STRIFE OF RADICAL AND CONSERVATIVE
1864
In his Auburn speech Seward had declared for Lincoln's
renomination.[928] Proof of the intimate personal relations existing
between the President and his Secretary came into national notice in
1862 when a committee of nine Radical senators, charging to Seward's
conservatism the failure of a vigorous and successful prosecution of
the war, formally demanded his dismissal from the Cabinet. On learning
of their action the Secretary had immediately resigned. "Do you still
think Seward ought to be excused?" asked Lincoln at the end of a long
and stormy interview. Four answered "Yes," three declined to vote, and
Harris of New York said "No."[929] The result of this conference led
Secretary Chase, the chief of the Radicals, to tender his resignation
also. But the President, "after most anxious consideration," requested
each to resume the duties of his department. Speaking of the matter
afterward to Senator Harris, Lincoln declared with his usual
mirth-provoking illustration: "If I had yielded to that storm and
dismissed Seward, the thing would all have slumped one way. Now I can
ride; I have got a pumpkin in each end of my bag."[930]
[Footnote 928: Delivered November 3, 1863. New York _Herald_, November
6.]
[Footnote 929: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 6, p. 266.
Senators Sumner of Massachusetts, Trumbull of Illinois, Grimes of
Iowa, and Pomeroy of Kansas, voted Yes; Collamer of Vermont, Fessenden
of Maine, and Howard of Michigan declined to vote. Wade of Ohio was
absent.]
[Footnote 930: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 6, p. 268.]
Other causes than loyalty contributed to the President's regard for
Seward. In their daily companionship the latter took a genial,
philosophical view of the national struggle, not shared by all his
Cabinet associates, while Lincoln dissipated the gloom with quaint
illustrations of Western life.[931] At one of these familiar fireside
talks the President expressed the hope that Seward might be his
successor, adding that the friends so grievously disappointed at
Chicago would thus find all made right at last. To this Seward, in his
clear-headed and kind-hearted way, replied: "No, that is all past and
ended. The logic of events requires you to be your own successor. You
were elected in 1860, but the Southern States refused to submit. They
thought the decision made at the polls could be reversed in the field.
They are still in arms, and their hope now is that you and your party
will be voted down at the next election. When that election is held
and they find the people reaffirming their decision to have you
President, I think the rebellion will collapse."[932]
[Footnote 931: Seward, _Life of W.H. Seward_, Vol. 3, p. 197.]
[Footnote 932: _Ibid._, p. 196.]
Unlike Seward, Thurlow Weed wabbled in his loyalty to the President.
Chafing under the retention of Hiram C. Barney as collector of
customs, Weed thought Lincoln too tolerant of Radicals whose
opposition was ill concealed. "They will all be against him in '64,"
he wrote David Davis, then an associate justice of the United States
Supreme Court. "Why does he persist in giving them weapons with which
they may defeat his renomination?"[933] Barney had become a burden to
Lincoln, who really desired to be rid of him. Many complaints of
irregularity disclosed corrupt practices which warranted a change for
the public good. Besides, said the President, "the establishment was
being run almost exclusively in the interest of the Radicals. I felt
great delicacy in doing anything that might be offensive to my friend.
And yet something had to be done. I told Seward he must find him a
diplomatic position. Just then Chase became aware of my little
conspiracy. He was very angry and told me the day Barney left the
custom house, with or without his own consent, he would withdraw from
the Treasury. So I backed down."[934]
[Footnote 933: T.W. Barnes, _Life of Thurlow Weed_, Vol. 2, p. 434.]
[Footnote 934: Maunsell B. Field, _Memories of Many Men_, p. 304.]
Lincoln's tolerance did not please Weed, whose infrequent calls at the
White House had not escaped notice. "I have been brought to fear
recently," the President wrote with characteristic tenderness, "that
somehow, by commission or omission, I have caused you some degree of
pain. I have never entertained an unkind feeling or a disparaging
thought towards you; and if I have said or done anything which has
been construed into such unkindness or disparagement it has been
misconstrued. I am sure if we could meet we would not part with any
unpleasant impression on either side."[935] Such a letter from such a
man stirred the heart of the iron-willed boss, who hastened to
Washington. He had much to say. Among other things he unfolded a plan
for peace. It proposed full amnesty to all persons engaged in the war
and an armistice for ninety days, during which time such citizens of
the Confederate States as embrace the offered pardon "shall, as a
State or States, or as citizens thereof, be restored in all respects
to the rights, privileges, and prerogatives which they enjoyed before
their secession from the Union." If, however, such offer is rejected,
the authority of the United States denied, and the war against the
Union continued, the President should partition all territory, whether
farms, villages, or cities, among the officers and soldiers conquering
the same.[936]
[Footnote 935: Barnes, _Life of Thurlow Weed_, Vol. 2, p. 440.]
[Footnote 936: _Ibid._, p. 437.]
In presenting this plan Weed argued that if the offer was rejected it
would secure "a united North in favour of war to the knife." Besides,
the armistice, occurring when the season interrupts active army
movements, would cause little delay and give ample time for widespread
circulation of the proclamation. Respecting the division of lands
among soldiers, he said it would stop desertion, avoid the payment of
bounties, and quickly fill the army with enterprising yeomen who would
want homes after the termination of hostilities. It had long been
practised in maritime wars by all civilized nations, he said, and
being a part of international law it could not in reason be objected
to, especially as the sufferers would have rejected most liberal
offers of peace and prosperity. Weed frankly admitted that Seward did
not like the scheme, and that Senator Wilson of Massachusetts eyed it
askance; but Stanton approved it, he said, and Dean Richmond
authorised him to say that if fairly carried out the North would be a
unit in support of the war and the rebellion would be crushed within
six months after the expiration of the armistice.[937]
[Footnote 937: T.W. Barnes, _Life of Thurlow Weed_, Vol. 2, pp.
437-439.]
In conversation Weed was the most persuasive of men. To a quiet,
gentle, deferential manner, he added a giant's grasp of the subject,
presenting its strong points and marshalling with extraordinary skill
all the details. Nevertheless, the proposition now laid before the
President, leaving slavery as it was, could not be accepted. "The
emancipation proclamation could not be retracted," he had said in his
famous letter to the New York convention, "any more than the dead
could be brought to life." However, Lincoln did not let the famous
editor depart empty-handed. Barney should be removed, and Weed,
satisfied with such a scalp, returned home to enter the campaign for
the President's renomination.[938]
[Footnote 938: New York _Herald_, May 24, 1864.]
Something seemed to be wrong in New York. Other States through
conventions and legislatures had early favored the President's
renomination, while the Empire State moved slowly. Party machinery
worked well. The Union Central Committee, holding a special meeting on
January 4, 1864 at the residence of Edwin D. Morgan, recommended
Lincoln's nomination. "It is going to be difficult to restrain the
boys," said Morgan in a letter to the President, "and there is not
much use in trying to do so."[939] On February 23 the Republican State
Committee also endorsed him, and several Union League clubs spoke
earnestly of his "prudence, sagacity, comprehension, and
perseverance." But the absence of an early State convention, the tardy
selection of delegates to Baltimore, and the failure of the
Legislature to act, did not reveal the enthusiasm evinced in other
Commonwealths. Following the rule adopted elsewhere, resolutions
favourable to the President's renomination were duly presented to the
Assembly, where they remained unacted upon. Suddenly on January 25 a
circular, signed by Simeon Draper and issued by the Conference
Committee of the Union Lincoln Association of New York, proposed that
all citizens of every town and county who favoured Lincoln's
nomination meet in some appropriate place on February 22 and make
public expression to that fact. Among the twenty-five names attached
appeared those of Moses Taylor and Moses H. Grinnell. This was a new
system of tactics. But the legislative resolutions did not advance
because of it.
[Footnote 939: _Ibid._, February 7.]
A month later a letter addressed by several New Yorkers to the
National Republican Executive Committee requested the postponement of
the Baltimore convention.[940] "The country is not now in a position
to enter into a presidential contest," it said. "All parties friendly
to the Government should be united in support of a single candidate.
Such unanimity cannot at present be obtained. Upon the result of
measures adopted to finish the war during the present spring and
summer will depend the wish of the people to continue their present
leaders, or to exchange them for others. Besides, whatever will tend
to lessen the duration of an acrimonious Presidential campaign will be
an advantage to the country."[941] If the sentiment of this letter was
not new, the number and character of its signers produced a profound
sensation. William Cullen Bryant headed the list, and of the
twenty-three names, seventeen were leading State senators, among them
Charles J. Folger and James M. Cook. "This list," said the _Tribune_,
"contains the names of two-thirds of the Unionists chosen to our
present State Senate, the absence of others preventing their signing.
We understand that but two senators declined to affix their
name."[942] Greeley did not sign this letter, but in an earlier
communication to the _Independent_ he had urged a postponement of the
convention.[943] Moreover, he had indicated in the _Tribune_ that
Chase, Fremont, Butler, or Grant would make as good a President as
Lincoln, while the nomination of either would preserve "the salutary
one-term principle."[944]
[Footnote 940: It was called to meet on June 7.]
[Footnote 941: Appleton's _Cyclopædia_, 1864, p. 785.]
[Footnote 942: New York _Tribune_, April 25, 1864.]
[Footnote 943: New York _Independent_, February 25, 1864.]
[Footnote 944: New York _Tribune_, February 23, 1864.]
It is not easy to determine the cause or the full extent of the
dissatisfaction with Lincoln among New York Republicans. Seward's
influence and Weed's relations seriously weakened him. After the
election of 1862 Radicals openly charged them with Wadsworth's defeat.
For the same reason the feeling against Edwin D. Morgan had become
intensely bitter. Seeing a newspaper paragraph that these men had been
in consultation with the President about his message, Senator Chandler
of Michigan, the prince of Radicals, wrote a vehement letter to
Lincoln, telling him of a "patriotic organisation in all the free and
border States, containing to-day over one million of voters, every man
of whom is your friend upon radical measures of your administration;
but there is not a Seward or a Weed man among them all. These men are
a millstone about your neck. You drop them and they are politically
ended forever.... Conservatives and traitors are buried together. For
God's sake don't exhume their remains in your message. They will smell
worse than Lazarus did after he had been buried three days."[945]
[Footnote 945: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 7, p. 389.]
Although Weed had left the President with the promise of aiding him,
he could accomplish nothing. The Legislature refused to act, demands
for the postponement of the national convention continued to appear,
and men everywhere resented conservative leadership. This was
especially true of Greeley and the _Tribune_, Bryant and the _Evening
Post_, and Beecher and the _Independent_, not to mention other
Radicals and radical papers throughout the State, whose opposition
represented a formidable combination. Except for this discontent the
Cleveland convention would scarcely have been summoned into existence.
Of the three calls issued for its assembling two had their birth in
New York, one headed by George B. Cheever, the eminent divine, who had
recently toured England in behalf of the Union,--the other by Lucius
Robinson, State comptroller, and John Cochrane, attorney-general.
Cheever's call denounced "the imbecile and vacillating policy of the
present Administration in the conduct of the war,"[946] while Robinson
and Cochrane emphasised the need of a President who "can suppress
rebellion without infringing the rights of individual or State."[947]
[Footnote 946: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 20.]
[Footnote 947: Appleton's _Cyclopædia_, 1864, p. 786.]
That Weed no longer possessed the wand of a Warwick was clearly
demonstrated at the Republican State convention, held at Syracuse on
May 26, to select delegates to Baltimore. Each faction, led in person
by Greeley and Weed, professed to favour the President's renomination,
but the fierce and bitter contest over the admission of delegates from
New York City widened the breach. The Weed machine, following the
custom of previous years, selected an equal number of delegates from
each ward. The Radicals, who denounced this system as an arbitrary
expression of bossism, chose a delegation representing each ward in
proportion to the number of its Republican voters. The delegation
accepted would control the convention, and although the Radicals
consented to the admission of both on equal terms, the Weed forces,
confident of their strength, refused the compromise. This set the
Radicals to work, and at the morning session, amidst the wildest
confusion and disorder, they elected Lyman Tremaine temporary chairman
by a majority of six over Chauncey M. Depew, the young secretary of
state, whose popularity had given the Conservatives an abnormal
strength.
In his speech the Chairman commented upon the death of James S.
Wadsworth, killed in the battle of the Wilderness on May 6, from whose
obsequies, held at Geneseo on the 21st, many delegates had just
returned. Tremaine believed that the soldier's blood would "lie heavy
on the souls of those pretended supporters of the government in its
hour of trial, whose cowardice and treachery contributed to his defeat
for governor."[948] In such a spirit he eulogised Wadsworth's
character and patriotism, declaring that if justice had been done him
by the Conservatives, he would now, instead of sleeping in his grave,
be governor of New York. Although spoken gently and with emotions of
sadness, these intolerably aggressive sentences, loudly applauded by
the Radicals, stirred the Weed delegates into whispered threats.[949]
But Tremaine did not rely upon words alone. He packed the committee on
contested seats, whose report, admitting both city delegations on
equal terms, was accepted by the enormous majority of 192 to 98,
revealing the fact that the great body of up-State Republicans
distrusted Thurlow Weed, whose proposition for peace did not include
the abolition of slavery. Other reasons, however, accounted for the
large majority. Tremaine, no longer trusting to the leadership of
Greeley,[950] marshalled the Radical forces with a skill learned in
the school of Seymour and Dean Richmond, and when his drilled cohorts
went into action the tumultuous and belligerent character of the
scene resembled the uproar familiar to one who had trained with
Tammany and fought with Mozart Hall. In concluding its work the
convention endorsed the President and selected sixty-six delegates,
headed by Raymond, Dickinson, Tremaine, and Preston King as
delegates-at-large.
[Footnote 948: New York _Tribune_, May 10, 1864.]
[Footnote 949: New York _Herald_, May 29.]
[Footnote 950: "Greeley received an almost unanimous call to lead the
party in the State and the first convention which he attended (1862)
bowed absolutely to his will. He thought he was a great political
leader, and he might have been if he had ever been sure of himself;
but he was one of the poorest judges of men, and in that way was often
deceived, often misled, and often led to change his opinions.... In
less than two years his power was gone."--From speech of Chauncey M.
Depew, April 4, 1902. _Addresses of_, November, 1896, to April, 1902,
pp. 238-239.]
The echo of the Syracuse contest reached the Cleveland convention,
which assembled on May 31. Of all the distinguished New Yorkers whose
names had advertised and given character to this movement John
Cochrane alone attended. Indeed, the picturesque speech of Cochrane,
as chairman, and the vehement letter of Lucius Robinson, advocating
the nomination of Grant, constituted the only attractive feature of
the proceedings. Cochrane and Robinson wanted a party in which they
could feel at home. To Cochrane the Republican party was "a medley of
trading, scurvy politicians, which never represented War
Democrats,"[951] while Robinson thought the country "had survived,
through three years of war, many bad mistakes of a weak Executive and
Cabinet, simply because the popular mind had been intensely fixed upon
the single purpose of suppressing rebellion."[952] Both resented the
Administration's infringement of individual rights. "Whoever attacks
them," said Cochrane, "wounds the vital parts of the Republic. Not
even the plea of necessity allows any one to trample upon them."[953]
The Cleveland convention, however, did not help these statesmen any
more than the nomination of John C. Fremont and John Cochrane, "the
two Johns from New York" as they were called, injured the
President.[954] When Lincoln heard that instead of the many thousands
expected only three or four hundred attended, he opened his Bible and
read: "And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in
debt, and every one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto
him; and he became a captain over them; and there were with him about
four hundred."[955]
[Footnote 951: Cochrane's speech at Cleveland. McPherson's _History of
the Rebellion_, p. 411.]
[Footnote 952: _Ibid._, p. 413.]
[Footnote 953: _Ibid._, p. 412.]
[Footnote 954: A singular mistake of the convention was its
nomination, contrary to the requirement of the Constitution, of both
candidates from the same State.]
[Footnote 955: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 40.]
Lucius Robinson's suggestion that Grant be nominated for President
represented the thought of many New Yorkers prominent in political
circles. "All eyes and hopes now centre on Grant," wrote Thurlow Weed
on April 17. "If he wins in Virginia it will brighten the horizon and
make him President."[956] The _Herald_ sounded the praises of the
Lieutenant-General in nearly every issue. The _Tribune_ and _Times_
were equally flattering. Even the _World_ admitted that a skilful
general handled the army.[957] Other papers throughout the State
expressed similar confidence in his victorious leadership, and with
the hope of changing the sentiment from Lincoln to Grant a great mass
meeting, called ostensibly to express the country's gratitude to the
latter, was held in New York City two days before the meeting of the
National Republican convention. Neither at this time, however, nor at
any other did the movement receive the slightest encouragement from
the hero of Vicksburg, or shake the loyalty of the delegates who
assembled at Baltimore on June 7.
[Footnote 956: T.W. Barnes, _Life of Thurlow Weed_, Vol. 2, p. 443.]
[Footnote 957: See New York _Herald_, April 25, 27, May 7, 9, 14, 16,
18, 23, 26, 28, 29, 31, June 1, 4; New York _Tribune_, May 10, 12, 13,
14; New York _Times_, May 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 19; New York _World_,
May 2, 11, 12, 13, 14.]
Henry J. Raymond, evidencing the same wise spirit of compromise
exhibited at Syracuse in 1863, reported the platform. It declared the
maintenance of the Union and the suppression of rebellion by force of
arms to be the highest duty of every citizen; it approved the
determination of the government to enter into no compromise with
rebels; favoured the abolition of slavery by constitutional amendment;
applauded the wisdom, patriotism, and fidelity of the President;
thanked the soldiers, and claimed the full protection of the laws of
war for coloured troops; encouraged immigration and the early
construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast; pledged the national
faith to keep inviolate the redemption of the public debt; and opposed
the establishment, by foreign military forces, of monarchical
governments in the near vicinity of the United States.[958] On the
second day every State voted for Lincoln for President.[959]
[Footnote 958: Edward McPherson, _History of the Rebellion_, pp.
406-407.]
[Footnote 959: _Ibid._, p. 407.]
The contest for Vice-President renewed the fight of the New York
factions. An impression had early taken root in the country that a War
Democrat should be selected, and the Radicals of New York, under the
leadership of Lyman Tremaine, quickly designated Daniel S. Dickinson
as the man. Dickinson's acceptability in New England and New Jersey
strengthened his candidacy, while its approval by three or four border
and western States seriously weakened Hamlin. Nevertheless, the New
York Conservatives vigorously opposed him. Their antagonism did not at
first concentrate upon any one candidate. Weed talked of Hamlin and
later of Joseph Holt of Kentucky; Raymond thought Andrew Johnson of
Tennessee the stronger; and Preston King, to the great surprise of the
Radicals, agreed with him. This brought from George William Curtis the
sarcastic remark that a Vice-President from the Empire State would
prevent its having a Cabinet officer. Tremaine declared that a change
in the Cabinet would not be a serious calamity to the country, and
Preston King, who attributed his displacement from the United States
Senate to the Seward influence, did not object to the Secretary's
removal. Thus Raymond's influence gave the doughty War Governor 32 of
New York's 66 votes to 28 for Dickinson and 6 for Hamlin. This
materially aided Johnson's nomination on the first ballot.[960]
[Footnote 960: Johnson received 200 votes to 108 for Dickinson. After
recording all changes, the ballot stood: Johnson, 494; Dickinson, 17;
Hamlin, 9. McPherson, _Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 407.]
Raymond's power and influence may be said to have climaxed in 1864 at
the Baltimore convention. He became chairman of the New York
delegation, chairman of the committee on resolutions, chairman of the
National Executive Committee, and the principal debater upon the
floor, manifesting a tact in the performance of his manifold duties
that surprised as much as it charmed. But the reason for his ardent
support of Johnson will probably never be certainly known. McClure
declared that he acted in accord with the wishes of Lincoln, who
discreetly favoured and earnestly desired Johnson's nomination. This
view was approved by George Jones, the proprietor of the _Times_ and
Raymond's most intimate friend.[961] On the other hand, Nicolay
declared that "it was with minds absolutely untrammelled by even any
knowledge of the President's wishes that the convention went about its
work of selecting his associate on the ticket."[962] In his long and
bitter controversy with Nicolay, however, McClure furnished testimony
indicating that Lincoln whispered his choice and that Raymond
understood it.[963]
[Footnote 961: Alex. K. McClure, _Lincoln and Men of War Times_, p.
444.]
[Footnote 962: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, pp. 72-73.]
[Footnote 963: Alex. K. McClure, _Lincoln and Men of War Times_, pp.
425-449.]
While Raymond antagonised the radical supporters of Dickinson,
patronage questions were again threatening trouble for the President.
Serious friction had followed the appointment of a General Appraiser
at New York, and when John J. Cisco, the assistant United States
treasurer, tendered his resignation to take effect June 30 (1864), the
President desired to appoint one unobjectionable to Senator Morgan;
but Secretary Chase, regardless of the preferences of others, insisted
upon Maunsell B. Field, then an assistant secretary of the treasury.
Morgan vigorously protested, regarding him incompetent to fill such a
place. Besides, the designation of Field, who had no political backing
in New York, would, he said, offend the conservative wing of the
party, which had been entirely ignored in the past. As a compromise
the Senator begged the President to select Richard M. Blatchford,
Dudley S. Gregory, or Thomas Hillhouse, whom he regarded as three of
the most eminent citizens of New York.
Lincoln, in a note to the Secretary, submitted these names. "It will
really oblige me," he wrote, "if you will make choice among these
three, or any other men that Senators Morgan and Harris will be
satisfied with."[964] This brief letter was followed on the same day
by one presenting the annoyance to which patronage subjects a
President. Happily civil service reform has removed much of this evil,
but enough remains to keep an Executive, if not members of Congress,
in hot water. "As the proverb goes," wrote Lincoln, "no man knows so
well where the shoe pinches as he who wears it. I do not think Mr.
Field a very proper man for the place, but I would trust your judgment
and forego this were the greater difficulty out of the way. Much as I
personally like Mr. Barney it has been a great burden to me to retain
him in his place when nearly all our friends in New York were directly
or indirectly urging his removal. Then the appointment of Judge
Hogeboom to be general appraiser brought me to the verge of open
revolt. Now the appointment of Mr. Field would precipitate me in it,
unless Senator Morgan and those feeling as he does could be brought to
concur in it. Strained as I already am at this point, I do not think I
can make this appointment in the direction of still greater
strain."[965]
[Footnote 964: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 93.]
[Footnote 965: _Ibid._, pp. 93-94.]
Chase had relieved the tension temporarily by inducing Cisco to
withdraw his resignation, but after getting the President's second
letter, cleverly intimating that Field's appointment might necessitate
the removal of Barney, the Secretary promptly tendered his
resignation. If the President was surprised, the Secretary, after
reading Lincoln's reply, was not less so. "Your resignation of the
office of secretary of the treasury, sent me yesterday, is accepted,"
said the brief note. "Of all I have said in commendation of your
ability and fidelity I have nothing to unsay, and yet you and I have
reached a point of mutual embarrassment in our official relation which
it seems cannot be overcome or longer sustained consistently with the
public service."[966] Secretary Blaine's hasty resignation in 1892,
and President Harrison's quick acceptance of it, were not more
dramatic, except that Blaine's was tendered on the eve of a national
nominating convention. It is more than doubtful if Chase intended to
resign. He meant it to be as in previous years the beginning of a
correspondence, expecting to receive from the President a soothing
letter with concessions. But Lincoln's stock of patience, if not of
sedatives, was exhausted.
[Footnote 966: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 95.]
A few weeks later, after William Pitt Fessenden's appointment to
succeed Chase, Simeon Draper became collector of customs. He was one
of Weed's oldest friends and in 1858 had been his first choice for
governor.[967] But just now Abraham Wakeman was his first choice for
collector. Possibly in selecting Draper instead of Wakeman, Lincoln
remembered Weed's failure to secure a legislative endorsement of his
renomination, a work specially assigned to him. At all events the
anti-Weed faction accepted Draper as a decided triumph.
[Footnote 967: "Simeon Draper was impulsive and demonstrative. With
the advantages of a fine person, good conversational powers, and ready
wit, his genial presence and cheerful voice imparted life and spirit
to the numerous social circles in which he was ever a welcome guest."
_Weed's Reminiscences_, T.W. Barnes, _Life of Thurlow Weed_, Vol. 2,
p. 483.]