JOHN QUINCY ADAMS STUDIES LAW--HIS PRACTICE--ENGAGES IN PUBLIC
LIFE--APPOINTED MINISTER TO THE HAGUE.
After leaving the University, young Adams entered the office of
Theophilus Parsons, who was then in the practice of law at Newburyport,
and who afterwards for so many years filled with dignity and ability the
office of Chief Justice of Massachusetts.
Adams completed the usual term of professional study, and then commenced
the practice of the law in Boston. It may encourage some who are oppressed
by the difficulties attending initiation in the profession, to know, that
during the first and only four years of John Quincy Adams' practice, he
had occasion for despondency.
"I had long and lingering anxieties, (he afterwards said,) in looking
forward, doubtful even of my prospects of comfortable subsistence, but
acquiring more and more the means of it, till in the last of the four
years, the business of my profession yielded me an income more than equal
to my expenditures."
But the country and the age had claims on John Quincy Adams, as well as on
his father, for higher duties than "making writs," and "haranguing
juries," and "being happy."
The American Revolution, which had been brought to a successful close, had
inspired, throughout Europe, a desire to renovate the institutions of
government. The officers and citizens of France who had mingled in the
contest, had carried home the seeds of freedom, and had scattered them
abroad upon soil quick to receive them. The flame of Liberty, kindled on
the shores of the Western Continent, was reflected back upon the Old
World. France beheld its beams, and hailed them as a beacon-light, which
should lead the nations out from the bondage of ages. Inspirited by the
success attending the struggle in the British colonies, the French people,
long crushed beneath a grinding despotism, resolved to burst their
shackles and strike for Freedom. It was a noble resolution, but
consummated, alas amid devastation and the wildest anarchy. The French
Revolution filled the world with horror. It was the work of a blind giant,
urged to fury by the remembrance of wrongs endured for generations. The
Altar of Liberty was reared amid seas of blood, and stained with the gore
of innocent victims.
The measurable failure of this struggle in France, teaches the necessity
of due preparation before a people can advance to the permanent possession
and enjoyment of their rights. The American colonists had been trained to
rational conceptions of freedom, by lessons of wisdom and sagacity read
them by their Puritan fathers, and by the experience in self-government,
afforded during a century and a half of enjoyment of a large share of
political privileges, granted by the mother country. They were thus
prepared to lay deep and strong the foundations of an enlightened
government, which, equally removed from the extremes of despotism on the
one hand, and anarchy on the other, and granting its subjects the exercise
of their right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," shall
endure through ages to come. But the people of France, shut up in darkness
during centuries of misrule, passed at a step from abject servitude to
unlimited freedom. They were unprepared for this violent transition. Their
conceptions of liberty were of the most extravagant description. What
wonder that they became dizzy at their sudden elevation! What wonder that
blood flowed in rivers!--that dissension and faction rent them asunder--
that a fearful anarchy soon reigned triumphant--or that the confused and
troubled drama closed in the iron rule of a military conqueror--the Man of
Destiny! Let not this lesson be lost upon the world. Let a people who
would enjoy freedom, learn to merit the boon by the study of its
principles and a preparation to exercise its privileges, under those
salutary restraints which man can never throw off and be happy!
The odium excited throughout Europe by the excesses of the French
Revolution, was heaped without measure upon the American people. They were
charged with the origin of the misrule which convulsed France, and filled
the eastern hemisphere with alarm: and were tauntingly pointed to the
crude theories promulgated by French democracy, and the failure of their
phrenzied efforts to establish an enlightened and permanent Republic, as
conclusive evidence that self-government, among any people, was a mere
Utopian dream, which could never be realized.
The establishment of a republican government in America, had not been
relished by the monarchies of Europe. They looked upon it with distrust,
as a precedent dangerous to them in the highest degree. The succor which
Louis XVI. had rendered the revolting colonists, was not from a love of
democratic institutions: it was his hope to cripple Great Britain, his
ancient enemy, and to find some opportunity, perhaps, to win back his
Canadian provinces, which had so recently been rent from his possession.
When the pent-up flames of revolution burst forth at the very doors of the
governments of the old world--when the French throne had been robbed of
its king, and that king of his life--when a Republic had been proclaimed
in their midst, and signal-notes of freedom were ringing in their
borders--they became seriously alarmed. The growing evil must be checked
immediately. Led on by England, the continental powers combined to
exterminate at a blow, if possible, every vestige of Republicanism in
France. Then commenced the long series of bloody wars, which, with little
intermission, convulsed Europe for nearly a quarter of a century, and
ceased only when the rock of St. Helena received its lonely exile.
In the meantime affairs at home had attained to a critical juncture. The
Constitution had been adopted. The new government had been set in
operation under the supervision of Washington, as the first President of
the Republic. The people, influenced by certain "elective affinities," had
become sundered into two great political parties--Conservative and
Progressive, or Federal and Democratic. Both were distrustful of the
Constitution. The former believed it too weak to consolidate a government
capable of protecting its subjects in the peaceful enjoyment of their
rights, from discord within, and attacks from without. The latter
apprehended that it might easily be transformed, by some ambitious
Napoleon, into an instrument of oppression, more fearful even than the
limited monarchy from which they had but recently escaped, at an expense
of so much blood and treasure. Each of these parties are entitled to the
credit of equal sincerity and honesty of purpose.
Washington, with a loftiness of purpose truly characteristic of a great
and good mind, refused to identify himself with either party. In forming
his first cabinet, moved with a desire to heal the dissensions which
distracted the country, he selected its members equally from the adverse
factions. Hamilton and Knox represented the Federal party, and Jefferson
and Randolph the opposite. During his entire administration, "the Father
of his country" steadily aimed to keep himself clear from all party
entanglements. He was emphatically the President of the whole people, and
not of a faction. His magnanimous spirit would not stoop to party
favoritism, nor allow him to exercise the power entrusted him, to promote
the interests of any political clique. In all his measures his great
object was to advance the welfare of the nation, without regard to their
influence on conflicting parties. In these things he left behind him a
pure and noble example, richly worthy the imitation of his successors in
that high station.
The Revolution in France, and the measures adopted by the Allied
Sovereigns to arrest its progress, excited the liveliest interest among
the people of the United States. But their sympathies ran in different
channels, and very naturally took the hue of their party predilections.
The Democrats, believing the French Revolution to be the up-springing of
the same principles which had triumphed here--a lawful attempt of an
oppressed people to secure the exercise of inalienable rights--although
shuddering at the excesses which had been perpetrated, still felt it to be
our own cause, and insisted that we were in honor and duty bound to render
all the assistance in our power, even to a resort to arms, if need be. The
Federalists, on the other hand, were alarmed at the anarchical tendencies
in France. They were fearful that law, order, government, and society
itself, would be utterly and speedily swept away, unless the revolutionary
movement was arrested. Cherishing these apprehensions, they were disposed
to favor the views of Great Britain and other European powers, and were
anxious that the government of the United States should adopt some active
measures to assist in checking what they could not but view as rapid
strides to political and social anarchy. However the two parties differed
as to the measures proper to be adopted in this crisis, they were united
in the conviction that our government should take some part as a
belligerant, in these European struggles; and exerted each its influence
to bring about such an interference as would be in accordance with their
conflicting views of duty and expediency.
There was residing, at this period, in Boston, a young and nearly
briefless lawyer, whose views on these important matters differed
materially from those entertained by both parties. It was John Quincy
Adams. While he could not countenance the attempts of the Allied Powers to
destroy the French Republic, and re-establish a monarchy, he was equally
far from favoring the turn which affairs were clearly taking in that
unhappy country. He evidently foresaw the French Revolution would prove a
failure; and that it was engendering an influence which, unchecked, would
be deeply injurious to American liberty and order. To counteract this
tendency, he published in the Boston Centinel, in 1791, a series of
articles, signed "Publicola," in which he discussed with great ability,
the wild vagaries engendered among political writers in France, and which
had been caught up by many in our own country. These articles attracted
much attention, both at home and abroad. They were re-published in
England, as an answer to several points in Paine's "Rights of Man." So
profound was the political sagacity they displayed, and so great the
familiarity with public affairs, that they were, by general consent,
attributed to the elder Adams. On this subject, John Adams writes his wife
as follows, from Philadelphia, on the 5th December, 1793:--
"The Viscount Noailles called on me. * * * * He seemed very critical in
his inquiries concerning the letters printed as mine in England. I told
him candidly that I did not write them, and as frankly, in confidence, who
did. He says they made a great impression upon the people of England; that
he heard Mr. Windham and Mr. Fox speak of them as the best thing that had
been written, and as one of the best pieces of reasoning and style they
had ever read."
The younger Adams, in surveying the condition of the country at this
critical period, became convinced it would be a fatal step for the new
government to take sides with either of the great parties in Europe, who
were engaged in the settlement of their difficulties by the arbitrement
of arms. However strongly our sympathies were elicited in behalf of the
French Republic--however we may have been bound in gratitude for the
assistance rendered us during our Revolutionary struggle, to co-operate
with France in her defence of popular institutions--still,
self-preservation is the first law of nature. Mr. Adams saw, that to throw
ourselves into the melee of European conflicts, would prostrate the
interests of the country, and peril the very existence of the government.
These views he embodied in a series of articles, which he published in the
Boston Centinel, in 1793, under the signature of "Marcellus." He
insisted it was alike the dictate of duty and policy, that the United
States should remain strictly neutral between France and her enemies.
These papers attracted general attention throughout the Union, and made a
marked impression on the public mind. They were read by Washington, with
expressions of the highest satisfaction; and he made particular inquiries
respecting the author.
The position of Mr. Adams on neutrality was new, and in opposition to the
opinions of the great mass of the country. To him, it is believed, belongs
the honor of first publicly advocating this line of policy, which
afterwards became a settled principle of the American government.
Non-interference with foreign affairs is a principle to which the Union
has rigidly adhered to the present hour. In these articles too, Mr. Adams
developed the political creed which governed him through life in regard to
two great principles--union at home and independence of all foreign
alliances or entanglements--independence not only politically, but in
manufactures and in commerce.
On the 25th of April, 1793, Washington issued a proclamation, announcing
the neutrality of the United States between the belligerent nations of
Europe. This proclamation was not issued until after Mr. Adams's articles
urging this course had been before the public for some time. It is an
honorable testimony to the sagacity of his views, that Washington, and the
eminent men composing his cabinet, adopted a policy which coincided so
perfectly with opinions he had formed purely from the strength of his own
convictions. The proclamation pleased neither of the belligerent nations
in Europe. It aroused the enmity of both; and laid open our commerce to
the depredations of all parties, on the plea that the American government
was inimical to their interests.
While in the practice of law in Boston, Mr. Adams was not well satisfied
with his condition or prospects. That he was laudably ambitious to arise
to distinction in some honorable line is quite certain. But, singular as
it may appear at this day, in view of his early life, and his acknowledged
talents, he was not looking for, nor expecting, political preferment.
These facts appear in the following passages from his diary, written at
that time; and which, moreover, will be found to contain certain rules of
action for life, which the young men of our country should studiously seek
to imitate.
"Wednesday, May 16th, 1792. I am not satisfied with the manner in which I
employ my time. It is calculated to keep me forever fixed in that state of
useless and disgraceful insignificancy, which has been my lot for some
years past. At an age bearing close upon twenty-five, when many of the
characters who were born for the benefit of their fellow-creatures have
rendered themselves conspicuous among their cotemporaries, and founded a
reputation upon which their memory remains, and will continue to the
latest posterity--at that period, I still find myself as obscure, as
unknown to the world, as the most indolent, or the most stupid of human
beings. In the walks of active life I have done nothing. Fortune, indeed,
who claims to herself a large proportion of the merit which exhibits to
public view the talents of professional men, at an early period of their
lives, has not hitherto been peculiarly indulgent to me. But if to my own
mind I inquire whether I should, at this time, be qualified to receive and
derive any benefit from an opportunity which it may be in her power to
procure for me, my own mind would shrink from the investigation. My heart
is not conscious of an unworthy ambition; nor of a desire to establish
either fame, honor, or fortune upon any other foundation than that of
desert. But it is conscious, and the consideration is equally painful and
humiliating, it is conscious that the ambition is constant and unceasing,
while the exertions to acquire the talents which ought alone to secure the
reward of ambition, are feeble, indolent, frequently interrupted, and
never pursued with an ardor equivalent to its purposes. My future fortunes
in life are, therefore, the objects of my present speculation, and it may
be proper for me to reflect further upon the same subject, and if
possible, to adopt some resolutions which may enable me, as uncle Toby
Shandy said of his miniature sieges, to answer the great ends of my
existence.
"First, then, I begin with establishing as a fundamental principle upon
which all my subsequent pursuits and regulations are to be established,
that the acquisition, at least, of a respectable reputation is (subject to
the overruling power and wisdom of Providence,) within my own power; and
that on my part nothing is wanting, but a constant and persevering
determination to tread in the steps which naturally lead to honor. And, at
the same time, I am equally convinced, that I never shall attain that
credit in the world, which my nature directs me to wish, without such a
steady, patient, and persevering pursuit of the means adapted to the end I
have in view, as has often been the subject of my speculation, but never
of my practice.
'Labor and toil stand stern before the throne,
And guard--so Jove commands--the sacred place.'
"The mode of life adopted almost universally by my cotemporaries and
equals is by no means calculated to secure the object of my ambition. My
emulation is seldom stimulated by observing the industry and application
of those whom my situation in life gives me for companions. The pernicious
and childish opinion that extraordinary genius cannot brook the slavery of
plodding over the rubbish of antiquity (a cant so common among the
heedless votaries of indolence), dulls the edge of all industry, and is
one of the most powerful ingredients in the Circean potion which
transforms many of the most promising young men into the beastly forms
which, in sluggish idleness, feed upon the labors of others. The
degenerate sentiment, I hope, will never obtain admission in my mind; and,
if my mind should be loitered away in stupid laziness, it will be under
the full conviction of my conscience that I am basely bartering the
greatest benefits with which human beings can be indulged, for the
miserable gratifications which are hardly worthy of contributing to the
enjoyments of the brute creation.
"And as I have grounded myself upon the principle, that my character is,
under the smiles of heaven, to be the work of my own hands, it becomes
necessary for me to determine upon what part of active or of speculative
life I mean to rest my pretensions to eminence. My own situation and that
of my country equally prohibit me from seeking to derive any present
expectations from a public career. My disposition is not military; and,
happily, the warlike talents are not those which open the most pleasing or
the most reputable avenue to fame. I have had some transient thoughts of
undertaking some useful literary performance, but the pursuit would
militate too much at present with that of the profession upon which I am
to depend, not only for my reputation, but for my subsistence.
"I have, therefore, concluded that the most proper object of my present
attention is that profession itself. And in acquiring the faculty to
discharge the duties of it, in a manner suitable to my own wishes and the
expectations of my friends, I find ample room for close and attentive
application; for frequent and considerate observation; and for such
benefits of practical experience as occasional opportunities may throw in
the way."
The following letter from John Adams, at this time Vice President of the
United States, written to his wife at Quincy, will be interesting, as
showing, among other things, his anxiety that his sons should make some
start in life, which would give promise of future usefulness. He was far
from believing that sons should repose in idleness on the reputation or
wealth of parents.
"Philadelphia, 2 March, 1793.
"My Dear,
"Your letter from your sick chamber, if not from your sick bed, has made
me so uneasy, that I must get away as soon as possible. Monday morning, at
six, I am to set off in the stage; but how many days it will take to get
home, will depend on the roads or the winds. I don't believe Abby [his
daughter,] will go with me. Her husband [Col. William S. Smith,] is so
proud of his wealth, that he would not let her go, I suppose, without a
coach-and-four; and such monarchical trumpery I will in future have
nothing to do with. I will never travel but by stage, nor live at the seat
of government but at lodgings, while they give me so despicable an
allowance. Shiver my jib and start my planks if I do!
"I will stay but one night in New York. Smith says that my books are upon
the table of every member of the Committee for framing a constitution of
government for France, except Tom Paine, and he is so conceited as to
disdain to have anything to do with books. Although I abused Smith a
little above, he is very clever and agreeable; but I have been obliged to
caution him against his disposition to boasting. Tell not of your
prosperity, because it will make two men mad to one glad; nor of your
adversity, for it will make two men glad to one sad. He boasts too much of
having made his fortune, and placed himself at ease, above all favors of
government. This is a weakness, and betrays too little knowledge of the
world; too little penetration; too little discretion. I wish, however,
that my boys had a little more of his activity. I must soon treat them as
the pigeons treat their squabs--push them off the limb, and make them put
out their wings or fall. Young pigeons will never fly till this is done.
Smith has acquired the confidence of the French ministry, and the better
sort of the members of the National Convention. But the Executive is too
changeable in that country to be depended on, without the utmost caution.
"Adieu, adieu, tendrement, J. A."
One of the sons of the noble patriot, soon "put out his wings," and
soared, ultimately, to a pinnacle of honor and renown attained by few
among men. In the winter of 1793 and 1794, the public mind had become
highly excited from the inflammatory appeals in behalf of France, by
Citizen Genet, the French Minister to the United States. A large portion
of the anti-Federal party took sides with Mr. Genet, against the neutral
position of our Government, and seemed determined to plunge the Union into
the European contest, in aid of the French Republic. Some idea may be
obtained of the excitement which prevailed at this time, and of the
perilous condition of the country, by an extract or two from letters of
Vice-President John Adams. In a letter dated Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1793,
he writes as follows:--
"It will require all the address, all the temper, and all the firmness of
Congress and the States, to keep this people out of the war; or rather, to
avoid a declaration of war against us, from some mischievous power or
other. It is but little that I can do, either by the functions which the
Constitution has entrusted to me, or by my personal influence; but that
little shall be industriously employed, until it is put beyond a doubt
that it will be fruitless; and then, I shall be as ready to meet
unavoidable calamities, as any other citizen."
Under date of Jan. 9, 1794, he says:--
"The prospects of this country are gloomy, but the situation of all Europe
is calamitous beyond all former examples. At what time, and in what
manner, and by what means, the disasters which are come, and seem to be
coming on mankind, may be averted, I know not. Our own people have been
imprudent, as I think, and are now smarting under the effects of their
indiscretion; but this, instead of a consolation, is an aggravation of our
misfortune. Mr. Genet has been abusive on the President [Washington] and
all his ministers, beyond all measure of decency or obligations of truth,
and in other respects, not yet publicly investigated, his conduct has been
such as to make it difficult to know what to do with him. * * * * * The
news of this evening is, that the Queen of France is no more.
[Footnote: Marie Antoinette was beheaded in Paris, on the 16th of October,
1773.]
When will savages be satiated with blood? No prospect of peace in Europe,
and therefore none of internal harmony in America. We cannot well be in a
more disagreeable situation than we are with all Europe, with all Indians,
and with all Barbary rovers. Nearly one half of the Continent is in
constant opposition to the other, and the President's situation, which is
highly responsible, is very distressing."
It taxed the wisdom and skill of Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State,
to counteract the influence of the French Minister, and prevent citizens
of the United States from committing overt acts against the Allied
Sovereigns, and embroiling the Union in a foreign war. In this endeavor he
was greatly assisted by the pen of Mr. J. Q. Adams. This gentleman wrote a
series of essays for the public prints, under the signature of "Columbus,"
reviewing the course of Mr. Genet. In these articles, he pointed out, with
great clearness, the principles of the law of nations applicable to the
situation of the country in the neutral line of policy which had been
wisely adopted.
In reference to this topic, John Adams writes his wife, as follows, under
date of Dec. 19, 1793:--
"The President has considered the conduct of Genet very nearly in the same
light with 'Columbus,' and has given him a bolt of thunder. We shall see
how this is supported by the two Houses. There are who gnash their teeth
with rage which they dare not own as yet. We shall soon see whether we
have any government or not in this country."
The political writings of the younger Adams had now brought him
prominently before the public. They attracted the especial attention of
Mr. Jefferson, who saw in them a vastness of comprehension, a maturity of
judgment and critical discrimination, which gave large promise of future
usefulness and eminence. Before his retirement from the State Department,
he commended the youthful statesman to the favorable regard of President
Washington, as one pre-eminently fitted for public service.
General Washington, although a soldier by profession, was a lover of
peace. His policy during his administration of the government, was
pre-eminently pacific. Convinced that, in the infant state of the Union,
war with a foreign nation could result only in evil and ruin, he was
anxious to cultivate the most friendly relations with foreign governments,
and to carry out, both in letter and spirit, the strict neutrality he had
proclaimed. To declare and maintain these principles abroad, and to form
political and commercial relations with European powers, Washington looked
anxiously around for one fitted for a mission so important. His attention
soon became fixed on John Quincy Adams. He saw in him qualities not only
of deep political sagacity, and views of policy at unity with his own, but
a familiarity with the languages and customs of foreign courts, which
marked him as one every way calculated to represent our government with
credit in the old world. He accordingly, in May, 1794, appointed Mr. Adams
Minister of the United States at the Hague.
That this prominent appointment was as flattering to Mr. Adams as it was
unexpected, is naturally true. It was the more to his credit in
consideration of the fact, that in those days elevation to offices of this
importance was the award of merit and talent, and not the result of
importunity, or the payment of party services. Mr. Adams was at this time
in the twenty-seventh year of his age--a younger man, undoubtedly, than
has since ever been selected by our Government to fulfil a trust so
important. But the ability and discretion of the young diplomatist, and
the success which attended his negotiations in Europe, so creditable to
himself and his country, fully justified the wisdom of Washington in
selecting him for this important duty.
Although the father of Mr. Adams was then Vice President of the United
States, yet it is well known his appointment on a foreign mission was
obtained without the influence or even the request of his parent. It is
not strictly correct, however, as stated by several biographers, that he
was selected for the mission to Holland without any previous intimation of
the President's intentions to his father. This is made evident by the
following extract of a letter from John Adams to his wife, dated
Philadelphia, 27th May, 1794, conveying intelligence which must have made
a mother's heart swell with honest pride and satisfaction:--
"It is proper that I should apprize you, that the President has it in
contemplation to send your son to Holland, that you may recollect yourself
and prepare for the event. I make this communication to you in confidence,
at the desire of the President, communicated to me yesterday by the
Secretary of State. You must keep it an entire secret until it shall be
announced to the public in the journal of the Senate. But our son must
hold himself in readiness to come to Philadelphia, to converse with the
President, Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, &c., and receive
his commissions and instructions, without loss of time. He will go to
Providence in the stage, and thence to New York by water, and thence to
Philadelphia in the stage. He will not set out, however, until he is
informed of his appointment."
"Your son!" is the phrase by which the father meant to convey his own
sense of how large a part the mother had in training that son; and to
enhance the compliment, it is communicated to her at the desire of
President Washington.