PART II. CONTAINING

THE CONQUEST OF SIBERIA, AND

THE HISTORY OF THE TRANSACTIONS AND COMMERCE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA.

CHAP. I.

First irruption of the _Russians_ into _Siberia_--Second

inroad--_Yermac_ driven by the Tzar of _Muscovy_ from the Volga, retires

to _Orel_ a _Russian_ Settlement--Enters _Siberia_ with an army of

_Cossacks_--His progress and exploits--Defeats _Kutchum Chan_--conquers

his dominions--cedes them to the Tzar--receives a reinforcement of

_Russian_ troops--is surprized by _Kutchum Chan_--his defeat and

death--Veneration paid to his memory--_Russian_ troops evacuate

_Siberia_--re-enter and conquer the whole country--their progress

stopped by the _Chinese_.

[Sidenote: First Irruption of the Russians into Siberia under the Reign

of Ivan Vassilievitch I.] Siberia was scarcely known to the Russians

before the middle of the sixteenth century[68]. For although an

expedition was made, under the reign of Ivan Vassilievitch I. into the

North Western Parts of that country, as far as the river Oby, by which

several Tartar tribes were rendered tributary, and some of their chiefs

brought prisoners to Moscow; yet this incursion bore a greater

resemblance to the desultory inroads of barbarians, than to any

permanent establishment of empire by a civilized nation. Indeed the

effects of that expedition soon vanished; nor does any trace of the

least communication with Siberia again appear in the Russian history

before the reign of Ivan Vassilievitch II. At that period Siberia again

became an object of attention, by means of one Anika Strogonoff, a

Russian merchant, who had established some salt-works at

Solvytshegodskaia, a town in the government of Archangel.

[Footnote 68: S. R. G. VI. p. 199-211. Fis. Sib. Ges. Tom.

I.]

[Sidenote: Anika Strogonoff trades with the People of Siberia.] This

person carried on a trade of barter with the inhabitants of the

North-Western parts of Siberia, who brought every year to the

abovementioned town large quantities of the choicest furs. Upon their

return to their country Strogonoff was accustomed to send with them some

Russian merchants, who crossed the mountains, and traded with the

natives. By these means a considerable number of very valuable furs were

procured at an easy rate, in exchange for toys and other commodities of

trifling value.

This traffic was continued for several years, without any interruption;

during which Strogonoff rapidly amassed a very considerable fortune[69].

At length the Tzar Ivan Vassilievitch II. foreseeing the advantages

which would accrue to his subjects, from establishing a more general and

regular commerce with these people, determined to enlarge the

communication already opened with Siberia. [Sidenote: Second Irruption

of the Russians into Siberia in the Reign of Ivan Vassilievitch II.]

Accordingly he sent a corps of troops into that country. They followed

the same route which had been discovered by the Russians in the former

expedition, and which was lately frequented by the merchants of

Solvytshegodskaia. It lay along the banks of the Petschora, and from

thence crossed the Yugorian mountains, which form the North Eastern

boundary of Europe. These troops, however, do not seem to have passed

the Irtish, or to have penetrated further than the Western branch of the

river Oby. Some Tartar tribes were indeed laid under contribution; and a

chief, whose name was Yediger, consented to pay an annual tribute of a

thousand sables. But this expedition was not productive of any lasting

effects; for soon afterwards Yediger was defeated, and taken prisoner by

Kutchum Chan; the latter was a lineal descendant of the celebrated

Zinghis Chan; and had newly established his empire in those parts.

[Footnote 69: S. R. G. VI. p. 220-223. Fis. Sib. Ges. p.

182.]

This second inroad was probably made about the middle of the sixteenth

century; for the Tzar Ivan Vassilievitch assumed the title of Lord of

all the Siberian lands so early as 1558, before the conquests made by

Yermac in that kingdom[70]. But probably the name of Siberia was at that

time only confined to the district then rendered tributary; and as the

Russians extended their conquests, this appellation was afterwards

applied to the whole tract of country which now bears that name.

[Footnote 70: S. R. G. VI. p. 217.]

For some time after the above-mentioned expedition, the Tzar does not

appear to have made any attempts towards recovering his lost authority

in those distant regions. But his attention was again turned to that

quarter by a concurrence of incidents; which, though begun without his

immediate interposition, terminated in a vast accession of territory.

[Sidenote: Strogonoff forms Settlements upon the Kama and Tchussovaia.]

Strogonoff, in recompence for having first opened a trade with the

inhabitants of Siberia, obtained from the Tzar large grants of land;

accordingly he founded colonies upon the banks of the rivers Kama and

Tchussovaia; and these settlements gave rise to the entire subjection of

Siberia by the refuge which they not long afterwards afforded to Yermac

Timofeeff.

This person was nothing more than a fugitive Cossac of the Don, and

chief of a troop of banditti who infested the shores of the Caspian sea.

But as he was the instrument by which such a vast extent of dominion was

added to the Russian Empire, it will not be uninteresting to develop the

principal circumstances, which brought this Cossac from the shores of

the Caspian to the banks of the Kama; and to trace the progress which he

afterwards made in the distant regions of Siberia.

By the victories which the Tzar Ivan Vassilievitch had gained over the

Tatars of Casan and Astracan, that monarch extended his dominions as far

as the Caspian Sea; and thereby established a commerce with the Persians

and Bucharians. [Sidenote: Yermac is driven from the Shores of the

Caspian Sea. A. D. 1577.] But as the merchants who traded to those parts

were continually pillaged by the Cossacs of the Don; and as the roads

which lay by the side of that river, and of the Volga, were infested

with those banditti; the Tzar sent a considerable force against them.

Accordingly, they were attacked and routed; part were slain, part made

prisoners, and the rest escaped by flight. Among the latter was a corps

of six thousand Cossacs, under the command of the above-mentioned Yermac

Timofeeff[71].

[Footnote 71: S. R. G. VI. p. 232. Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 185.]

[Sidenote: He retires to Orel, one of the Russian Settlements.] That

celebrated adventurer, being driven from his usual haunts, retired, with

his followers, into the interior part of the province of Casan. From

thence he directed his course along the banks of the Kama, until he came

to Orel[72]. That place was one of the Russian settlements recently

planted, and was governed by Maxim grandson of Anika Strogonoff.

Yermac, instead of storming the place, and pillaging the inhabitants,

acted with a degree of moderation unusual in a chief of banditti. Being

hospitably received by Strogonoff, and supplied with every thing that

was necessary for the subsistence of his troops, he fixed his winter

quarters at that settlement. [Sidenote: Determines to invade Siberia.]

His restless genius however did not suffer him to continue for any

length of time in a state of inactivity; and from the intelligence he

procured concerning the situation of the neighbouring Tartars of

Siberia, he turned his arms toward that quarter.

[Footnote 72: S. R. G. VI. p. 233.]

[Sidenote: State of Siberia.] Siberia was at that time partly divided

among a number of separate princes; and partly inhabited by the various

tribes of independent Tartars. Of the former Kutchum Chan was the most

powerful Sovereign. His dominions consisted of that tract of country

which now forms the South Western part of the province of Tobolsk; and

stretched from the banks of the Irtish and Oby to those of the Tobol and

Tura. His principal residence was at Sibir[73], a small fortress upon

the river Irish, not far from the present town of Tobolsk; and of which

some ruins are still to be seen. Although his power was very

considerable, yet there were some circumstances which seemed to ensure

success to an enterprizing invader. He had newly acquired a large part

of his territories by conquest; and had, in a great measure, alienated

the affections of his idolatrous subjects by the intolerant zeal, with

which he introduced and disseminated the Mahometan religion[74].

[Footnote 73: Several authors have supposed the name of

Siberia to derive its origin from this fortress, soon after

it was first taken by the Russians under Yermac. But this

opinion is advanced without sufficient foundation; for the

name of Sibir was unknown to the Tartars, that fort being by

them called Isker. Besides, the Southern part of the province

of Tobolsk, to which the name of Siberia was originally

applied, was thus denominated by the Russians before the

invasion of Yermac. This denomination probably first came

from the Permians and Sirjanians, who brought the first

accounts of Siberia to the Russians.

S. R. G. VI. p. 180.]

[Footnote 74: S. R. G. VI. p. 180.]

Strogonoff did not fail of displaying to Yermac this inviting posture of

affairs, as well with a view of removing him from his present station,

as because he himself was personally exasperated against Kutchum Chan:

for the latter had secretly instigated a large body of Tartars to invade

the Russian settlements upon the river Tchussovaia; and had afterwards

commenced open hostilities against them with a body of forces under the

command of his cousin Mehemet Kul. And although both these attempts had

failed of success, yet the troops engaged in them had left behind traces

of havock and devastation too lasting to be easily effaced[75].

[Footnote 75: Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 187.]

[Sidenote: Marches towards Siberia.] All these various considerations

were not lost upon Yermac: having therefore employed the winter in

preparations for his intended expedition, he began his march in the

summer of the following year, 1578, along the banks of the Tchussovaia.

The want of proper guides, and a neglect of other necessary precautions,

greatly retarded his march, and he was overtaken by the winter before he

had made any considerable progress. [Sidenote: Returns to Orel.] And at

the appearance of spring he found his stock of provisions so nearly

exhausted, that he was reduced to the necessity of returning to Orel.

But this failure of success by no means extinguished his ardour for the

prosecution of the enterprize; it only served to make him still more

solicitous in guarding against the possibility of a future miscarriage.

By threats he extorted from Strogonoff every assistance which the nature

of the expedition seemed to require. Besides a sufficient quantity of

provisions, all his followers, who were before unprovided with

fire-arms, were supplied with muskets and ammunition; and, in order to

give the appearance of a regular army to his troops, colours were

distributed to each company, which were ornamented with the images of

saints, after the manner of the Russians.

Having thus made all previous arrangements, he thought himself in a

condition to force his way into Siberia. [Sidenote: His second

Expedition.] Accordingly, in the month of June, 1579, he set out upon

this second expedition. His followers amounted to five thousand men;

adventurers inured to hardships, and regardless of danger: they placed

implicit confidence in their leader, and seemed to be all animated with

one and the same spirit. [Sidenote: Arrives upon the Banks of the Tura.]

He continued his route partly by land, and partly by water: the

navigation however of the rivers was so tedious, and the roads so rugged

and difficult, that eighteen months elapsed before he reached Tchingi, a

small town upon the banks of the Tura[76].

[Footnote 76: S.R.G. VI. p. 243-248-262.]

Here he mustered his troops, and found his army considerably reduced:

part had been exhausted by fatigue, part carried off by sickness, and

part cut off in skirmishes with the Tartars. The whole remaining number

amounted to about fifteen hundred effective men; and yet with this

handful of troops Yermac did not hesitate a moment in advancing against

Kutchum Chan. That prince was already in a posture of defence; and

resolved to guard his crown to the last extremity. Having collected his

forces, he dispatched several flying parties against Yermac, himself

remaining behind with the slower of his troops: but all these

detachments were driven back with considerable loss; and worried in many

successive skirmishes. Yermac continued his march without intermission,

bearing down all resistance until he reached the center of his

adversary's dominions.

These successes however were dearly bought; for his army was now reduced

to five hundred men. Kutchum Chan was encamped[77] at no great distance

upon the banks of the Irtish, with a very superior force, and determined

to give him battle. Yermac, who was not to be daunted by the inequality

of numbers, prepared for the engagement with a confidence which never

forsook him; his troops were equally impatient for action, and knew no

medium between conquest and death. The event of the combat corresponded

with this magnanimity. [Sidenote: Defeats Ketchum Chan. 1581.] After an

obstinate and well fought battle, victory declared in favour of Yermac:

the Tartars were entirely routed, and the carnage was so general, that

Kutchum Chan himself escaped with difficulty.

[Footnote 77: The place where the Tartar army lay encamped

was called Tschuvatch: it is a neck of land washed by the

Irtish, near the spot where the Tobob falls into that river.

Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 203.]

This defeat proved decisive: Kutchum Chan was deserted by his subjects;

and Yermac, who knew how to improve as well as gain a victory, marched

without delay to Sibir, the residence of the Tartar princes. He was

well aware, that the only method to secure his conquest was to get

possession of that important fortress. He expected therefore to have

found in that place a considerable garrison, determined to sacrifice

their lives in its defence. But the news of the late defeat had diffused

universal consternation, and Sibir was entirely deserted. [Sidenote:

Seats himself upon the Throne.] A body of troops whom he sent before

him, to reduce the fortress, found it quite deserted: he himself soon

after made his triumphant entry, and seated himself upon the throne

without the least opposition. Here he fixed his residence, and received

the allegiance of the neighbouring people, who poured in from all

quarters upon the news of this unexpected revolution. The Tartars were

so struck with his gallant intrepidity and brilliant exploits, that they

submitted to his authority without hesitation, and acquiesced in the

payment of the usual tribute.

Thus this enterprising Cossac was suddenly exalted from the station of a

chief of banditti to the rank of a sovereign prince. It does not appear

from history whether it were at first his design to conquer Siberia, or

solely to amass a considerable booty. The latter indeed seems the more

probable conjecture. The rapid tide of success with which he was carried

on, and the entire defeat of Kutchum Chan, afterwards expanded his

views, and opened a larger scene to his ambition. But whatever were his

original projects, he seems worthy, so far as intrepidity and prudence

form a basis of merit, of the final success which flowed in upon him.

For he was neither elated with unexpected prosperity, nor dazzled with

the sudden glare of royalty: on the contrary, the dignity of his

deportment was as consistent and unaffected, as if he had been born a

sovereign.

And now Yermac and his followers seemed to enjoy those rewards which

they had dearly purchased by a course of unremitted fatigue, and by

victories which almost exceeded belief. Not only the tribes in the

neigbourhood of Sibir wore the appearance of the most unreserved

submission; but even princes continued flocking in from distant parts,

to acknowledge themselves tributary, and to claim his protection.

[Sidenote: Precarious Situation of Yermac.] However, this calm was of

short duration. Insurrections were concerted by Kutchum Chan; who,

though driven from his dominions, yet still retained no small degree of

influence over his former subjects.

Yermac saw and felt the precariousness of his present grandeur; the

inconsiderable number of his followers who had survived the conquest of

Sibir, had been still further diminished by an ambuscade of the enemy;

and as he could not depend on the affection of his new subjects, he

found himself under the necessity either of calling in foreign

assistance, or of relinquishing his dominion. Under these circumstances

he had recourse to the Tzar of Muscovy; and made a tender of his new

acquisitions to that monarch, upon condition of receiving immediate and

effectual support. The judicious manner in which he conducted this

measure, shews him no less able in the arts of negotiation than of war.

One of his most confidential followers was dispatched to Moscow at the

head of fifty Cossacs. [Sidenote: Cedes his Conquests to the Tzar of

Muscovy.] He had orders to represent to the court the progress which the

Russian troops, under the command of Yermac, had made in Siberia: he was

artfully to add, that an extensive empire was conquered in the name of

the Tzar; that the natives were reduced to swear allegiance to that

monarch, and consented to pay an annual tribute. This representation was

accompanied with a present of the choicest and most valuable furs[78].

[Sidenote: 1582.] The embassador was received at Moscow with the

strongest marks of satisfaction: a public thanksgiving was celebrated in

the cathedral; the Tzar acknowledged and extolled the good services of

Yermac; he granted him a pardon for all former offences; and, as a

testimony of his favour, distributed presents for him and his followers.

Amongst those which were sent to Yermac was a fur robe, which the Tzar

himself had worn, and which was the greatest mark of distinction that

could be conferred upon a subject. To these was added a sum of money,

and a promise of speedy and effectual assistance.

[Footnote 78: S.R.G. VI. p. 304.]

Meanwhile Yermac, notwithstanding the inferior number of his troops, did

not remain inactive within the fortress of Sibir. He defeated all

attempts of Kutchum Chan to recover his crown; and took his principal

general prisoner. He made occasional inroads into the adjacent

provinces, and extended his conquests up to the source of the river

Taffda on one side, and on the other as far as the district which lies

upon the river Oby above its junction with the Irtish.

[Sidenote: Receives a Reinforcement of Russian troops.] At length the

promised succours arrived at Sibir. They consisted of five hundred

Russians, under the command of prince Bolkosky, who was appointed

wayvode or governor of Siberia. Strengthened by this reinforcement,

Yermac continued his excursions on all sides with his usual activity;

and gained several bloody victories over different princes, who were

imprudent enough to assert their independence.

In one of these expeditions he laid siege to Kullara, a small fortress

upon the banks of the Irtish, which still belonged to Kutchum Chan: but

he found it so bravely defended by that monarch, that all his efforts to

carry it by storm proved ineffectual. Upon his return to Sibir he was

followed at some distance by that prince, who hung unperceived upon his

rear; and was prepared to seize any fortunate moment of attack which

might occur; nor was it long before a favourable opportunity presented

itself. The Russians to the number of about three hundred lay

negligently posted in a small island, formed by two branches of the

Irtish. The night was obscure and rainy; and the troops, who were

fatigued with a long march, reposed themselves without suspicion of

danger. [Sidenote: Surprised by Kutchum Chan.] Kutchum Chan, apprised of

their situation, silently advanced at midnight with a select body of

troops; and having forded the river, came with such rapidity upon the

Russians, as to preclude the use of their arms. In the darkness and

confusion of the night, the latter were cut to pieces almost without

opposition; and fell a resistless prey to those adversaries, whom they

had been accustomed to conquer and despise. The massacre was so

universal, that only one man is recorded to have escaped, and to have

brought the news of this catastrophe to his countrymen at Sibir.

[Sidenote: Death of Yermac.] Yermac himself perished in the rout, though

he did not fall by the sword of the enemy. In all the hurry of surprise,

he was not so much infected with the general panic, as to forget his

usual intrepidity, which seemed to be encreased rather than abated by

the danger of his present situation. After many desperate acts of

heroism, he cut his way through the troops who surrounded him, and made

to the banks of the Irtish[79]. Being closely pursued by a detachment of

the enemy, he endeavoured to throw himself into a boat which lay near

the shore; but stepping short, he fell into the water, and being

incumbered with the weight of his armour, sunk instantly to the

bottom[80].

[Footnote 79: Many difficulties have arisen concerning the

branch of the Irtish in which Yermac was drowned; but it is

now sufficiently ascertained that it was a canal, which some

time before this catastrophe had been cut by order of that

Cossac: Not far from the spot, where the Vagai falls into the

Irtish, the latter river forms a bend of six versts; by

cutting a canal in a streight line from the two extreme

points of this sweep, he shortened the length of the

navigation. S. R. G. p. 365-366.]

[Footnote 80: Cyprian was appointed the first archbishop of

Siberia, in 1621. Upon his arrival at Tobolsk, he enquired

for several of the antient followers of Yermac who were still

alive; and from them he made himself acquainted with the

principal circumstances attending the expedition of that

Cossac, and the conquest of Siberia. Those circumstances he

transmitted to writing; and these papers are the archives of

the Siberian history; from which the several historians of

that country have drawn their relations. Sava Yefimoff, who

was himself one of Yermac's followers, is one of the most

accurate historians of those times. He carries down his

history to the year 1636. Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 430.]

His body was not long afterwards taken out of the Irtish, and exposed,

by order of Kutchum Chan, to all the insults which revenge ever

suggested to barbarians in the frenzy of success. But these first

transports of resentment had no sooner subsided, than the Tartars

testified the most pointed indignation at the ungenerous ferocity of

their leader. The prowess of Yermac, his consummate valour and

magnanimity, virtues which barbarians know how to prize, rose upon their

recollection. They made a sudden transition from one extreme to the

other: they reproached their leader for ordering, themselves for being

the instruments of indignity to such venerable remains. At length their

heated imaginations proceeded even to consecrate his memory: they

interred his body with all the rites of Pagan superstition; and offered

up sacrifices to his manes.

[Sidenote: Veneration paid to his Memory.] Many miraculous stories were

soon spread abroad, and met with implicit belief. The touch of his body

was supposed to have been an instantaneous cure for all disorders; and

even his clothes and arms were said to be endowed with the same

efficacy. A flame of fire was represented as sometimes hovering about

his tomb, and sometimes as stretching in one luminous body from the same

spot towards the heavens. A presiding influence over the affairs of the

chace and of war was attributed to his departed spirit; and numbers

resorted to his tomb to invoke his tutelary aid in concerns so

interesting to uncivilised nations. These idle fables, though they

evince the superstitious credulity of the Tartars, convey at the same

time the strongest testimony of their veneration for the memory of

Yermac; and this veneration greatly contributed to the subsequent

progress of the Russians in those regions[81].

[Footnote 81: Even so late as the middle of the next century,

this veneration for the memory of Yermac had not subsided.

Allai, a powerful prince of the Calmucs, is said to have been

cured of a dangerous disorder, by mixing some earth taken

from Yermac's tomb in water, and drinking the infusion. That

prince is also reported to have carried with him a small

portion of the same earth, whenever he engaged in any

important enterprize. This earth he superstitiously

considered as a kind of charm; and was persuaded that he

always secured a prosperous issue to his affairs by this

precaution. S.R.G. V. VI. p. 391.]

With Yermac expired for a time the Russian empire in Siberia. [Sidenote:

The Russians quit Siberia.] The news of his defeat and death no sooner

reached the garrison of Sibir, than an hundred and fifty troops, the sad

remains of that formidable army which had gained such a series of almost

incredible victories, retired from the fortress, and evacuated Siberia.

Notwithstanding this disaster, the court of Moscow did not abandon its

design upon that country; which a variety of favourable circumstances

still concurred to render a flattering object of Russian ambition.

Yermac's sagacity had discovered new and commodious routes for the march

of troops across those inhospitable regions. The rapidity with which he

had overrun the territories of Kutchum Chan, taught the Russians to

consider the Tartars as an easy prey. Many of the tribes who had been

rendered tributary by Yermac, had testified a cheerful acquiescence

under the sovereignty of the Tzar; and were inclined to renew their

allegiance upon the first opportunity. Others looked upon all resistance

as unavailing, and had learned, from dear-bought experience, to tremble

at the very name of a Russian. The natural strength of the country,

proved not to be irresistible when united, was considerably weakened by

its intestine commotions. Upon the retreat of the garrison of Sibir,

that fortress, together with the adjacent district, was seized by

Seyidyak, son of the former sovereign, whom Kutchum Chan had dethroned

and put to death. Other princes availed themselves of the general

confusion to assert independency; and Kutchum Chan was able to regain

only a small portion of those dominions, of which he had been stripped

by Yermac.

[Sidenote: The Russians re-enter Siberia.] Influenced by these motives,

the court of Moscow sent a body of three hundred troops into Siberia,

who penetrated to the banks of the Tura as far as Tschingi almost

without opposition. There they built the fort of Tumen, and

re-established their authority over the neighbouring district. Being

soon afterwards reinforced by an additional number of troops, they were

enabled to extend their operations, and to erect the fortresses of

Tobolsk, Sungur, and Tara. [Sidenote: Re-conquer their antient

Territories.] The erection of these and other fortresses was soon

attended with a speedy recovery of the whole territory, which Yermac

had reduced under the Russian yoke.

This success was only the fore-runner of still greater acquisitions.

[Sidenote: All Siberia conquered and colonized.] The Russians pushed

their conquest far and wide: wherever they appeared, the Tartars were

either reduced or exterminated. New towns were built and colonies were

planted on all sides. Before a century had well elapsed, all that vast

tract of country now called Siberia, which stretches from the confines

of Europe to the Eastern Ocean, and from the Frozen Sea to the present

frontiers of China, was annexed to the Russian dominions.

[Sidenote: Progress of the Russians checked by the Chinese.] A still

larger extent of territory had probably been won; and all the various

tribes of independent Tartary which lie between the South-Eastern

extremity of the Russian empire, and the Chinese Wall, would have

followed the fate of the Siberian hordes, if the power of China had not

suddenly interposed.

CHAP. II.

Commencement of hostilities between the _Russians_ and

_Chinese_--Disputes concerning the limits of the two empires--Treaty of

Nershinsk--Embassies from the court of _Russia_ to _Pekin_--Treaty of

_Kiachta_--Establishment of the commerce between the two nations.

Towards the middle of the seventeenth century, the Russians were rapidly

extending themselves Eastward through that important territory, which

lies, on each side of the river[82] Amoor. They soon reduced several

independent Tungusian hordes; and built a chain of small fortresses

along the banks of the above-mentioned river, of which the principal

were Albasin, and Kamarskoi Ostrog. Not long afterwards, the Chinese

under[83] Camhi conceived a similar design of subduing the same hordes.

[Sidenote: Rise of animosities between the Russians and Chinese.]

Accordingly the two great powers of Russia and China, thus pointing

their views to the same object, unavoidably clashed; and, after several

jealousies and intrigues, broke out into open hostilities about the year

1680. The Chinese laid siege to Kamarskoi Ostrog, and though repulsed in

this attempt, found means to cut off several straggling parties of

Russians. These animosities induced the Tzar Alexèy Michaelovitch to

send an embassy to Pekin; but this measure did not produce the desired

effect. [Sidenote: Albasin destroyed by the Chinese.] The Chinese

attacked Albasin with a considerable force: having compelled the Russian

garrison to capitulate, they demolished that and all the Russian forts

upon the Amoor; and returned, with a large number of prisoners, to their

own country.

[Footnote 82: Amoor is the name given by the Russians to this

river; it is called Sakalin-Ula by the Manshurs, and was

formerly denominated Karamuran, or the Black River, by the

Mongols. S.R.G. II. p. 293.]

[Footnote 83: Camhi was the second emperor of the Manshur

race, who made themselves masters of China in 1624.

The Manshurs were originally an obscure tribe of the

Tungusian Tartars, whose territories lay South of the Amoor,

and bordered upon the kingdom of Corea, and the province of

Leaotong. They began to emerge from obscurity at the

beginning of the seventeenth century. About that time their

chief Aischin-Giord reduced several neighbouring hordes; and,

having incorporated them with his own tribe, under the

general name of Manshur, he became formidable even to the

Chinese. Shuntschi, grandson of this chief, by an

extraordinary concurrence of circumstances, was raised while

an infant to the throne of China, of which his successors

still continue in possession. Shuntschi died in 1662, and was

succeeded by Camhi, who is well known from the accounts of

the jesuit missionaries.

For an account of the revolution of China, see Duhalde,

Descr. de la Chine, Bell's Journey to Pekin, and Fis. Sic.

Ges. tom. I. p. 463.]

[Sidenote: Albasin rebuilt by the Russians, is besieged by the Chinese.]

Not long after their departure, a body of sixteen hundred Russians

advanced along the Amoor; and constructed a new fort, under the old name

of Albasin. The Chinese were no sooner apprised of their return, than

they marched instantly towards that river, and sat down before Albasin

with an army of seven thousand men, and a large train of artillery. They

battered the new fortress for several weeks, without being able to make

a breach, and without attempting to take it by storm. The besieged,

though not much annoyed by the unskilful operations of the enemy, were

exhausted with the complicated miseries of sickness and famine; and

notwithstanding they continued to make a gallant resistance, they must

soon have sunk under their distresses, if the Chinese had not

voluntarily retired, in consequence of a treaty being set afoot between

the two courts of Moscow and Pekin. For this purpose the Russian

embassador Golowin had left Moscow so early as the year 1685,

accompanied by a large body of troops, in order to secure his person,

and enforce respect to his embassy. The difficulty of procuring

subsistence for any considerable number of men in those desolate

regions, joined to the ruggedness of the roads, and the length of the

march, prevented his arrival at Selengisk until the year 1687. From

thence messengers were immediately dispatched with overtures of peace to

the Chinese government at Pekin.

After several delays, occasioned partly by policy, and partly by the

posture of affairs in the Tartar country through which the Chinese were

to pass, embassadors left Pekin in the beginning of June 1689. Golovin

had proposed receiving them at Albasin; but while he was proceeding to

that fortress, the Chinese embassadors presented themselves at the gates

of Nershinsk, escorted by such a numerous army, and such a formidable

train of artillery, that Golovin was constrained, from motives of fear,

to conclude the negotiation almost upon their own terms.

The conferences were held under tents, in an open plain, near the town

of Nershinsk; where the treaty was signed and sealed by the

plenipotentaries of the two courts. When it was proposed to ratify it by

oath, the Chinese embassadors offered to swear upon a crucifix; but

Golovin preferred their taking an oath in the name of their own gods.

[Sidenote: Treaty of Nershinsk.] This treaty first checked the progress

of the Russian arms in those parts; and laid the foundations of an

important and regular commerce between the two nations.

By the first and second articles, the South-Eastern boundaries of the

Russian empire were formed by a ridge of mountains, stretching North of

the Amoor from the sea of Ochotsk to the source of the small river

Gorbitza[84], then by that river to its influx into the Amoor, and

lastly by the Argoon, from its junction with the Shilka up to its

source.

[Footnote 84: There are two Gorbitzas; the first falls into

the Amoor, near the conflux of the Argoon and Shilka; the

second falls into the Shilka. The former was meant by the

Russians; but the Chinese fixed upon the latter for the

boundary, and have carried their point. Accordingly the

present limits are somewhat different from those mentioned in

the text. They are carried from the point, where the Shilka

and Argoon unite to form the Amoor, Westward along the

Shilka, until they reach the mouth of tha Western Gorbitza;

from thence they are continued to the source of the

last-mentioned river, and along the chain of mountains as

before. By this alteration the Russian limits are somewhat

abridged.]

By the fifth article reciprocal liberty of trade was granted to all the

subjects of the two empires, who were provided with pass-ports from

their respective courts[85].

[Footnote 85: S.R.G. II. p. 435.]

This treaty was signed on the 27th of August, in the year 1689, under

the reign of Ivan and Peter Alexiewitch, by which the Russians lost,

exclusively of a large territory, the navigation of the river Amoor. The

importance of this loss was not at that time understood; and has only

been felt since the discovery of Kamtchatka, and of the islands between

Asia and America. The products of these new-discovered countries might,

by means of the Amoor, have been conveyed by water into the district of

Nershinsk, from whence there is an easy transport by land to Kiachta:

whereas the same merchandise, after being landed at Ochotsk, is now

carried over a large tract of country, partly upon rivers of difficult

navigation, and partly along rugged and almost impassable roads.

[Sidenote: Rise of the Commerce with China.] In return, the Russians

obtained what they long and repeatedly aimed at, a regular and permanent

trade with the Chinese. The first intercourse between Russia and China

commenced in the beginning of the seventeenth century[86]. At that

period a small quantity of Chinese merchandise was procured, by the

merchants of Tomsk and other adjacent towns, from the Calmucs. The rapid

and profitable sale of these commodities encouraged certain Wayvodes of

Siberia to attempt a direct and open communication with China. For this

purpose several deputations were sent at different times to Pekin from

Tobolsk, Tomsk, and other Russian settlements: these deputations,

although they failed of obtaining the grant of a regular commerce, were

nevertheless attended with some important consequences. The general good

reception, which the agents met with, tempted the Russian merchants to

send occasional traders to Pekin. By these means a faint connection with

that metropolis was kept alive: the Chinese learned the advantages of

the Russian trade, and were gradually prepared for its subsequent

establishment. This commerce, carried on by intervals, was entirely

suspended by the hostilities upon the river Amoor. But no sooner was the

treaty of Nershinsk signed, than the Russians engaged with extraordinary

alacrity in this favourite branch of traffic. The advantages of this

trade were soon found to be so considerable, that Peter I. conceived an

idea of still farther enlarging it. [Sidenote: Caravans allowed to trade

to Pekin.] Accordingly, in 1692, he sent Isbrand Ives, a Dutchman in his

service, to Pekin, who requested and obtained, that the liberty of

trading to China, which by the late treaty was granted to individuals,

should be extended to caravans.

[Footnote 86: S.R.G. VIII. p. 504, & seq.]

In consequence of this arrangement, successive caravans went from Russia

to Pekin, where a caravansary was allotted for their reception; and all

their expences during their continuance in that metropolis defrayed by

the Emperor of China. The right of sending these caravans, and the

profits resulting from them, belonged to the crown of Russia. In the

mean time, private merchants continued as before to carry on a separate

trade with the Chinese, not only at Pekin, but also at the head quarters

of the Mongols. The camp of these roving Tartars was generally to be

found near the conflux of the Orchon and Tola, between the Southern

frontiers of Siberia and the Mongol desert. A kind of annual fair was

held at this spot by the Russian and Chinese merchants; where they

brought their respective goods for sale; and continued until they were

disposed of. This rendezvous soon became a scene of riot and confusion;

and repeated complaints were transmitted to the Chinese Emperor of the

drunkenness and misconduct of the Russians. These complaints made a

still greater impression from a coincidence of similar excesses, for

which the Russians at Pekin had become notorious.

Exasperated by the frequent representations of his subjects, Camhi

threatened to expell the Russians from his dominions, and to prohibit

them from carrying on any commerce, as well in China as in the country

of the Mongols.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Ismailoff to Pekin.] These untoward circumstances

occasioned another embassy to Pekin, in the year 1719. Leff

Vassilievitch Ismailoff, a captain of the Russian guards, who was sent

embassador upon this occasion, succeeded in the negotiation, and

adjusted every difficulty to the satisfaction of both parties. At his

departure he was permitted to leave behind Laurence Lange, who had

accompanied him to Pekin, in the character of agent for the caravans;

for the purpose of superintending the conduct of the Russians.

[Sidenote: Russians expelled from Pekin.] His residence however in that

metropolis was but short; for he was soon afterwards compelled, by the

Chinese, to return. His dismission was owing, partly, to a sudden

caprice of that suspicious people, and partly to a misunderstanding,

which had recently broke out between the two courts, in relation to some

Mongol tribes who bordered upon Siberia. A small number of these Mongols

had put themselves under the protection of Russia, and were immediately

demanded by the Chinese; but the Russians refused compliance, under

pretence that no article in the treaty of Nershinsk could, with any

appearance of probability, be construed as extending to the Mongols. The

Chinese were incensed at this refusal; and their resentment was still

further inflamed by the disorderly conduct of the Russian traders, who,

freed from all controul by the departure of their agent, had indulged,

without restraint, their usual propensity to excess. This concurrence of

unlucky incidents extorted, in 1722, an order from Camhi for the total

expulsion of the Russians from the Chinese and Mongol territories. These

orders were regorously executed; and all intercourse between the two

nations immediately ceased.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Ragusinski.] Affairs continued in this state until

the year 1727, when the count Sava Vladislavitch Ragusinski, a Dalmatian

in the service of Russia, was dispatched to Pekin. His orders were at

all events to compose the differences between the two courts relating to

the Mongol tribes; to settle the Southern frontiers of the Russian

empire in that quarter; and to obtain the permission of renewing the

trade with China. Accordingly that embassador presented a new plan for a

treaty of limits and commerce to Yundschin, son and successor of Camhi;

by which the frontiers of the two empires were finally traced as they

exist at present, and the commerce established upon a permanent basis,

calculated to prevent as far as possible all future sources of

misunderstanding. This plan being approved by the emperor, Chinese

commissioners were immediately appointed to negotiate with the Russian

embassador upon the banks of the Bura, a small river which flows, South

of the confines of Siberia, into the Orchon near its junction with the

Selenga.

[Sidenote: Treaty of Kiatchta.] At this conference, the old limits,

which are mentioned in the treaty of Nershinsk, were continued from the

source of the Argoon Westwards as far as the mountain Sabyntaban, which

is situated at a small distance from the spot where the conflux of the

two rivers Uleken and Kemtzak form the Yenisèi: this boundary separates

the Russian dominions from the territory of the Mongols, who are under

the protection of China.

It was likewise stipulated, that for the future all negotiations should

be transacted between the tribunal of foreign affairs at Pekin, and the

board of foreign affairs at St. Petersburg; or in matters of inferior

moment between the commanders of the frontiers[87].

[Footnote 87: This article was inserted, because the Chinese

emperor, from a ridiculous idea of superiority, had

contemptuously refused to hold any correspondence with the

court of Russia.]

The most important articles relating to commerce, were as follow:

[Sidenote: Account of the Treaty relative to Commerce.] A caravan was

allowed to go to Pekin every three years, on condition of its not

consisting of more than two hundred persons; during their residence in

that metropolis, their expences were no longer to be defrayed by the

emperor of China. Notice was to be sent to the Chinese court immediately

upon their arrival at the frontiers; where an officer was to meet and

accompany them to Pekin.

The privilege before enjoyed by individuals of carrying on a promiscuous

traffic in the Chinese and Mongol territories was taken away, and no

merchandize belonging to private persons was permitted to be brought for

sale beyond the frontiers. For the purpose of preserving, consistently

with this regulation, the privilege of commerce to individuals, two

places of resort were appointed on the confines of Siberia: one called

Kiatchta, from a rivulet of that name near which it stands; and the

other Zuruchaitu: at these places a free trade was reciprocally indulged

to the subjects of the two nations.

A permission was at the same time obtained for building a Russian church

within the precincts of their caravansary; and for the celebration of

divine service, four priests were allowed to reside at Pekin[88]. The

same favour was also extended to some Russian Scholars[89], for the

purpose of learning the Chinese tongue; in order to qualify themselves

for interpreters between the two nations.

[Footnote 88: The first Russian church at Pekin was built for

the accommodation of the Russians taken prisoners at Albasin.

These persons were carried to Pekin, and the place appointed

for their habitation in that city was called the Russian

Street, a name it still retains. They were so well received

by the Chinese, that, upon the conclusion of the treaty of

Nershinsk, they refused to return to their native country.

And as they intermarried with the Chinese women, their

descendants are quite naturalized; and have for the most part

adopted not only the language, but even the religion of the

Chinese. Hence, the above-mentioned church, though it still

exists, is no longer applied to the purpose of divine

worship: its priest was transferred to the church, which was

built within the walls of the caravansary.]

[Footnote 89: The good effects of this institution have

already been perceived. A Russian, whose name is Leontieff,

after having resided ten years at Pekin, is returned to

Petersburg. He has given several translations and extracts of

some interesting Chinese publications, viz. Part of the

History of China; the Code of the Chinese Laws; Account of

the Towns and Revenues, &c. of the Chinese Empire, extracted

from a Treatise of Geography, lately printed at Pekin. A

short account of this Extract is given in the Journal of St.

Petersburg for April, 1779.]

This treaty, called the treaty of Kiachta, was, on the fourteenth of

June, 1728, concluded and ratified by the count Ragusinski and three

Chinese plenipotentaries upon the spot, where Kiachta was afterwards

built: it is the basis of all transactions since carried on between

Russia and China[90].

[Footnote 90: S.R.G. VIII. p. 513.]

One innovation in the mode of carrying on the trade to China, which has

been introduced since the accession of the present empress Catherine II.

deserves to be mentioned in this place. [Sidenote: Caravans

discontinued.] Since the year 1755 no caravans have been sent to Pekin.

Their first discontinuance was owing to a misunderstanding between the

two courts of Petersburg and Pekin in 1759. Their disuse after the

reconciliation had taken place, arose from the following circumstances.

The exportation and importation of many principal commodities,

particularly the most valuable furs, were formerly prohibited to

individuals, and solely appropriated to caravans belonging to the crown.

By these restrictions the Russian trade to China was greatly shackled

and circumscribed. [Sidenote: Monopoly of the Fur Trade abolished.] The

present empress (who, amidst many excellent regulations which

characterise her reign, has shewn herself invariably attentive to the

improvement of the Russian commerce) abolished, in 1762, the monopoly of

the fur trade, and renounced in favour of her subjects the exclusive

privilege which the crown enjoyed of sending caravans to Pekin[91]. By

these concessions the profits of the trade have been considerably

encreased: the great expence, hazard, and delay, of transporting the

merchandise occasionally from the frontiers of Siberia to Pekin, has

been retrenched; and Kiachta is now rendered the center of the Russian

and Chinese commerce.

[Footnote 91: S.R.G. VIII. p. 520.]

[Illustration: _VIEW of the Chinese Frontier Town_ MAIMATSCHIN _with

the_ BROOK KIACHTA, _taken from the West_.]

CHAP. III.

Account of the _Russian_ and _Chinese_ settlements upon the confines

of _Siberia_--description of the _Russian_ frontier town _Kiachta_--of

the _Chinese_ frontier town _Maimatschin_--its buildings, pagodas, &c.

By the last mentioned treaty it was stipulated, that the commerce

between Russia and China should be transacted at the frontiers.

[Sidenote: Russian and Chinese Settlement upon the Brook Kiachta.]

Accordingly two spots were marked out for that purpose upon the confines

of Siberia, where they border upon the Mongol desert; one near the brook

Kiachta, and the other at Zuruchaitu. The description of the former of

these places forms the subject of this chapter.

This settlement consists of a Russian and Chinese town, both situated in

a romantic valley, surrounded by high, rocky, and for the most part

well-wooded, mountains. This valley is intersected by the brook Kiachta,

which rises in Siberia, and, after washing both the Russian and Chinese

town, falls into the Bura, at a small distance from the frontiers.

[Sidenote: Situation of the Russian Frontier Town Kiachta.] The Russian

settlement is called Kiachta from the abovementioned brook: it lies in

124 degrees 18 minutes longitude from the isle of Fero, and 35 degrees

N. latitude, at the distance of 5514 versts from Moscow, and 1532 from

Pekin.

[Sidenote: The Fortress.] It consists of a fortress and a small suburb.

The fortress, which is built upon a gentle rise, is a square enclosed

with palisadoes, and strengthened with wooden bastions at the several

angles. There are three gates, at which guards are constantly stationed:

one of the gates faces the North, a second the South towards the Chinese

frontiers, and a third the East close to the brook Kiachta. The

principal public buildings in the fortress are a wooden church, the

governor's house, the custom house, the magazine for provisions, and the

guard-house. It contains also a range of shops and warehouses, barracks

for the garrison, and several houses belonging to the crown; the latter

are generally inhabited by the principal merchants. These buildings are

mostly of wood.

[Sidenote: Suburb.] The suburb, which is surrounded with a wooden wall

covered at the top with chevaux de frize, contains no more than an

hundred and twenty houses very irregularly built; it has the same number

of gates as the fortress, which are also guarded. Without this suburb,

upon the high road leading to Selenginsk, stand a few houses, and the

magazine for rhubarb.

This settlement is but indifferently provided with water both in quality

and quantity; for although the brook Kiachta is dammed up as it flows by

the fortress, yet it is so shallow in summer, that, unless after heavy

rains, it is scarcely sufficient to supply the inhabitants. Its stream

is troubled and unwholesome, and the springs which rise in the

neighbourhood are either foul or brackish: from these circumstances, the

principal inhabitants are obliged to send for water from a spring in the

Chinese district. The soil of the adjacent country is mostly sand or

rock, and extremely barren. If the frontiers of Russia were extended

about nine versts more South to the rivulet of Bura; the inhabitants of

Kiachta would then enjoy good water, a fruitful soil, and plenty of

fish, all which advantages are at present confined to the Chinese.

The garrison of Kiachta consists of a company of regular soldiers, and a

certain number of Cossacs; the former are occasionally changed, but the

latter are fixed inhabitants of the place. It is the province of the

commander to inspect the frontiers, and, in conjunction with the

president of the Chinese merchants, to settle all affairs of an inferior

nature; but in matters of importance recourse must be had to the

chancery of Selenginsk, and to the governor of Irkutsk. The Russian

merchants, and the agents of the Russian trading company, are the

principal inhabitants of Kiachta.

The limits Westwards from this settlement to the river Selenga, and

Eastwards as far as Tchikoi, are bounded with chevaux de frize, placed

there to prevent a contraband trade in cattle, for the exportation of

which a considerable duty is paid to the crown. All the outposts along

the frontiers Westwards as far as the government of Tobolsk, and

Eastwards to the mountains of snow, are under the command of the

governor of Kiachta.

The most elevated of the mountains that surround the valley of Kiachta,

and which is called by the Mongols Burgultei, commands the Russian as

well as the Chinese town; for this reason, the Chinese, at the

conclusion of the last frontier treaty, demanded the cession of this

mountain under the pretext, that some of their deified ancestors were

buried upon its summit. The Russians gave way to their request, and

suffered the boundary to be brought back to the North side of the

mountain.

[Sidenote: Maimatschin, the Chinese Frontier-Town.] The Chinese town is

called, by the Chinese and Mongols, Maimatschin, which signifies

fortress of commerce. The Russians term it the Chinese Village

(Kitaiskaia Sloboda) and also Naimatschin, which is a corruption of

Maimatschin. It is situated about an hundred and forty yards South of

the fortress of Kiachta, and nearly parallel to it. Midway between this

place and the Russian fortress, two posts about ten feet high are

planted in order to mark the frontiers of the two empires: one is

inscribed with Russian, the other with Manshur characters[92].

[Footnote 92: Upon the mountain to the West of Kiachta, the

limit is again marked, on the Russian side by an heap of

stones and earth, ornamented on the top with a cross; and on

the Chinese by a pile of stones in the shape of a pyramid.

Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 110.]

Mainatschin has no other fortification than a wooden wall, and a small

ditch of about three feet broad; the latter was dug in the year 1756,

during the war between the Chinese and the Calmucs. The town is of an

oblong form: its length is seven hundred yards, and its breadth four

hundred. On each of the four sides a large gate faces the principal

streets; over each of these gates there is a wooden guard-house for the

Chinese garrison, which consists of Mongols in tattered clothes, and

armed with clubs. Without the gate, which looks to the Russian

frontiers, and about the distance of eight yards from the entrance, the

Chinese have raised a wooden screen, so constructed as to intercept all

view of the streets from without.

This town contains two hundred houses and about twelve hundred

inhabitants. It has two principal streets of about eight yards broad,

crossing each other in the middle at right angles, with two by-streets

running from North to South. They are not paved, but are laid with

gravel, and kept remarkably clean.

[Sidenote: Houses.] The houses are spacious, uniformly built of wood, of

only one story, not more than fourteen feet high, plaistered and

white-washed; they are constructed round a court yard of about seventy

feet square, which is strewed with gravel, and has an appearance of

neatness. Each house consists of a sitting room, some warehouses and a

kitchen. In the houses of the wealthier sort the roof is made of plank;

but in meaner habitations of lath covered over with turf. Towards the

streets most of the houses have arcades of wood projecting forwards from

the roof like a penthouse, and supported by strong pillars. The windows

are large after the European manner, but on account of the dearness of

glass and Russian talk are generally of paper, excepting a few panes of

glass in the sitting room.

The sitting room looks seldom towards the streets: it is a kind of shop,

where the several patterns of merchandize are placed in recesses, fitted

up with shelves, and secured with paper doors for the purpose of

keeping out the dust. The windows are generally ornamented with little

paintings, and the walls are hung with Chinese paper. Half the floor is

of hard beaten clay; the other half is covered with boards, and rises

about two feet in height. Here the family sit in the day-time and sleep

at night. By the side of this raised part, and nearly upon the same

level, there is a square brick stove, with a streight perpendicular

cylindrical excavation, which is heated with small pieces of wood. From

the bottom of this stove a tube descends, and is carried zigzag under

the boarded floor above-mentioned, and from thence to a chimney which

opens into the street. By this contrivance, although the stove is always

open and the flame visible, yet the room is never troubled in the least

degree with smoke. There is scarcely any furniture in the room,

excepting one large dining table in the lower part, and two small

lackered ones upon the raised floor: one of these tables is always

provided with a chaffing dish, which serves to light their pipes when

the stove is not heated.

In this room there are several small niches covered with silken

curtains, before which are placed lamps that are lighted upon festivals;

these niches contain painted paper idols, a stone or metal vessel,

wherein the ashes of incense are collected, several small ornaments and

artificial flowers: the Chinese readily allow strangers to draw aside

the curtains, and look at the idols.

The Bucharian[93] merchants inhabit the South West quarter of

Maimatschin. Their houses are not so large nor commodious as those of

the Chinese, although the greatest part of them carry on a very

considerable commerce.

[Footnote 93: "The chief merchandizes which the Bucharians

bring to Russia, are cotton, stuffs, and half-silks, spun and

raw cotton, lamb-skins, precious stones, gold-dust,

unprepared nitre, sal-ammoniac, &c." See Russia, or a

complete Historical Account of all the nations that compose

that empire. V. II. p. 141, a very curious and interesting

work lately published.]

[Sidenote: The Governor of Maimatschin.] The Surgutschèi, or governor of

Maimatschin, has the care of the police, as well as the direction of all

affairs relating to commerce: he is generally a person of rank,

oftentimes a Mandarin, who has misbehaved himself in another station,

and is sent here as a kind of punishment. He is distinguished from the

rest by the crystal button of his cap, and by a peacock's[94] feather

hanging behind. The Chinese give him the title of Amban, which signifies

commander in chief; and no one appears before him without bending the

knee, in which posture the person who brings a petition must remain

until he receives the governor's answer. His salary is not large; but

the presents which he receives from the merchants amount annually to a

considerable sum.

[Footnote 94: In China the princes of the blood wear three

peacock's feathers, nobles of the highest distinction two,

and the lower class of the nobility one. It is also a mark of

high rank to drive a carriage with four wheels. The governor

of Maimatschin rode in one with only two wheels. All the

Chinese wear buttons of different colours in their caps,

which also denote the rank. Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 126.]

The most remarkable public buildings in Maimatschin, are the governor's

house, the theatre, and two pagodas.

[Sidenote: House of the Governor.] The governor's house is larger than

the others, and better furnished; it is distinguished by a chamber where

the court of justice is held, and by two high poles before the entrance

ornamented with flags.

[Sidenote: Theatre.] The theatre is situated close to the wall of the

town near the great pagoda: it is a kind of small shed, neatly painted,

open in front, and merely spacious enough to contain the stage; the

audience stand in the street. Near it are two high poles, upon which

large flags with Chinese inscriptions are hoisted on festivals. On such

occasions the servants belonging to the merchants play short burlesque

farces in honour of their idols.

[Sidenote: The small Pagoda.] The smallest of the two Pagodas is a

wooden building, standing upon pillars, in the centre of the town at the

place where the two principal streets cross. It is a Chinese tower of

two stories, adorned on the outside with small columns, paintings, and

little iron bells, &c. The first story is square, the second octangular.

[Sidenote: The Idol Tien.] In the lower story is a picture representing

the God Tien, which signifies, according to the explanation of the most

intelligent Chinese, the most high God, who rules over the thirty-two

heavens. The Manshurs, it is said, call this idol Abcho; and the

Mongols, Tingheru heaven, or the God of heaven. He is represented

sitting with his head uncovered, and encircled with a ray[95] of glory

similar to that which surrounds the head of our Saviour in the Roman

catholic paintings; his hair is long and flowing; he holds in his right

hand a drawn sword, and his left is extended as in the act of giving a

benediction. On one side of this figure two youths, on the other a

maiden and a grey-headed old man, are delineated.

[Footnote 95: When Mr. Pallas obtained permission of the

governor to see this temple, the latter assured him that the

Jesuits of Pekin and their converts adored this idol. From

whence he ingeniously conjectures, either that the

resemblance between this idol, and the representations of our

Saviour by the Roman Catholicks, was the occasion of this

assertion; or that the Jesuits, in order to excite the

devotion of the converts, have, out of policy, given to the

picture of our Saviour a resemblance to the Tien of the

Chinese. Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 119.]

The upper story contains the picture of another idol in a black and

white checquered cap, with the same figures of three young persons and a

little old man. There are no altars in this temple, and no other

ornaments excepting these pictures and their frames. It is opened only

on festivals, and strangers cannot see it without permission.

[Sidenote: The great Pagoda and its Idols.] The great Pagoda[96],

situated before the governor's house, and near the principal gate

looking to the south, is larger and more magnificent than the former.

Strangers are allowed to see it at all times, without the least

difficulty, provided they are accompanied by one of the priests, who are

always to be found in the area of the temple. This area is surrounded

with chevaux de frize: the entrance is from the south through two gates

with a small building between them. In the inside of this building are

two recesses with rails before them, behind which the images of two

horses as big as life are coarsly moulded out of clay; they are saddled

and bridled, and attended by two human figures dressed like grooms: the

horse to the right is of a chesnut colour, the other is dun with a black

mane and tail, the former is in the attitude of springing, the latter

of walking. Near each horse a banner of yellow silk, painted with silver

dragons, is displayed.

[Footnote 96: The great Pagoda is omitted in the engraving of

Maimatschin prefixed to this chapter; this omission was owing

to the artist's being obliged to leave Kiachta before he had

time to finish the drawing. In every other respect, the view,

as I was informed by a gentleman who has been on the spot, is

complete, and represented with the greatest exactness.]

In the middle of this area are two wooden turrets surrounded with

galleries; a large bell of cart iron which is struck occasionally with a

large wooden mallet, hangs in the Eastern turret; the other contains two

kettle drums of an enormous size, similar to those made use of in the

religious ceremonies of the Calmucs. On each side of this area are

ranges of buildings inhabited by the priest of the temple.

This area communicates by means of an handsome gateway with the inner

court, which is bordered on each side by small compartments open in

front, with rails before them; in the inside of these compartments the

legendary stories of the idols are exhibited in a series of historical

paintings. At the farther extremity of this court stands a large

building, constructed in the same style of architecture as the temple.

The inside is sixty feet long and thirty broad: it is stored with

antient weapons, and instruments of war of a prodigious size; such as

spears, scythes, and long pikes, with broad blades, shields, coats of

arms, and military ensigns representing hands[97], dragons heads, and

other carved figures. All these warlike instruments are richly gilded,

and ranged in order upon scaffolds along the wall. Opposite the entrance

a large yellow standard, embroidered with foliage and silver dragons, is

erected; under it, upon a kind of altar, there is a series of little

oblong tables, bearing Chinese inscriptions.

[Footnote 97: These hands resemble the manipulary standards

of the Romans.]

An open gallery, adorned on both sides with flower-pots, leads from the

back door of the armoury to the colonade of the temple. In this colonade

two slate tablets are placed, in wooden frames, about six feet high and

two broad, with long inscriptions relating to the building of the

temple. Before one of these plates a small idol of an hideous form

stands upon the ground, enclosed in a wooden case.

The temple itself is an elegant Chinese building, richly decorated on

the outside with columns lackered, and gilded carved-work, small bells,

and other ornaments peculiar to the Chinese architecture. Within there

is a rich profusion of gilding, which corresponds with the gaudiness of

the exterior. The walls are covered thick with paintings, exhibiting the

most celebrated exploits of the principal idol.

This temple contains five idols of a colossal stature, sitting

cross-legged upon pedestals in three recesses, which fill the whole

Northern side.

[Sidenote: Ghessur Chan, the principal idol.] The principal idol is

seated alone, in the middle recess, between two columns, entwined with

gilded dragons. Large streamers of silk, hanging from the roof of the

temple, veil in some measure the upper part of the image. His name is

Ghedsur, or Ghessur Chan[98]; the Chinese call him Loo-ye, or the first

and most antient; and the Manshurs, Guanlöe, or the superior god. He is

of a gigantic size, surpassing more than fourfold the human stature,

with a face glistening like burnished gold, black hair and beard. He

wears a crown upon his head, and is richly dressed in the Chinese

fashion: his garments are not moulded out of clay, as those of the other

idols; but are made of the finest silk. He holds in his hands a kind of

tablet, which he seems to read with deep attention. Two small female

figures, resembling girls of about fourteen years of age, stand on each

side of the idol, upon the same pedestal; one of which grasps a roll of

paper. At the right-hand of the idol lie seven golden arrows, and at his

left a bow.

[Footnote 98: The Mongols and Calmucs call him by this name

of Ghessur Chan; and although they do not reckon him among

their divinities; yet they consider him as a great hero, the

Bacchus and Hercules of Eastern Tartary, who was born at the

source of the Choango, and who vanquished many monsters. They

have in their language a very long history of his heroical

deeds. His title, in the Mongol tongue, is as follows: Arban

Zeeghi Essin Ghessur Bogdo Chan: the king of the ten points

of the compass, or the monarch Ghessur Chan.

I possess a copy of this manuscript, containing the History

of Ghessur Chan; it is in the original Mongol language, and

was a present from Mr. Pallas: I should be very happy to

communicate it to any person versed in the Eastern

languages.]

Before the idol is a spacious enclosure, surrounded with rails, within

which stands an altar with four colossal figures, intended probably to

represent the principal mandarins of the deified Ghessur. Two of these

figures are dressed like judges, and hold before them small tablets,

similar to that in the hands of the principal idol. The two other

figures are accoutred in complete armour: one wears a turban; and

carries, upon the left shoulder, a large sword sheathed, with the hilt

upwards. The other has an hideous copper-coloured face, a large belly,

and grasps in his right hand a lance with a broad blade.

Although all the remaining idols in the temple are of an enormous size,

yet they are greatly surpassed in magnitude by Ghessur Chan.

[Sidenote: Maooang.] The first idol in the recess to the right is called

Maooang, or the Otschibanni of the Mongols. He has three ghastly

copper-coloured faces, and six arms; two of his arms brandish two sabres

cross ways over the head; a third bears a looking glass, and a fourth a

kind of square, which resembles a piece of ivory. The two remaining

arms are employed in drawing a bow, with an arrow laid upon it, ready to

be discharged. This idol has a mirror upon his breast, and an eye in his

navel: near it are placed two small figures; one holds an arrow, and the

other a little animal.

[Sidenote: Tsaudsing.] The next idol in the same recess is called by the

Chinese Tsaudsing, or the gold and silver god; and by the Mongols

Tsagan-Dsambala. He wears a black cap, and is dressed, after the Chinese

fashion, in sumptuous robes of state; he bears in his hand a small jewel

casket. Near him also stand two little figures, one of which holds a

truncated branch.

[Sidenote: Chusho.] In the recess to the left is the god Chusho, called

by the Manshurs Chua-schan, and by the Mongols Galdi, or the Fire God.

He is represented with a frightful fiery reddish face; clad in complete

armour he wields a sword half drawn out of the scabbard, and seems on

the point of starting up from his seat. He is attended by two little

harlbadeers, one of whom is crying; and the other bears a fowl upon his

hand, which resembles a sea-pheasant.

[Sidenote: Niu-o.] The other idol in the same recess is the god of oxen,

Niu-o. He appears to be sitting in a composed posture; he is habited

like a Mandarin, and is distinguished by a crown upon his head. He has,

in common with the other idols, a mirror upon his breast. The Chinese

imagine him to be the same with the Yamandaga of the Mongols; and it is

said his Manshurish name is Chain Killova; his Mongol name, which

relates to the history of Ghessur, is Bars-Batir, the Hero of Tygers.

Before these several idols there are tables, or altars, on which cakes,

pastry, dried fruit, and flesh, are placed, on festivals and prayer

days: on particular occasions even whole carcases of sheep are offered

up. Tapers and lamps are kept burning day and night before the idols.

Among the utensils of the temple, the most remarkable is a vessel shaped

like a quiver, and filled with flat pieces of cleft reed, on which short

Chinese devices are inscribed. These devices are taken out by the

Chinese on new-years day, and are considered as oracles, which foretel

the good or ill luck of the person, by whom they are drawn, during the

following year. There lies also upon a table an hollow wooden black

lackered helmet, which all persons of devotion strike with a wooden

hammer, whenever they enter the temple. This helmet is regarded with

such peculiar awe, that no strangers are permitted to handle it,

although they are allowed to touch even the idols themselves.

The first day of the new and full moon is appointed for the celebration

of worship. Upon each of those days no Chinese ever fails to make his

appearance once in the temple; he enters without taking off his cap[99],

joins his hands before his face, bows five times to each idol, touches

with his forehead the pedestal on which the idol sits, and then retires.

Their principal festivals are held in the first month of their year,

which answers to February. It is called by them, as well as by the

Mongols, the white month; and is considered as a lucky time for the

transaction of business; at that time they hoist flags before the

temples; and place meat upon the tables of the idols, which the priests

take away in the evening, and eat in the small apartments of the

interior court. On these solemnities plays are performed in the theatre,

in honour of the idols: the pieces are generally satyrical, and mostly

written against unjust magistrates and judges.

[Footnote 99: They do not take off their caps out of respect;

for among the Chinese, as well as other Eastern nations, it

is reckoned a mark of disrespect to uncover the head before a

superior.]

[Sidenote: Superstion of the Chinese.] But although the Chinese have

such few ceremonies in their system of religious worship, yet they are

remarkably infected with superstition. Mr. Pallas gives the following

description of their behaviour at Maimatschin during an eclipse of the

moon. At the close of the evening in which the eclipse appeared, all the

inhabitants were indefatigable in raising an incessant uproar, some by

hideous shrieks, others by knocking wood, and beating cauldrons; the din

was heightened by striking the bell and beating the kettle drums of the

great Pagoda. The Chinese suppose, that during an eclipse the wicked

spirit of the air, called by the Mongols Arachulla, is attacking the

moon; and that he is frightened away by these hideous shrieks and

noises. Another instance of superstition fell under the observation, of

Mr. Pallas, while he was at Maimatschin. A fire broke out in that town

with such violence that several houses were in flames. None of the

inhabitants, however, attempted to extinguish it; they stood indeed in

idle consternation round the fire; and some of them sprinkled

occasionally water among the flames, in order to sooth the fire god,

who, as they imagined, had chosen their houses for a sacrifice. Indeed

if the Russians had not exerted themselves in quenching the fire, the

whole place would probably have been reduced to ashes[100].

[Footnote 100: This account of Kiachta and Maimatschin is

taken from Mr. Pallas's description of Kiachta, in the

journal of his travels through Siberia, p. iii. p. 109-126.

Every circumstance relating to the religious worship of the

Eastern nations is, in itself so interesting that I thought

it would not be unacceptable to my readers to give a

translation of the above passages respecting the Chinese

Pagodas and Idols: although in a work treating of the new

discoveries, and the commerce which is connected with them.

In the abovementioned journal the ingenious author continues

to describe from his own observations the manners, customs,

dress, diet, and several other particulars relative to the

Chinese; which, although exceedingly curious and interesting,

are foreign to my present purpose, and would have been

incompatible with the size of the present work. No writer

has placed the religion and history of the Tartar-nations in

a more explicit point of view than Mr. Pallas; every page in

his interesting journal affords striking proofs of this

assertion. He has lately thrown new lights upon this obscure

subject, in a recent publication concerning the Tartars, who

inhabit parts of Siberia, and the territory which lies

between that country and the Chinese-wall. Of this excellent

work the first volume appeared in 1776, and contains the

genealogy, history, laws, manners, and customs, of this

extraordinary people, as they are divided into Calmucs,

Mongols, and Burats. The second volume is expected with

impatience, and will ascertain, with minuteness and accuracy,

the tenets and religious ceremonies which distinguish the

votaries of Shamanism from the followers of Dalai-Lama, the

two great sects into which these tribes are distinguished.

Pallas Samlung historischer Nachrichten ueber die

Mongolischen Volkerschafter.]

CHAP. IV.

Commerce between the _Chinese_ and _Russians_--list of the principal

exports and imports--duties--average amount of the _Russian_ trade.

[Sidenote: Merchants of Maimatschin.] The merchants of Maimatschin come

from the Northern provinces of China, chiefly from Pekin, Nankin,

Sandchue, and other principal towns. They are not settled at this place

with their wives and families: for it is a remarkable circumstance, that

there is not one woman in Maimatschin. This restriction arises from the

policy of the Chinese government, which, totally prohibits the women

from having the slightest intercourse with foreigners. No Chinese

merchant engages in the trade to Siberia who has not a partner. These

persons mutually relieve each other. One remains for a stated time,

usually a year, at Kiachta; and when, his partner arrives with a fresh

cargo of Chinese merchandize, he then returns home with the Russian

commodities[101].

[Footnote 101: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 125.]

Most of the Chinese merchants understand the Mongol tongue, in which

language commercial affairs are generally transacted. Some few indeed

speak broken Russian, but their pronunciation is so soft and delicate,

that it is difficult to comprehend them. They are not able to pronounce

the R, but instead of it make use of an L; and when two consonants come

together, which frequently occurs in the Russian tongue, they divide

them by the interposition of a vowel[102]. This failure in articulating

the Russian language seems peculiar to the Chinese, and is not

observable in the Calmucs, Mongols, and other neighbouring nations[103].

[Footnote 102: Bayer, in his Museum Sinicum, gives several

curious instances of the Chinese mode of articulating those

sounds, which they have not in their own language. For

instance they change B D R X Z into P T L S S.

Thus for Maria they say Ma-li-ya;

for crux, cu-lu-su;

for baptizo, pa-pe-ti-so;

for cardinalis, kia-ul-fi-na-li-su;

for spiritus, su-pi-li-tu-su;

for Adam, va-tam;

for Eva, nge-va;

for Christus, ki-li-su-tu-su;

Hoc, est, corpus, meum--ho-ke, nge-su-tu, co-ul-pu-su, me-vum.

Bayer, Mus. Sin. Tom. I. p. 15.]

[Footnote 103: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 134.]

The commerce between the Russians and Chinese is entirely a trade of

barter, that is, an exchange of one merchandize for another. The

Russians are prohibited to export their own coin, nor indeed could the

Chinese receive it, even should that prohibition be taken off; for no

specie is current amongst them except bullion[104]. And the Russians

find it more advantageous to take merchandize in exchange, than to

receive bullion at the Chinese standard. The common method of

transacting business is as follows. The Chinese merchant comes first to

Kiachta, and examines the merchandize he has occasion for in the

warehouse of the Russian trader; he then goes to the house of the

latter, and adjusts the price over a dish of tea. Both parties next

return to the magazine, and the goods in question are there carefully

sealed in the presence of the Chinese merchant. When this ceremony is

over, they both repair to Maimatschin; the Russian chooses the

commodities he wants, not forgetting to guard against fraud by a strict

inspection. He then takes the precaution to leave behind a person of

confidence, who remains in the warehouse until the Russian goods are

delivered, when he returns to Kiachta with the Chinese merchandize[105].

[Footnote 104: The Chinese have no gold or silver coin. These

metals are always paid in bullion; and for the purpose of

ascertaining the weight, every Chinese merchant is constantly

provided with a pair of scales. As gold is very scarce in

China, silver is the great vehicle of commerce. When several

authors affirm that the Russians draw large quantities of

silver from China, they mistake an accidental occurrence for

a general and standing fact. During the war between the

Chinese and Calmucs, the former had occasion to purchase at

Kiachta provision, horses, and camels, for which they paid

silver. This traffic brought such a profusion of that metal

into Siberia, that its price was greatly reduced below its

real value. A pound of silver was at that period occasionally

sold at the frontiers for 8 or 9 roubles, which at present

fetches 15 or 16. But since the conclusion of these wars by

the total reduction of the Calmucs under the Chinese yoke,

Russia receives a very small quantity of silver from the

Chinese. S.R.G. III. p. 593 & seq.

The silver imported to Kiachta is chiefly brought by the

Bucharian merchants, who sell cattle to the Chinese in

exchange for that metal, which they afterwards dispose of to

the Russians for European manufactures. Gold-dust is also

occasionally obtained from the same merchants; the quantity

however of those metals procured at Kiachta is so

inconsiderable, as scarcely to deserve mention. The whole sum

imported to Kiachta, in 1777, amounted to only 18,215

roubles.]

[Footnote 105: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 135.]

[Sidenote: Russian Exports.] The principal commodities which Russia

exports to China are as follow:

FURS and PELTRY.

It would be uninteresting to enumerate all the furs and skins[106]

brought for sale to Kiachta, which form the most important article of

exportation on the side of the Russians. The most valuable of these furs

are the skins of sea-otters, beavers, foxes, wolves, bears, Bucharian

lambs, Astracan sheep, martens, sables, ermines, grey-squirrels.

[Footnote 106: The list of all the furs and skins brought to

Kiachta, with their several prices, is to be found in Pallas

Reise, Part III. p. 136 to p. 142. See hereafter, p. 242.]

The greatest part of these furs and skins are drawn from Siberia and the

New Discovered Islands: this supply however is not alone fully adequate

to the demand of the market at Kiachta. Foreign furs are therefore

imported to St. Petersburg, and from thence sent to the frontiers.

England alone furnishes a large quantity of beaver and other skins,

which she draws from Hudson's Bay and Canada.[107]

[Footnote 107: List of furs sent from England to Petersburg

in the following years:

Beaver-skins. Otter-skins.

1775, | 46460 | 7143

1776, | 27700 | 12086

1777, | 27316 | 10703

The finest Hudson's beavers have been sold

upon an average at Petersburg from 70 to 90 roubles per

10 skins.

Inferior ditto and best Canada beavers from 50 -- 75

Young or cub-beavers from 20 -- 35

Best otter-skins from 90 -- 100

Inferior ones from 60 -- 80

The qualities of these skins being very different occasion

great variations in the prices.

At Kiachta, the best Hudson's Bay beaver

fetches from 7 to 20 roubles per skin.

Otters' ditto 6 -- 35

Black foxes skins from Canada are also sometimes sent from

England to Petersburg.

At Kiachta they fetch from 1 to 100 roubles per skin.]

CLOTH.

Cloth forms the second article of exportation which Russia exports to

China.

The coarse sort is manufactured in Russia; the finer sort is foreign,

chiefly English, Prussian, and French.

An arshire of foreign cloth fetches, according to its

fineness, from 2 to 4 roubles.

Camlets.

Calimancoes.

Druggets.

White flannels, both Russian and foreign.

The remaining articles are,

Rich stuffs.

Velvets.

Coarse linen, chiefly manufactured in Russia.

Russia leather.

Tanned hides.

Glass ware and looking glasses.

Hardware, namely, knives, scissars, locks, &c.

Tin.

Russian talk.

Cattle, chiefly camels, horses, and horned cattle.

The Chinese also pay very dear for hounds, greyhounds, barbets, and dogs

for hunting wild boars.

Provisions[108].

[Footnote 108: In the year 1772, the Chinese purchased meat

at Kiachta, at the following prices:

A pound of beef 3-2/3 copecs.

lamb 2-1/2

Horse flesh for the Tartars 1/2.

Pallas Reise, P. III. p.]

Meal.--The Chinese no longer import such large quantities of meal as

formerly, since they have employed the Mongols to cultivate the lands

lying near the river Orchon[109], &c. &c.

[Footnote 109: S. R. G. III. p. 495-571. Pallas Reise, P.

III. p. 136-144.]

[Sidenote: Imports.] List of the most valuable commodities procured from

China.

RAW AND MANUFACTURED SILK.

The exportation of raw silk is prohibited in China under pain of death:

large quantities however are smuggled every year into Kiachta, but not

sufficient to answer the demands of the Russian merchants.

A pood of the best sort is estimated at 150 roubles;

of the worst sort at 75

The manufactured silks are of various sorts, fashions, and prices, viz.

sattins, taffaties, damasks, and gauzes, scanes of silk died of all

colours, ribbands, &c. &c.

RAW AND MANUFACTURED COTTON.

Raw cotton is imported in very large quantities; a great part of this

commodity is employed in packing up the china ware, and by these means

is conveyed into the inland part of Russia without any additional

expence of carriage.

A pood sells for--from 4 roubles, 80 cop. to 12.

Of the manufactured cotton, that which the Russians call Kitaika, and

the English Nankeen, has the most rapid sale. It is the most durable,

and, in proportion to its goodness, the cheapest of all the Chinese

stuffs; it is stained red, brown, green, and black.

TEAS.

The teas which are brought into Russia are much superior in flavour and

quality to those which are sent to Europe from Canton. The original

goodness of the teas is probably the same in both cases; but it is

conjectured, that the transport by sea considerably impairs the aromatic

flavour of the plant. This commodity, now become so favourite an object

of European luxury, is esteemed by the Russian merchants the most

profitable article of importation.

At Kiachta a pound of the best tea[110] is estimated at 2 roubles.

Common ditto at 1

Inferior at 40 copecs.

[Footnote 110: At Petersburg a pound of the best green tea

fetches 3 roubles.]

PORCELAIN OF ALL SORTS.

For some years past the Chinese have brought to Kiachta parcels of

porcelain, painted with European figures, with copies of several

favourite prints and images of the Grecian and Roman deities.

Furniture, particularly Japan cabinets and cases, lackered and varnished

tables and chairs, boxes inlaid with mother-of-pearl, &c. &c.

Fans, toys, and other small wares.

Artificial flowers.

Tiger and Panther skins.

Rubies[111], but neither in large quantities nor of great value.

White lead, vermilion, and other colours.

Canes.

Tobacco.

Rice.

Sugar Candy.

Preserved ginger, and other sweetmeats.

Rhubarb[112].

Musk.

[Footnote 111: Rubies are generally procured by smuggling;

and by the same means pearls are occasionally disposed of to

the Chinese, at a very dear rate. Pearls are much sought for

by the Chinese; and might be made a very profitable article.]

[Footnote 112: See Appendix II.]

It is very difficult to procure the genuine Thibet musk, because the

Chinese purchase a bad sort, which comes from Siberia, with which they

adulterate that which is brought from Thibet[113].

[Footnote 113: S. R. G. III. p. 572-592. Pallas Reise, p.

III. p. 144-153.]

[Sidenote: Advantages of this Trade to Russia.] Russia draws great

advantages from the Chinese trade. By this traffic, its natural

productions, and particularly its furs and skins, are disposed of in a

very profitable manner. Many of these furs procured from the most

Easterly parts of Siberia, are of such little value that they would not

answer the expence of carriage into Russia; while the richer furs, which

are sold to the Chinese at a very high price, would, on account of their

dearness, seldom meet with purchasers in the Russian dominions. In

exchange for these commodities the Russians receive from China several

valuable articles of commerce, which they would otherwise be obliged to

buy at a much dearer rate from the European powers, to the great

disadvantage of the balance of their trade.

I have before observed, that formerly the exportation and importation of

the most valuable goods were prohibited to individuals; at present only

the following articles are prohibited. Among the exports, fire-arms and

artillery; gunpowder and ball; gold and silver, coined and uncoined,

stallions and mares; skins of deer, reindeer, elks, and horses; beaver's

hair, potash, rosin, thread, and [114]tinsel-lace: among the imports,

salt, brandy, poisons, copper-money, and rhubarb.

[Footnote 114: Tinsel lace is smuggled to the Chinese, with

considerable profit; for they pay nearly as much for it as if

it was solid silver.

S. R. G. III. p. 588.]

The duties paid by the Russian-merchants are very

considerable; great part of the merchandise is taxed at 25 per cent.

Furs, cattle, and provisions, pay a duty of 23.

Russian manufactures 18.

One per cent. is also deducted from the price of all goods for the

expence of deepening the river Selenga; and 7 per cent for the support

of the custom-house.

Some articles, both of export and import, pay no duty. The exported are,

writing, royal, and post paper, Russia cloth of all sorts and colours,

excepting peasants cloth. The imported are, satins, raw and stained

cottons, porcelain, earthen-ware, glass corals, beads, fans, all musical

instruments, furniture, lackered and enamelled ornaments, needles,

white-lead, rice, preserved ginger, and other sweet-meats[115].

[Footnote 115: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 154.]

The importance of this trade will appear from the following table.

[Sidenote: Table of exportation and importation.] Table of exportation

and importation at Kiachta, in the year 1777.

Rbles. Cop.

Custom-house duties, 481,460. 59-1/2.

Importation of Chinese goods, to the value of 1,466,497. 3-3/4.

Of gold and silver 11,215.

-----------------------

Total of Importation 1,484,712. 3-3/4.

-----------------------

Exportation of Russian commodities 1,313,621. 35.

From this table it appears, that the total

sum of export and import amounts to 2,868,333.

In this calculation however the contraband trade is not included, which

is very large; and as the year 1777 was not so favourable to this

traffic as the preceding ones[116], we may venture to estimate the

gross amount of the average trade to China at near 4,000,000 Roubles.

[Footnote 116: In the year 1770, 1771, 1772, the custom-house

duties at Kiachta (according to Mr. Pallas, P. III. p. 154.)

produced 550,000 roubles. By taking therefore the medium

between that sum and 481,460, the amount of the duties in

1777, the average sum of the duties will be 515,730; and, as

the duties in 1777 make nearly a sixth of the whole sum of

exportation and importation, by multiplying 515,730 by 6, we

have the gross amount of the average exports and imports at

3,094,380. But as several goods pay no duty, and as the

contraband trade according to the lowest valuation is

estimated at the fifth part of the exports and imports; the

gross amount of the average trade to China may be fairly

computed at near 4,000,000, the sum stated above.]

CHAP. V.

Description of Zuruchaitu--and its trade--Transport of the merchandise

through Siberia.

The general account of the Russian commerce to China has been given in

the preceding chapter, because almost the whole traffic is confined to

Kiachta. The description of Zuruchaitu, which was also fixed by the

treaty of Kiachta for the purpose of carrying on the same trade, will be

comprised of course in a narrow compass.

[Sidenote: Description of Zuruchaitu.] Zuruchaitu is situated in 137°

longitude, and 49°. 20´ N. latitude, upon the Western branch of the

river Argoon, at a small distance from its source. It is provided with a

small garrison, and a few wretched barracks surrounded with chevaux de

frise. No merchants are settled at this place; they come every summer

from Nershinsk, and other Russian towns in order to meet two parties of

Mongol troops: these troops are sent from the Chinese towns Naun and

Merghen, and arrive at the frontiers about July. They encamp near

Zuruchaitu upon the other side of the river Argoon, and barter with the

Siberian merchants a few Chinese commodities, which they bring with

them.

[Sidenote: Commerce.] Formerly the commerce carried on at Zuruchaitu was

more considerable; but at present it is so trifling, that it hardly

deserves to be mentioned. These Mongols furnish the district of

Nershinsk with bad tea and tobacco, bad silks, and some tolerable

cottons. They receive in return ordinary furs, cloth, cattle, and

Russian leather. This trade lasts about a month or six weeks, and the

annual duties of the customs amount upon an average to no more than 500

roubles. About the middle of August the Mongols retire; part proceed

immediately to China, and the others descend the stream of the Amoor as

far as its mouth, in order to observe if there has been no usurpation

upon the limits. At the same time the Russian merchants return to

Nershinsk, and, were it not for the small garrison, Zuruchaitu would

remain uninhabited[117].

[Footnote 117: S. R. G. III. p. 465. Pallas Reise, P. III. p.

428.]

[Sidenote: Transport of the Russian and Chinese Commodities through

Siberia.] The Russian commodities are transported by land from

Petersburg and Moscow to Tobolsk. From thence the merchants may embark

upon the Irtish down to its junction with the Oby; then they either tow

up their boats, or sail up the last mentioned river as far as Marym,

where they enter the Ket, which they ascend to Makoffskoi Ostrog. At

that place the merchandize is carried about ninety versts by land to the

Yenisei. The merchants then ascend that river, the Tunguska, and Angara,

to Irkutsk, cross the lake Baikal, and go up the river Selenga almost to

Kiachta.

It is a work of such difficulty to ascend the streams of so many rapid

rivers, that this navigation Eastwards can hardly be finished in one

summer[118]; for which reason the merchants commonly prefer the way by

land. Their general rendezvous is the fair of Irbit near Tobolsk; from

thence they go in sledges during winter to Kiachta where they arrive

about February, the season in which the chief commerce is carried on

with the Chinese. They buy in their route all the furs they find in the

small towns, where they are brought from the adjacent countries. When

the merchants return in spring with the Chinese goods, which are of

greater bulk and weight than the Russian commodities, they proceed by

water; they then descend the streams of most of the rivers, namely, the

Selenga, Angara, Tunguska, Ket, and Oby to its junction with the Irtish;

they ascend that river to Tobolsk, and continue by land to Moscow and

Petersburg.

[Footnote 118: Some of these rivers are only navigable in

spring when the snow water is melting; in winter the rivers

are in general frozen.]

[Sidenote: Transport of the Furs from Kamtchatka to Kiachta.] Before the

passage from Ochotsk to Bolcheresk was discovered in 1716, the only

communication between Kamtchatka and Siberia was by land; the road lay

by Anadirsk to Yakutsk. The furs[119] of Kamtchatka and of the Eastern

isles are now conveyed from that peninsula by water to Ochotsk; from

thence to Yakutsk by land on horse-back, or by rein-deer: the roads are

so very bad, lying either through a rugged mountainous country, or

through marshy forests, that the journey lasts at least six weeks.

Yakutsk is situated upon the Lena, and is the principal town, where the

choicest furs are brought in their way to Kiachta, as well from

Kamtchatka as from the Northern parts of Siberia, which lay upon the

rivers Lena, Yana, and Endigirka. At Yakutsk the goods are embarked upon

the Lena, towed up the stream of that river as far as Vercholensk, or

still farther to Katsheg; from thence they are transported over a short

tract of land to the rivulet Buguldeika, down that stream to the lake

Baikal, across that lake to the mouth of the Selenga, and up that river

to the neighbourhood of Kiachta.

[Footnote 119: The furs, which are generally landed upon the

Eastern coast of Kamtchatka, are either sent by sea to

Bolchoresk, or are transported across the Peninsula in

sledges drawn by dogs. The latter conveyance is only used in

winter: it is the usual mode of travelling in that country.

In summer there is no conveyance, as the Peninsula contains

neither oxen, horses, or rein-deer. S. R. G. III. p. 478.]

In order to give the reader some notion of that vast tract of country,

over which the merchandize is frequently transported by land carriage, a

list of the distances is here subjoined.

From Petersburg to Moscow 734 versts.

Moscow to Tobolsk 2385

Tobolsk to Irkutsk 2918

Irkutsk to Kiachta 471

6508

From Irbit to Tobolsk 420

From Irkutsk to Nershinsk 1129

Nershinsk to Zuruchaitu 370

From Ochotsk to Yakutsk 927

Yakutsk to Irkutsk 2433

From Selenginsk to Zuruchaitu 850

Zuruchaitu to Pekin 1588

Kiachta to Pekin 1532

The Chinese transport their goods to Kiachta chiefly upon camels. It is

four or five days journey from Pekin to the wall of China, and forty-six

from thence across the Mongol desert to Kiachta[120].

[Footnote 120: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 134.]