THE STATE CARRIED BY FRAUD
1868
Horatio Seymour's nomination for President worried his Republican
opponents in New York. It was admitted that he would adorn the great
office, and that if elected he could act with more authority and
independence than Chief Justice Chase, since the latter must have been
regarded by Congress as a renegade and distrusted by Democrats as a
radical. It was agreed, also, that the purity of Seymour's life, his
character for honesty in financial matters, and the high social
position which he held, made him an especially dangerous adversary in
a State that usually dominated a national election. On the other hand,
his opponents recalled that whenever a candidate for governor he had
not only run behind his ticket, but had suffered defeat three out of
five times. It was suggested, too, that although his whole public life
had been identified with the politics of the Commonwealth, his name,
unlike that of Daniel D. Tompkins, DeWitt Clinton, or Silas Wright,
was associated with no important measure of State policy. To this
criticism Seymour's supporters justly replied that as governor, in
1853, he had boldly championed the great loan of ten and one-half
millions for the Erie Canal enlargement.
As usual national issues controlled the campaign in New York. Although
both parties denounced corruption in the repair of the Erie Canal, the
people seemed more concerned in a return of good times and in a better
understanding between the North and South. The financial depression of
the year before had not disappeared, and an issue of greenbacks in
payment of the 5-20 bonds, it was argued, would overcome the policy
of contraction which had enhanced the face value of debts and
decreased the price of property. Pendleton's tour through Maine
emphasised this phase of the financial question, and while Democrats
talked of "The same currency for ploughboy and bondholder,"
Republicans insisted upon "The best currency for both ploughboy and
bondholder."
The campaign in Maine, however, satisfied Republicans that the
Southern question, forced into greater prominence by recent acts of
violence, had become a more important issue than the financial
problem. In Saint Mary's parish, Louisiana, a Republican sheriff and
judge were shot, editors and printers run out of the county, and their
newspaper offices destroyed. But no arrests followed. In Arkansas a
Republican deputy sheriff was tied to a negro and both killed with one
shot. In South Carolina a colored State senator, standing on the
platform of a street car, suffered the death penalty, his executioners
publicly boasting of their act. In Georgia negro members of the
Legislature were expelled. Indeed, from every Southern State came
reports of violence and murder. These stories were accentuated by the
Camilla riot in Georgia, which occurred on September 19. With banners
and music three hundred Republicans, mostly negroes, were marching to
Camilla to hold a mass meeting. Two-thirds of them carried arms.
Before reaching the town the sheriff endeavoured to persuade them to
lay aside their guns and revolvers, and upon their refusal a riot
ensued, in which eight or nine negroes were killed and twenty or
thirty wounded. As usual their assailants escaped arrest and injury.
General Meade, commander of the department, reported that "the authors
of this outrage were civil officers who, under the guise of enforcing
the law and suppressing disorder, had permitted a wanton sacrifice of
life and blood."[1193]
[Footnote 1193: Report of the Secretary of War, 1868, p. 81.]
The mere recital of these incidents aroused Northern feeling. It was
the old story--murder without arrests or investigation. The
knowledge, too, that it was in part the work of the Ku-Klux-Klan, a
secret organisation pledged to disfranchise the negro by intimidation,
intensified the bitterness. It is probably true that many reported
atrocities were merely campaign stories. It is likely, too, that horse
thieves and illicit distillers screened their misdeeds behind the
Ku-Klux. It is well understood, also, that ambitious carpet-bag
agitators, proving bad instructors for negroes just emerging from
slavery, added largely to the list of casualties, making crime appear
general throughout the South. But whether violence was universal or
sporadic Republicans believed it a dangerous experiment to commit the
government to the hands of "rebels and copperheads," and in their
contest to avoid such an alleged calamity they emphasised Southern
outrages and resurrected Seymour's speech to the draft rioters in
July, 1863. To give the latter fresh interest Nast published a cartoon
entitled "Matched,"[1194] which represented Grant demanding the
unconditional surrender of Vicksburg, while Seymour, addressing a mob
of foreigners wet with the blood of their victims, called them "my
friends." Nast presented another cartoon which disturbed the
Democracy. It represented John T. Hoffman standing before a screen
behind which a gang of thieves was busily rifling the city treasury.
The face of Hoffman only was depicted, but the picture's serious note
of warning passed for more than a bit of campaign pleasantry. Frank P.
Blair, the Democratic candidate for Vice-President, also furnished a
text for bitter invective because of his declaration that "there is
but one way to restore the government and the Constitution and that is
for the President-elect to declare the Reconstruction Acts null and
void, compel the army to undo its usurpations at the South, disperse
the carpet-bag State governments, allow the white people to reorganise
their own governments and elect senators and representatives."[1195]
Republicans charged that this represented the Democratic policy. On
the other hand, the closing sentence of Grant's brief letter of
acceptance, "Let us have peace," became the shibboleth of his
followers, who claimed that the courteous and deferential spirit shown
at Appomattox would characterise his administration. Indeed, the issue
finally resolved itself to "Blair and Revolution" or "Grant and
Peace," and after a contest of unusual bitterness Republicans carried
the October States, although with greatly reduced majorities.
Pennsylvania gave only 10,000, Ohio 17,000, and Indiana less than
1,000.
[Footnote 1194: Albert B. Paine, _Life of Thomas Nast_, p. 130.]
[Footnote 1195: McPherson, _History of Reconstruction_, p. 381.]
Though these elections presaged a Republican victory in November,
Democrats, still hopeful of success, renewed their efforts with great
energy. Blair went to the rear and Seymour took the stump. With
studied moderation Seymour had written his letter of acceptance to
catch the wavering Republican voter. He made it appear that the South
was saved from anarchy by the military, and that the North, to the
sincere regret of many Republicans and their ablest journals, was no
longer controlled by the sober judgment of the dominant party's safest
leaders. "There is hardly an able man who helped to build up the
Republican organisation," he said, "who has not within the past three
years warned it against its excesses." These men he pictured as forced
to give up their sentiments or to abandon their party, arguing that
the latter's policy must be more violent in future unless checked by a
division of political power. "Such a division," he said, adroitly
seeking to establish confidence in himself, "tends to assure the peace
and good order of society. The election of a Democratic Executive and
a majority of Democratic members to the House of Representatives would
not give to that party organisation the power to make sudden or
violent changes, but it would serve to check those extreme measures
which have been deplored by the best men of both political
organisations."[1196]
[Footnote 1196: Horatio Seymour, _Public Record_, p. 345.]
Preaching this gospel of peace Seymour passed through Western New
York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, attempting to
overcome the prestige of Grant's great fame, and to stem the tide of
Northern prejudice against Southern outrages. Meanwhile Roscoe
Conkling, having returned from a pleasure trip to Denver, entered the
campaign with earnestness against his brother-in-law. He desired
especially to carry Oneida County, to which he devoted his energies in
the closing days of the contest, making a schoolhouse canvass that
lifted the issue above local pride in its distinguished citizen who
headed the Democratic ticket. In going the rounds he met "Black
Paddy," a swarthy Irishman and local celebrity, who announced that he
had "turned Democrat."
"How so?" asked the Senator.
"Shure, sir," replied the quick-witted Celt, "O'im payin' ye a
compliment in votin' for your brother-in-law."[1197]
[Footnote 1197: A.R. Conkling, _Life of Roscoe Conkling_, p. 313.]
Near the close of the campaign, in accordance with the habit of many
years, William H. Seward returned to Auburn to speak to his neighbors
and townsmen. No one then realised that this was to be his last
political meeting, or that before another presidential election
occurred he would have entered upon his long sleep on Fort Hill. But
the hall was as full as if it had been so advertised. He was neither
an old man, being sixty-seven, nor materially changed in appearance.
Perhaps his face was a trifle thinner, his hair lighter, and his jaw
more prominent, but his mental equipment survived as in the olden days
when the splendid diction hit the tone and temper of the anti-slavery
hosts. His speech, however, showed neither the spirit that nerved him
in the earlier time, nor the resources that formerly sustained him in
vigorous and persuasive argument. He spoke rather in a vein of
extenuation and reminiscence, as one whose work, judged by its
beginnings, had perhaps ended unsatisfactorily as well as illogically,
and for which there was no sufficient reason.[1198]
[Footnote 1198: _Seward's Works_, Vol. 5, pp. 550-556.]
This speech had the effect of widening the breach between him and his
old associates, who bitterly resented his apparent indifference in the
great contest, while men of a younger generation, looking at him with
wonder and interest, found it hard to realise that he had been one of
the most conspicuous and energetic figures in political life. How
complete was the loss of his political influence is naïvely
illustrated by Andrew D. White. "Mr. Cornell and I were arranging a
programme for the approaching annual commencement when I suggested Mr.
Seward for the main address. Mr. Cornell had been one of Mr. Seward's
lifelong supporters, but he received this proposal coldly, pondered it
for a few moments silently, and then said dryly: 'Perhaps you are
right, but if you call him you will show to our students the deadest
man that ain't buried in the State of New York.'"[1199]
[Footnote 1199: _Autobiography_, Vol. 1, p. 151.]
Samuel J. Tilden voiced the supreme ante-election confidence of the
Democrats. "Speaking from an experience of more than thirty years in
political observation and political action," he said, "I do not
hesitate to say that in no presidential conflict since the days of
Andrew Jackson have omens of victory to any party or any cause been so
clear, so numerous, and so inspiring as those which now cheer the
party of the national Democracy to battle in the cause of American
liberty."[1200] The victory of 1867, in the opinion of leading
Democrats, had removed the Empire State from the doubtful list, but
while proclaiming their confidence of success many of them knew that a
confidential circular, issued from the rooms of the Democratic State
Committee and bearing the signature of Samuel J. Tilden, instructed
certain persons in each of the up-State counties to telegraph William
M. Tweed, "the minute the polls close and at his expense," the
probable Republican majority.[1201] Its purpose was plain. The
conspirators desired to know how many fraudulent votes would be needed
to overcome the Republican superiority, and their method, then novel
and ingenious, avoided all chance of failure to carry the State.
Tilden denied knowledge of this circular. He also disclaimed its evil
purpose, but preferred to remain silent rather than denounce the
forgers.[1202]
[Footnote 1200: John Bigelow, _Life of Samuel J. Tilden_, Vol. 1, p.
217.]
[Footnote 1201: New York _Tribune_, November 14, 1868.]
[Footnote 1202: New York _Evening Post_, November 4, 1868; _Harper's
Weekly_, September 30, 1876.]
Forewarned by the returns of 1867 Griswold's supporters, fearing fraud
in the metropolis, invoked the aid of the United States Court to
prevent the use of forged naturalisation papers, which resulted in the
indictment of several men and the publication of fraudulent registry
lists. Against such action John T. Hoffman, as mayor, violently
protested. "We are on the eve of an important election," said his
proclamation. "Intense excitement pervades the whole community.
Unscrupulous, designing, and dangerous men, political partisans, are
resorting to extraordinary means to increase it. Gross and unfounded
charges of fraud are made by them against those high in authority.
Threats are made against naturalised citizens, and a federal grand
jury has been induced to find, in great haste and secrecy, bills of
indictment for the purpose, openly avowed, of intimidating them in the
discharge of their public duties.... Let no citizen, however, be
deterred by any threats or fears, but let him assert his rights boldly
and resolutely, and he will find his perfect protection under the laws
and the lawfully constituted authorities of the State. By virtue of
authority invested in me I hereby offer a reward of $100 to be paid on
the arrest and conviction of any person charged ... with intimidating,
obstructing or defrauding any voter in the exercise of his right as an
elector."[1203] Thus did the Tweed Ring strike back.
[Footnote 1203: New York _Times_, November 2, 1868.]
The result of the election in the country at large deeply disappointed
the Democrats. Grant obtained 214 electoral votes in twenty-six
States, while Seymour secured 80 in eight States. In New York,
however, the conspirators did their word well. Although the
Republicans won a majority in both branches of the Legislature and
elected eighteen of the thirty-one congressmen, Seymour carried the
State by 10,000 and Hoffman by 27,946.
After the election the Union League Club charged that in New York City
false naturalisation and fraudulent voting had been practised upon a
gigantic scale. It appeared from its report that one man sold seven
thousand fraudulent naturalisation certificates; that thousands of
fictitious names, with false residences attached, were enrolled, and
that gangs of repeaters marched from poll to poll, voting many times
in succession. The _Tribune_ showed that in twenty election districts
the vote cast for Hoffman largely exceeded the registry lists, already
heavily padded with fictitious names, and that by comparison with
other years the aggregate State vote clearly revealed the work of the
conspirators.[1204] Instead of being the choice of the people, it said,
"Hoffman was 'elected' by the most infamous system of fraud."[1205]
Andrew D. White wrote that "the gigantic frauds perpetrated in the
sinks and dens of the great city have overborne the truthful vote and
voice of the Empire State. The country knows this, and the Democratic
party, flushed with a victory which fraud has won, hardly cares to
deny it."[1206] A few months later Conkling spoke of it as a well known
fact that John T. Hoffman was counted in. "The election was a
barbarous burlesque," he continued. "Many thousand forged
naturalisation papers were issued; some of them were white and some
were coffee-coloured. The same witnesses purported to attest hundreds
and thousands of naturalisation affidavits, and the stupendous fraud
of the whole thing was and is an open secret.... Repeating, ballot-box
stuffing, ruffianism, and false counting decided everything. Tweed
made the election officers, and the election officers were corrupt.
Thirty thousand votes were falsely added to the Democratic majority in
New York and Brooklyn alone. Taxes and elections were the mere spoil
and booty of a corrupt junta in Tammany. Usurpation and fraud
inaugurated a carnival of corrupt disorder; and obscene birds without
number swooped down to the harvest and gorged themselves on every side
in plunder and spoliation."[1207]
[Footnote 1204: New York _Tribune_, November 6, 1868.]
[Footnote 1205: _Ibid._, November 7.]
[Footnote 1206: _Ibid._, November 23.]
[Footnote 1207: From speech of Conkling delivered in the U.S. Senate,
April 24, 1879.--Thomas V. Cooper, _American Politics_, Book 3, p.
180.]
When Congress convened a committee, appointed to investigate
naturalisation frauds in the city of New York, reported that prior to
1868 the Common Pleas and Superior Courts, controlling matters of
naturalisation, annually averaged, from 1856 to 1867, 9,000 new
voters, but that after the Supreme Court began making citizens on
October 6, 1868, the number rapidly increased to 41,112. Several
revelations added interest to this statement. Judge Daly served in the
Common Pleas, while McCunn, Barnard, Cardozo, and others whom Tweed
controlled, sat in the Supreme and Superior Courts. Daly required from
three to five minutes to examine an applicant, but McCunn boasted that
he could do it in thirty seconds, with the result that the Supreme
Court naturalised from 1,800 to 2,100 per day, whereas the Common
Pleas during the entire year acted upon only 3,140. On the other hand,
the Supreme and Superior Courts turned out 37,967. "One day last week
one of our 'upright judges,'" said the _Nation_, "invited a friend to
sit by him while he played a little joke. Then he left off calling
from the list before him and proceeded to call purely imaginary names
invented by himself on the spur of the moment: John Smith, James
Snooks, Thomas Noakes, and the like. For every name a man instantly
answered and took a certificate. Finally, seeing a person scratching
his head, the judge called out, 'George Scratchem!' 'Here,' responded
a voice. 'Take that man outside to scratch,' said his honour to an
usher, and resumed the more regular manufacture of voters."[1208]
[Footnote 1208: The _Nation_, October 29, 1868.]
To show that a conspiracy existed to commit fraud, the committee
submitted valuable evidence contributed by the clerks of these courts.
Instead of printing the usual number of blank certificates based on
the annual average of 9,000, they ordered, between September 16 and
October 23, more than seven times as many, or 69,000, of which 39,000
went to the Supreme Court. As this court had just gone into the
naturalisation business the order seemed suspiciously large. At the
time of the investigation 27,068 of these certificates were
unaccounted for, and the court refused an examination of its records.
However, by showing that the vote cast in 1868, estimated upon the
average rate of the increase of voters, should have been 131,000
instead of 156,000, the committee practically accounted for them. The
_Nation_ unwittingly strengthened this measured extent of the fraud,
declaring on the day the courts finished their work, that of "the
35,000 voters naturalised in this city alone, 10,000 are perhaps
rightly admitted, 10,000 have passed through the machine without
having been here five years, and the other 15,000 have never been near
the courtroom."[1209] A table also published by the committee showed
the ratio of votes to the population at each of the five preceding
presidential elections to have been 1 to 8, while in 1868 it was 1 to
4.65. "The only fair conclusion from these facts would be," said the
_Nation_, "that enormous frauds were perpetrated."[1210]
[Footnote 1209: The _Nation_, October 29, 1868.]
[Footnote 1210: _Ibid._, March 4, 1869.]
On the other hand, the Democratic minority of the committee, after
examining Hoffman and Tweed, who disclaimed any knowledge of the
transactions and affected to disbelieve the truth of the charges,
pronounced the facts cited "stale slanders," and most of the witnesses
"notorious swindlers, liars, and thieves," declaring that the
fraudulent vote did not exceed 2,000, divided equally between the two
parties. Moreover, it pronounced the investigation a shameful effort
to convict the Democracy of crimes that were really the result of the
long-continued misgovernment of the Republicans. If that party
controlled the city, declared one critic, it would become as adept in
"repeating" as it was in "gerrymandering" the State, whose Legislature
could not be carried by the Democrats when their popular majority
exceeded 48,000 as in 1867. This sarcastic thrust emphasised the
notorious gerrymander which, in spite of the Tammany frauds, gave the
Republicans a legislative majority of twenty-four on joint-ballot.