate. A

very obscure as well as a prophetically sounding passage in his notes

dealing with the flight of the bird demonstrates in the nicest way with

how much affective interest he clung to the wish that he himself should

be able to imitate, the art of flying: "The human bird shall take his

first flight, filling the world with amazement, all writings with his

fame, and bringing eternal glory to the nest whence he sprang." He

probably hoped that he himself would sometimes be able to fly, and we

know from the wish fulfilling dreams of people what bliss one expects

from the fulfillment of this hope.

But why do so many people dream that they are able to fly?

Psychoanalysis answers this question by stating that to fly or to be a

bird in the dream is only a concealment of another wish, to the

recognition of which one can reach by more than one linguistic or

objective bridge. When the inquisitive child is told that a big bird

like the stork brings the little children, when the ancients have formed

the phallus winged, when the popular designation of the sexual activity

of man is expressed in German by the word "to bird" (voegeln), when the

male member is directly called _l'uccello_ (bird) by the Italians, all

these facts are only small fragments from a large collection which

teaches us that the wish to be able to fly signifies in the dream

nothing more or less than the longing for the ability of sexual

accomplishment. This is an early infantile wish. When the grown-up

recalls his childhood it appears to him as a happy time in which one is

happy for the moment and looks to the future without any wishes, it is

for this reason that he envies children. But if children themselves

could inform us about it they would probably give different reports. It

seems that childhood is not that blissful Idyl into which we later

distort it, that on the contrary children are lashed through the years

of childhood by the wish to become big, and to imitate the grown ups.

This wish instigates all their playing. If in the course of their

sexual investigation children feel that the grown up knows something

wonderful in the mysterious and yet so important realm, what they are

prohibited from knowing or doing, they are seized with a violent wish to

know it, and dream of it in the form of flying, or prepare this disguise

of the wish for their later flying dreams. Thus aviation, which has

attained its aim in our times, has also its infantile erotic roots.

By admitting that he entertained a special personal relation to the

problem of flying since his childhood, Leonardo bears out what we must

assume from our investigation of children of our times, namely, that his

childhood investigation was directed to sexual matters. At least this

one problem escaped the repression which has later estranged him from

sexuality. From childhood until the age of perfect intellectual maturity

this subject, slightly varied, continued to hold his interest, and it is

quite possible that he was as little successful in his cherished art in

the primary sexual sense as in his desires for mechanical matters, that

both wishes were denied to him.

As a matter of fact the great Leonardo remained infantile in some ways

throughout his whole life; it is said that all great men retain

something of the infantile. As a grown up he still continued playing,

which sometimes made him appear strange and incomprehensible to his

contemporaries. When he constructed the most artistic mechanical toys

for court festivities and receptions we are dissatisfied thereby because

we dislike to see the master waste his power on such petty stuff. He

himself did not seem averse to giving his time to such things. Vasari

reports that he did similar things even when not urged to it by request:

"There (in Rome) he made a doughy mass out of wax, and when it softened

he formed thereof very delicate animals filled with air; when he blew

into them they flew in the air, and when the air was exhausted they fell

to the ground. For a peculiar lizard caught by the wine-grower of

Belvedere Leonardo made wings from skin pulled off from other lizards,

which he filled with mercury so that they moved and trembled when it

walked; he then made for it eyes, a beard and horns, tamed it and put it

in a little box and terrified all his friends with it."[72] Such

playing often served him as an expression of serious thoughts: "He had

often cleaned the intestines of a sheep so well that one could hold them

in the hollow of the hand; he brought them into a big room, and attached

them to a blacksmith's bellows which he kept in an adjacent room, he

then blew them up until they filled up the whole room so that everybody

had to crowd into a corner. In this manner he showed how they gradually

became transparent and filled up with air, and as they were at first

limited to very little space and gradually became more and more extended

in the big room, he compared them to a genius."[73] His fables and

riddles evince the same playful pleasure in harmless concealment and

artistic investment, the riddles were put into the form of prophecies;

almost all are rich in ideas and to a remarkable degree devoid of wit.

The plays and jumps which Leonardo allowed his phantasy have in some

cases quite misled his biographers who misunderstood this part of his

nature. In Leonardo's Milanese manuscripts one finds, for example,

outlines of letters to the "Diodario of Sorio (Syria), viceroy of the

holy Sultan of Babylon," in which Leonardo presents himself as an

engineer sent to these regions of the Orient in order to construct some

works. In these letters he defends himself against the reproach of

laziness, he furnishes geographical descriptions of cities and

mountains, and finally discusses a big elementary event which occurred

while he was there.[74]

In 1881, J. P. Richter had endeavored to prove from these documents that

Leonardo made these traveler's observations when he really was in the

service of the Sultan of Egypt, and that while in the Orient he embraced

the Mohammedan religion. This sojourn in the Orient should have taken

place in the time of 1483, that is, before he removed to the court of

the Duke of Milan. However, it was not difficult for other authors to

recognize the illustrations of this supposed journey to the Orient as

what they really were, namely, phantastic productions of the youthful

artist which he created for his own amusement, and in which he probably

brought to expression his wishes to see the world and experience

adventures.

A phantastic formation is probably also the "Academia Vinciana," the

acceptance of which is due to the existence of five or six most clever

and intricate emblems with the inscription of the Academy. Vasari

mentions these drawings but not the Academy.[75] Muentz who placed such

ornament on the cover of his big work on Leonardo belongs to the few who

believe in the reality of an "Academia Vinciana."

It is probable that this impulse to play disappeared in Leonardo's

maturer years, that it became discharged in the investigating activity

which signified the highest development of his personality. But the fact

that it continued so long may teach us how slowly one tears himself away

from his infantilism after having enjoyed in his childhood supreme

erotic happiness which is later unattainable.

VI

It would be futile to delude ourselves that at present, readers find

every pathography unsavory. This attitude is excused with the reproach

that from a pathographic elaboration of a great man one never obtains an

understanding of his importance and his attainments, that it is

therefore useless mischief to study in him things which could just as

well be found in the first comer. However, this criticism is so clearly

unjust that it can only be grasped when viewed as a pretext and a

disguise for something. As a matter of fact pathography does not aim at

making comprehensible the attainments of the great man; no one should

really be blamed for not doing something which one never promised. The

real motives for the opposition are quite different. One finds them when

one bears in mind that biographers are fixed on their heroes in quite a

peculiar manner. Frequently they take the hero as the object of study

because, for reasons of their personal emotional life, they bear him a

special affection from the very outset. They then devote themselves to a

work of idealization which strives to enroll the great men among their

infantile models, and to revive through him, as it were, the infantile

conception of the father. For the sake of this wish they wipe out the

individual features in his physiognomy, they rub out the traces of his

life's struggle with inner and outer resistances, and do not tolerate in

him anything of human weakness or imperfection; they then give us a

cold, strange, ideal form instead of the man to whom we could feel

distantly related. It is to be regretted that they do this, for they

thereby sacrifice the truth to an illusion, and for the sake of their

infantile phantasies they let slip the opportunity to penetrate into the

most attractive secrets of human nature.[76]

Leonardo himself, judging from his love for the truth and his

inquisitiveness, would have interposed no objections to the effort of

discovering the determinations of his psychic and intellectual

development from the trivial peculiarities and riddles of his nature. We

respect him by learning from him. It does no injury to his greatness to

study the sacrifices which his development from the child must have

entailed, and to the compile factors which have stamped on his person

the tragic feature of failure.

Let us expressly emphasize that we have never considered Leonardo as a

neurotic or as a "nervous person" in the sense of this awkward term.

Whoever takes it amiss that we should even dare apply to him viewpoints

gained from pathology, still clings to prejudices which we have at

present justly given up. We no longer believe that health and disease,

normal and nervous, are sharply distinguished from each other, and that

neurotic traits must be judged as proof of general inferiority. We know

to-day that neurotic symptoms are substitutive formations for certain

repressive acts which have to be brought about in the course of our

development from the child to the cultural man, that we all produce

such substitutive formations, and that only the amount, intensity, and

distribution of these substitutive formations justify the practical

conception of illness and the conclusion of constitutional inferiority.

Following the slight signs in Leonardo's personality we would place him

near that neurotic type which we designate as the "compulsive type," and

we would compare his investigation with the "reasoning mania" of

neurotics, and his inhibitions with the so-called "abulias" of the

latter.

The object of our work was to explain the inhibitions in Leonardo's

sexual life and in his artistic activity. For this purpose we shall now

sum up what we could discover concerning the course of his psychic

development.

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