MR. ADAMS TRANSFERRED TO BERLIN--HIS MARRIAGE--LITERARY
PURSUITS--TRAVELS IN SILESIA--NEGOTIATES TREATIES WITH SWEDEN
AND PRUSSIA--RECALLED TO THE UNITED STATES.
Mr. Adams presented himself at the Hague, as Minister Plenipotentiary of
the United States, in the summer or fall of 1794. Ten years before, he was
there with his father--a lad, attending school--at which time the father
wrote: "They give him a good character wherever he has been, and I hope he
will make a good man." How abundantly that hope was likely to be
fulfilled, the elevated and responsible position occupied by the son at
the expiration of the first ten years after it was expressed, gave a
promising and true indication.
On his arrival in Holland, Mr. Adams found the affairs of that country in
great confusion, in consequence of the French invasion. So difficult was
it to prosecute any permanent measures for the benefit of the United
States, owing to the existing wars and the unsettled state of things in
Europe, that after a few months he thought seriously of returning home. A
report of this nature having reached President Washington, drew from him a
letter to Vice President John Adams, dated Aug. 20, 1795, in which the
following language occurs:--
"Your son must not think of retiring from the path he is now in. His
prospects, if he pursues it, are fair; and I shall be much mistaken if, in
as short a time as can well be expected, he is not found at the head of
the Diplomatic Corps, be the government administered by whomsoever the
people may choose."
This approbation of his proceedings thus far, and encouragement as to
future success, from so high a source, undoubtedly induced the younger
Adams to forego his inclination to withdraw from the field of diplomacy.
He continued in Holland until near the close of Washington's
administration. That he was not an inattentive observer of the momentous
events then transpiring in Europe, but was watchful and faithful in all
that pertained to the welfare of his country, is abundantly proved by his
official correspondence with the government at home. His communications
were esteemed by Washington, as of the highest value, affording him, as
they did, a luminous description of the movement of continental affairs,
upon which he could place the most implicit reliance.
The following extract of a letter from John Adams, will show the interest
he naturally took in the welfare of his son while abroad, and also afford
a brief glance at the political movements of that day. It is dated
Philadelphia, Jan. 23, 1796:--
"We have been very unfortunate in the delays which have attended the
dispatches of our ambassadors. Very lucky, Mr. John Quincy Adams, that you
are not liable to criticism on this occasion! This demurrage would have
been charged doubly, both to your account and that of your father. It
would have been a scheme, a trick, a design, a contrivance, from hatred to
France, attachment to England, monarchical manoeuvres, and aristocratical
cunning! Oh! how eloquent they would have been!
"The southern gentry are playing, at present, a very artful game, which I
may develope to you in confidence hereafter, under the seal of secrecy.
Both in conversation and in letters, they are representing the
Vice-President [John Adams,] as a man of moderation. Although rather
inclined to limited monarchy, and somewhat attached to the English, he is
much less so than Jay or Hamilton. For their part, for the sake of
conciliation, they should be very willing he should be continued as
Vice-President, provided the northern gentlemen would consent that
Jefferson should be President. I most humbly thank you for your kind
condescension, Messieurs Transchesapeakes.
"Witness my hand,
"JOHN ADAMS."
Another allusion to his son while abroad, is made by the elder Adams, in a
letter dated Philadelphia, March 25,1796.
"The President told me he had that day received three or four letters from
his new Minister in London, one of them as late as the 29th of December.
Mr. Pickering informs me that Mr. Adams [Footnote: John Quincy Adams]
modestly declined a presentation at court, but it was insisted on by Lord
Grenville; and, accordingly, he was presented to the King, and I think
the Queen, and made his harangues and received his answers. By the papers
I find that Mr. Pinckney appeared at court on the 28th of January, after
which, I presume, Mr. Adams had nothing to do but return to Holland."
During his residence as Minister at the Hague, Mr. Adams had occasion to
visit London, to exchange the ratifications of the treaty recently formed
with Great Britain, and to take measures for carrying its provisions into
effect. (Alluded to in the above letter from John Adams.) It was at this
time that he formed an acquaintance with Miss Louisa Catharine Johnson,
daughter of Joshua Johnson, Esq., of Maryland, Consular Agent of the
United States at London, and niece of Governor Johnson of Maryland, a
Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, and a signer of the
Declaration of Independence. The friendship they formed for each other,
soon ripened into a mutual attachment and an engagement. They were married
on the 26th of July, 1797. It was a happy union. For more than half a
century they shared each other's joys and sorrows. The venerable matron
who for this long period accompanied him in all the vicissitudes of his
eventful life, still survives, to deplore the loss of him who had ever
proved a faithful protector and the kindest of husbands.
In the meantime, the elder Adams had been elected President of the United
States, in 1796. The curious reader may have a desire to know something of
the views, feelings and anticipations of those elevated to places of the
highest distinction, and of the amount of enjoyment they reap from the
honors conferred upon them. A glance behind the scenes is furnished in the
following correspondence between John Adams and his wife, which took place
at his election to the Presidency. [Footnote: Letters of John Adams, v.
ii. pp. 242,243. Mrs. Adams' Letters, p. 373.]
MR. ADAMS TO HIS WIFE.
"Philadelphia, 4th of Feb., 1797.
"My Dearest Friend,
"I hope you will not communicate to anybody the hints I give you about our
prospects; but they appear every day worse and worse. House rent at
twenty-seven hundred dollars a year, fifteen hundred dollars for a
carriage, one thousand for one pair of horses, all the glasses, ornaments,
kitchen furniture, the best chairs, settees, plateaus, &c., all to
purchase; all the china, delph or wedgewood, glass and crockery of every
sort to purchase, and not a farthing probably will the House of
Representatives allow, though the Senate have voted a small addition. All
the linen besides. I shall not pretend to keep more than one pair of
horses for a carriage, and one for a saddle. Secretaries, servants, wood,
charities, which are demanded as rights, and the million dittoes, present
such a prospect as is enough to disgust anyone. Yet not one word must we
say. We cannot go back. We must stand our ground as long as we can.
Dispose of our places with the help of our friend Dr. Tufts, as well as
you can. We are impatient for news, but that is always so at this season.
I am tenderly your J. A."
THE SAME TO THE SAME.
"Philadelphia, 9th Feb., 1797.
"My Dearest Friend,
"The die is cast,[Footnote: Mr. Adams had, the day previous, been
announced President elect of the United States.] and you must prepare
yourself for honorable trials. I must wait to know whether Congress will
do anything or not to furnish my house. If they do not, I will have no
house before next fall, and then a very moderate one, with very moderate
furniture. The prisoners from Algiers [Footnote: American citizens who had
long been in captivity among the Algerines.] arrived yesterday in this
City, in good health, and looking very well. Captain Stevens is among
them. One woman rushed into the crowd and picked out her husband, whom she
had not seen for fourteen years.
"I am, and ever shall be, yours, and no other's, J. A."
MRS. JOHN ADAMS TO HER HUSBAND.
"Quincy, 8th Feb., 1797.
"'The sun is dressed in brightest beams,
To give thy honors to the day.'
"And may it prove an auspicious prelude to each ensuing season. You have
this day to declare yourself head of a nation. 'And now, O Lord, my God,
thou hast made thy servant ruler over the people. Give unto him an
understanding heart, that he may know how to go out and come in before
this great people; that he may discern between good and bad. For who is
able to judge this thy so great a people?' were the words of a royal
sovereign; and not less applicable to him who is invested with the Chief
Magistracy of a nation, though he wear not a crown, nor the robes of
royalty.
"My thoughts and my meditations are with you, though personally absent;
and my petitions to Heaven are, that 'the things which make for peace may
not be hidden from your eyes.' My feelings are not those of pride or
ostentation, upon the occasion. They are solemnized by a sense of the
obligations, the important trusts, and numerous duties connected with it.
That, you may be enabled to discharge them with honor to yourself, with
justice and impartiality to your country, and with satisfaction to this
great people, shall be the daily prayer of your A. A."
MR. ADAMS TO HIS WIFE.
"Philadelphia, 5th March, 1797.
"My Dearest Friend,
"Your dearest friend never had a more trying day than yesterday.[Footnote:
The day of his inauguration as President.] A solemn scene it was indeed;
and it was made more affecting to me by the presence of the General,
[Washington,] whose countenance was as serene and unclouded as the day. He
seemed to me to enjoy a triumph over me. Methought I heard him say, 'Ay!
I am fairly out, and you fairly in! See which of us will be happiest.'
When the ceremony was over, he came and made me a visit, and cordially
congratulated me, and wished my administration might be happy, successful,
and honorable.
"It is now settled that I am to go into his house. It is whispered that he
intends to take French leave to-morrow. I shall write you as fast as we
proceed. My chariot is finished, and I made my first appearance in it
yesterday. It is simple, but elegant enough. My horses are young, but
clever.
"In the chamber of the House of Representatives, was a multitude as great
as the space could contain, and I believe scarcely a dry eye but
Washington's. The sight of the sun setting full orbed, and another rising,
though less splendid, was a novelty. Chief Justice Ellsworth administered
the oath, and with great energy. Judges Cushing, Wilson, and Iredell,
were present. Many ladies. I had not slept well the night before, and did
not sleep well the night after. I was unwell, and did not know whether I
should get through or not. I did, however. How the business was received,
I know not; only I have been told that Mason, the treaty publisher, said
we should lose nothing by the change, for he never heard such a speech in
public in his life.
"All agree that, taken altogether, it was the sublimest thing ever
exhibited in America.
"I am, my dearest friend, most affectionately and kindly yours,
"JOHN ADAMS."
On entering upon the duties of the Presidency, John Adams was greatly
embarrassed in regard to the line he should adopt toward his son. True,
the younger Adams had been entrusted by Washington with an important
embassy abroad, and had acquitted himself with great credit in his
responsible station; but the father, with a delicacy highly honorable,
hesitated continuing him in office, lest he might be charged with unworthy
favoritism, and a disposition to promote the interest of his family at the
expense of public good. In this exigency, not daring to trust his own
judgment, lest its decisions might be warped by parental solicitude, he
resorted to the wisdom and experience of Washington. Writing him for
advice on this subject, he received the following reply:--
"Monday, Feb. 20, 1797.
"Dear Sir,
"I thank you for giving me a perusal of the enclosed. The sentiments do
honor to the head and the heart of the writer; and if my wishes would be
of any avail, they should go to you in a strong hope, that you will not
withhold merited promotion from John Q. Adams, because he is your son. For
without intending to compliment the father or the mother, or to censure
any others, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most
valuable public character we have abroad; and that there remains no doubt
in my mind, that he will prove himself to be the ablest of all our
diplomatic corps. If he was now to be brought into that line, or into any
other public walk, I could not, upon the principle which has regulated my
own conduct, disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in the letter.
But he is already entered; the public, more and more, as he is known, are
appreciating his talents and worth; and his country would sustain a loss,
if these were to be checked by over delicacy on your part.
"With sincere esteem, and affectionate regard,
"I am ever yours,
"GEORGE WASHINGTON."
This letter is characteristic of the discernment and nobleness of
Washington. Appreciating at a glance the perplexed position of Mr. Adams,
and wisely discriminating between the bringing forward of his son for the
first time into public service, and the continuing him where he had
already been placed by others, and shown himself worthy of all trust and
confidence, he frankly advised him to overcome his scruples, and permit
his son to remain in a career so full of promise to himself and his
country. President Adams, in agreement with this counsel, determined to
allow his son to continue in Europe in the public capacity to which he had
been promoted by Washington.
Shortly previous to the close of Washington's administration, he
transferred the younger Adams from the Hague, by an appointment as
Minister Plenipotentiary to Portugal, but before proceeding to Lisbon, his
father, in the meantime having become President, changed his destination
to Berlin. He arrived in that city in the autumn of 1797, and immediately
entered upon the discharge of his duties as Minister of the United States.
In 1798, while retaining his office at Berlin, he was commissioned to form
a commercial treaty with Sweden.
During his residence at Berlin, Mr. Adams, while attending with unsleeping
diligence to his public duties, did not forego the more congenial pursuits
of literature. He cultivated the acquaintance of many eminent German
scholars and poets, and manifested a friendly sympathy in their pursuits.
In a letter to the late Dr. Follen writes of that day as follows:--
"At this time, Wieland was there the most popular of the German poets.
And although there was in his genius neither the originality nor the deep
pathos of Goethe, Klopstock, or Schiller there was something in the
playfulness of his imagination, in the tenderness of his sensibility, in
the sunny cheerfulness of his philosophy, and in the harmony of his
versification, which delighted me."
To perfect his knowledge of the German language, Mr. Adams made a metrical
translation of Wieland's Oberon into the English language. The
publication of this work, which at one time was designed, was superseded
by the appearance of a similar translation by Sotheby.
In the summer of 1800, Mr. Adams made a tour through Silesia. He was
charmed with the inhabitants of that region, their condition and habits.
In many respects he found them bearing a great similarity to the people of
his own native New England. He communicated his impressions during this
excursion, in a series of letters to a younger brother in Philadelphia.
These letters were interesting, and were considered of great value at that
time, in consequence of many important facts they contained in regard to
the manufacturing establishments of Silesia. They were published, without
Mr. Adams's knowledge, in the Port Folio, a weekly paper edited by Joseph
Dennie, at Philadelphia. The series was afterwards collected and
published in a volume, in London, and has been translated into German and
French, and extensively circulated on the continent.
Among other labors while at Berlin, Mr. Adams succeeded in forming a
treaty of amity and commerce with the Prussian government. The protracted
correspondence with the Prussian commissioners, which resulted in this
treaty, involving as it did the rights of neutral commerce, was conducted
with consummate ability on the part of Mr. Adams, and received the fullest
sanction of the government at home.
Mr. Adams' missions at the Hague and at Berlin, constituted his first step
in the intricate paths of diplomacy. They were accomplished amid the
momentous events which convulsed all Europe, at the close of the
eighteenth century. Republican France, exasperated at the machinations of
the Allied Sovereigns to destroy its liberties, so recently obtained, was
pushing its armies abroad, determined, in self-defence, to kindle the
flames of revolution in every kingdom on the Continent. Great Britain,
combined with Austria and other European powers, was using every effort to
crush the French democracy, and remove from before the eyes of
down-trodden millions an example so dangerous to monarchical institutions.
The star of Napoleon had commenced its ascent, with a suddenness and
brightness which startled the imbecile occupants of old thrones. His
legions had rushed down from the Alps upon the sunny plains of Italy, and
with the swoop of an eagle, had demolished towns, cities, kingdoms.
Amid this conflict of nations, the commerce and navigation of the United
States, a neutral power, were made common object of prey to all. Great
Britain and France especially, did not hesitate to make depredations, at
once the most injurious and irritating. Our ships were captured, our
rights disregarded. In the midst of these scenes, surrounded by
difficulties and embarrassments on every hand, the youthful ambassador was
compelled to come into collision with the veteran and wily politicians of
the old world. How well he maintained the dignity and honor of his
government--how sleepless the vigilance with which he watched the
movements on the vast field of political strife--how prompt to protest
against all encroachments--how skilful in conducting negotiations--and how
active to promote the interests of the Union, wherever his influence could
be felt--the archives of our country will abundantly testify. It was a
fitting and promising commencement of a long public career which has been
full of usefulness and of honor.
The administration of John Adams, as President of the United States, was
characterized by great prudence and moderation, considering the excited
state of the times. There cannot be a doubt he was anxious to copy the
worthy example of his illustrious predecessor, in administering the
government on principles of strict impartiality, for the good of the whole
people, without respect to conflicting parties. Immediately on his
inauguration, he had an interview with Mr. Jefferson, then Vice-
President, and proposed the adoption of steps that would have a tendency
to quell the spirit of faction which pervaded the country. That Mr.
Jefferson, on his part, cherished a profound respect for Mr. Adams, his
old co-laborer in the cause of American freedom, is evident from his
letters and speeches of that day. In his speech on taking the chair of the
Senate, as Vice-President, he expressed himself in the following terms:--
"I might here proceed, and with the greatest truth, to declare my zealous
attachment to the Constitution of the United States; that I consider the
union of these States as the first of blessings; and as the first of
duties the preservation of that Constitution which secures it; but I
suppose these declarations not pertinent to the occasion of entering into
an office, whose primary business is merely to preside over the forms of
this House; and no one more sincerely prays that no accident may call me
to the higher and more important functions, which the Constitution
eventually devolves on this office. These have been justly confided to the
eminent character which has preceded me here, whose talents and integrity
have been known and revered by me, through a long course of years; have
been the foundation of a cordial and uninterrupted friendship between us;
and I devoutly pray he may be long preserved for the government, the
happiness and the prosperity of our common country."
The sincere attempts of President Adams to produce harmony of political
action among the American people, were unavailing. The extraordinary
events transpiring in Europe, exerted an influence on domestic politics,
which could not be neutralized. "The enemies of France"--"the friends of
England," or vice versa, were cries which convulsed the nation to its
centre. The entire population was sundered into contending parties.
John Adams was a true republican. His political opponents charged him with
monarchical tendencies and aspirations, but charged him most falsely. His
life, devoted unreservedly to the service of his country through all its
dark and perilous journey to the achievement of its independence--his
public speeches and documents--his private letters, written to his bosom
companion, with no expectation that the eye of any other would ever rest
upon them--all testify his ardent devotion to the principles of
republicanism. At the breaking out of the French Revolution, he yielded it
his hearty support, and did not withdraw his countenance, until compelled,
by the scenes of anarchy and of carnage which soon ensued, to turn away
with horror and raise his voice against proceedings of savage ferocity.
But while condemning the excesses of the French revolutionists, he was no
friend of Great Britain. This is made evident by a multitude of facts.
Read, for instance, the following extract from a letter, not written for
public effect, addressed to his wife, dated Philadelphia, April 9, 1796:--
"I have read 'the minister's' dispatches from London. The King could not
help discovering his old ill humor. The mad idiot will never recover.
Blunderer by nature, accidents are all against him. Every measure of his
reign has been wrong. It seems they don't like Pinckney. They think he is
no friend to that country, and too much of a French Jacobin. They wanted
to work up some idea or other of introducing another in his place, but our
young politician [Footnote: J. Q. Adams.] saw into them too deeply to be
duped. At his last visit to Court, the King passed him without speaking to
him, which, you know, will be remarked by courtiers of all nations. I am
glad of it; for I would not have my son go so far as Mr. Jay, and affirm
the friendly disposition of that country to this. I know better. I know
their jealousy, envy, hatred, and revenge, covered under pretended
contempt."
While President Adams cherished no partialities for Great Britain, and had
no desire to promote her especial interest, he was compelled by the force
of circumstances, during his administration to assume a hostile attitude
towards France. The French Directory, chagrined at the failure of all
attempts to induce the government of the United States to abandon its
neutrality and take up arms in their behalf against the Allied Sovereigns,
and deeply incensed at the treaty recently concluded between England and
the United States, resorted to retaliatory measures. They adopted
commercial regulations designed to cripple and destroy our foreign trade.
They passed an ordinance authorizing, in certain cases, the seizure and
confiscation of American vessels and cargoes. They refused to receive Mr.
Pinckney, the American minister, and ordered him peremptorily to leave
France.
Mr. Adams convened Congress, by proclamation, on the 15th of June, 1797,
and in his message laid before that body a lucid statement of the
aggressions of the French Directory. Congress made advances, with a view
to a reconciliation with France. But failing in this attempt, immediate
and vigorous measures were adopted to place the country in a condition for
war. A small standing army was authorized. The command was tendered to
Gen. Washington, who accepted of it with alacrity, sanctioning as he did
these defensive measures of the government. Steps were taken for a naval
armament, and the capture of French vessels authorized. These energetic
demonstrations produced their desired effect. The war proceeded no farther
than a few collisions at sea. The French Directory became alarmed, and
made overtures of peace.
Washington did not survive to witness the restoration of amicable
relations with France. On the 14th of December, 1799, after a brief
illness, he departed this life, at Mount Vernon, aged sixty-eight years.
On receiving this mournful intelligence, Congress, then in session at
Philadelphia, passed the following resolution:--
"Resolved, That the Speaker's chair should be shrouded in black; that the
members should wear black during the session, and that a joint committee,
from the Senate and the House, be appointed to devise the most suitable
manner of paying honor to the memory of the Man, first in war, first in
peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen."
Testimonials of sorrow were exhibited, and funeral orations and eulogies
were delivered, throughout the United States. The Father of his Country
slept in death, and an entire people mourned his departure!
On assuming the duties of the Presidency, the elder Adams found the
finances of the country in a condition of the most deplorable prostration.
To sustain the government in this department, it was deemed indispensable
to establish a system of direct taxation, by internal duties. This
produced great dissatisfaction throughout the Union. An "alien law" was
passed, which empowered the President to banish from the United States,
any foreigner whom he should consider dangerous to the peace and safety of
the country. And a "sedition law," imposing fine and imprisonment for "any
false, scandalous, and malicious writing against the government of the
United States, or either house of Congress, or the President."
These measures are not justly chargeable to John Adams. They were not
recommended nor desired by him; but were brought forward and urged by Gen.
Hamilton and his friends. Nevertheless upon Mr. Adams was heaped the odium
they excited. The leading measures of his administration--the
demonstration against France; the standing army; the direct taxation; the
alien and sedition laws--all tended to injure his popularity with the mass
of the people, and to destroy his prospects of a re-election to the
presidency. The perplexities he was compelled to encounter during his
administration, may be conceived on perusal of his language in a letter
dated March 17, 1797:--
"From the situation where I now am, I see a scene of ambition beyond all
my former suspicions or imaginations; an emulation which will turn our
government topsy-turvy. Jealousies and rivalries have been my theme, and
checks and balances as their antidotes, till I am ashamed to repeat the
words; but they never stared me in the face in such horrid forms as at
present. I see how the thing is going. At the next election England will
set up Jay or Hamilton, and France Jefferson, and all the corruption of
Poland will be introduced; unless the American spirit should rise and say,
we will have neither John Bull nor Louis Baboon."
In 1800, the seat of government was removed to Washington. In taking
possession of the President's house, Mr. Adams bestowed a benediction on
it, which must ever meet with a response from all American hearts--"
Before I end my letter, I pray heaven to bestow the best of blessings on
this house, and on all that shall hereafter inhabit it. May none but
honest and wise men ever rule under this roof!" A description of the house
and the city, at that time, is furnished in a letter from Mrs. Adams to
her daughter, written in November, 1800:--
"I arrived here on Sunday last, and without meeting any accident worth
noticing, except losing ourselves when we left Baltimore, and going eight
or nine miles on the Frederick road, by which means we were obliged to go
the other eight through the woods, where we wandered two hours without
finding a guide or the path. Fortunately, a straggling black came up with
us, and we engaged him as a guide to extricate us out of our difficulty;
but woods are all you see, from Baltimore, until you reach the city, which
is only so in name. Here and there is a small cot, without a glass window,
interspersed among the forests, through which you travel miles without
seeing any human being. * * * * * * * * * The house is made habitable, but
there is not a single apartment finished, and all withinside, except the
plastering, has been done since Briesier came. We have not the least
fence, yard, or other convenience without, and the great unfinished
audience-room I make a drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. The
principal stairs are not up, and will not be this winter. Six chambers are
made comfortable; two are occupied by the President and Mr. Shaw; two
lower rooms, one for a common parlor, and one for a levee room. Up stairs
there is the oval room, which is designed for the drawing-room, and has
the crimson furniture in it. It is a very handsome room now; but when
completed, it will be beautiful."
The presidential contest in 1800, was urged with a warmth and bitterness,
by both parties, which has not been equalled in any election since that
period. It was the first time two candidates ever presented themselves to
the people as rival aspirants for the highest honor in their gift. Both
were good men and true--both were worthy of the confidence of the country.
But Mr. Adams, weighed down by the unpopularity of acts adopted during his
administration, and suffering under the charge of being an enemy to
revolutionary France, and a friend of monarchical England, was distanced
and defeated by his competitor. Mr. Jefferson was elected the third
President of the Republic, and was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1801.
One of the last acts of John Adams, before retiring from the Presidency,
was to recall his son from Berlin, that Mr. Jefferson might have no
embarrassment in that direction.